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Published Time: 2021-10-10T10:22:21+00:00
A 19th century African philosopher: the biography and philosophical writings of Abd Al-Qadir Ibn Al-Mustafa (Dan Tafa)
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A 19th century African philosopher: the biography and philosophical writings of Abd Al-Qadir Ibn Al-Mustafa (Dan Tafa)
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### including the three philosophical works attributed to him
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Oct 10, 2021
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**On Philosophy in Africa**
Philosophy is simply defined as "the love of wisdom" and like all regions, Africa has been (and still is) home to various intellectual traditions and discourses of philosophy. Following Africa's “triple heritage”; some of these philosophical traditions were autochthonous, others were a hybrid of Islamic/Christian and African philosophies and the rest are Europhone philosophies[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-1-42388787)
While the majority of African philosophical traditions from the first category (such as Ifa) were not transcribed into writing before the modern era, the second category of African philosophical traditions (such as Ethiopian philosophy and Sokoto philosophy) were preserved in both written and oral form, and among the written African Philosophies, the most notable works are of the 17th century Ethiopian philosopher Zera Yacob, eg the '_Hatata_'[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-2-42388787)and the works of Sokoto philosopher Abd Al-Qādir Ibn Al-Mustafa (Dan Tafa) the latter of whom is the subject of this article
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**Biography of Dan Tafa: west Africa during the Age of revolution**
West Africa at the time of Dan Tafa birth was in the midst of a political revolution led by highly learned groups of scholars that overthrew the older established military and religious elites, leading to the foundation of the empires of Sokoto in 1806 led by Uthman dan Fodio and the empire of Hamdallayi in 1818 led by Amhad Lobbo, among other similar states.
_**Birth and Education**_
Dan Tafa was born in 1804, during the migration of Uthman Dan Fodio's followers which preceded the establishment of the Sokoto empire, he was born to Mallam Tafa and Khadija, both of whom were scholars in their own right. Mallam Tafa was the advisor, librarian and the 'leader of the scribes' (_kuutab_) in Uthman's _Fodiyawa_ clan (an extended family of scholars that was central in the formation of the Sokoto empire) and he later became the secretary (_kaatib_) of the Sokoto empire after having achieved high education in Islamic sciences, he also established a school in Salame ( a town north of Sokoto; the eponymously named capital city of the empire, which is now in northern Nigeria) where he settled, the school was later run by his son Dan Tafa.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-3-42388787) Khadija was also a highly educated scholar, she wrote more than six works[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-4-42388787) in her Fulfulde language on a wide of subjects including eschatology and was the chief teacher of women in the _Fodiyawa_ her most notable student being Nana Asmau; the celebrated 19th century poetess and historian[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-5-42388787)
**Dan Tafa’s Studies**
Dan Tafa studied and wrote about a wide range of disciplines as he wrote in his _‘Shukr al-Wahib fi-ma Khassana min al-'ulum’_ (Showing Gratitude to the Benefactor for the Divine Overflowing Given to Those He Favors) in which he divides his studies into 6 sections, listing the sciences which he mastered such as the natural sciences that included; medicine (_tibb_), physiognomy (_hai'at_), arithmetic (_hisaab_), and astronomy (_hikmat 'l-nujuum_), the sciences of linguistics (_lughat_), verbal conjugation (_tasrif_), grammar (_nahwa_), rhetoric (_bayaan_), and various esoteric and gnostic sciences the list of which continues,[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-6-42388787) plus the science of Sufism (_tasawwuf_). It was in the latter discipline that he was introduced to Falsafa (philosophy) under his main tutor Muhammad Sanbu (his maternal uncle), about who he writes:
_**"As for Shaykh Muḥammad Sanbu, I took from him the path of Taṣawwuf, and transmitted from him some of the books of the Folk (the Sufis) as well as their wisdom, after he had taken this from his father, Shaykh ‘Uthmān; like the Ḥikam (of Ibn ‘Aṭā’ Allāh al-Iskandarī), and the Insān al-Kāmil (of ‘Abd al-Karīm al-Jīlī), and others as well as the states of the spiritual path."**_[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-7-42388787)
In summary, "Dan Tafa was raised in the extraordinary milieu of the founding and early years of the Sokoto Caliphate exposed to virtually all of the Islamic sciences transmitted in West Africa at the time, from medicine, mathematics, astronomy, geography, and history, jurisprudence, to logic, philosophy, Sufism".
_Folio from the ‘Shukr al-Wahib fi-ma Khassana min al-'ulum’ from a private collection in Maiurno, Sudan_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!PkJB!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2cd286c4-370e-49ae-addc-9664723e7156_452x593.png)
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**Dan Tafa’s writings**
Dan Tafa wrote on a wide range of subjects and at least 72 of his works are listed in John Hunwick's “_Arabic Literature of Africa vol.2_” catalogue (from pgs 222-230) .His most notable works are on history, for which he is best remembered, especially the‘_Rawdat al-afkar_’ (The Sweet Meadows of Contemplation) written in 1824 and the ‘_Mawsufat al-sudan_’ (Description of the black lands) written in 1864; both of which include a fairly detailed account on the history of west Africa, he also wrote works on geography such as the‘_Qataif al-jinan’_ (The Fruits of the Heart in Reflection about the Sudanese Earth (world)"[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-8-42388787) which included a very detailed account of the topography, states, history and culture of west Africa and the Maghreb, and even more notably, he wrote _‘Jawāb min 'Abd al-Qādir al-Turudi ilā Nūh b. al-Tâhir’_ (Abd al-Qādir al-Turūdī's response to Nüh b. alTāhir); a meticulous refutation of the _Risāla_ of Nuh Al-Tahir, in which the latter, who is described as "the doppelgänger of Dan Tafa in the Ḥamdallāhi empire", was trying to legitimize the status of Ḥamdallāhi’s ruler Ahmad Lobbo, as the prophesied "12th caliph" by heavily altering the _Tārīkh al-fattāsh_; a famous 17th century Timbuktu chronicle on west African history[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-9-42388787).
Dan Tafa had thus established himself as the most prominent and prolific writer and thinker of Sokoto such that by the time of German explorer Heinrich Barth's visit to Sokoto in 1853, Dan Tafa was considered by his peers and Barth as:
"the most learned of the present generations of the inhabitants of Sokoto… The man was Abde Kader dan Tafa …on whose stores of knowledge I drew eagerly"[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-10-42388787)
_Folio in the ‘Rawdat al-afkar’, from a private collection in Maiurno, Sudan_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ylvO!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F023b7073-56e6-41b9-9449-489ab3c7f8f1_485x623.png)
_Folio in the ‘Mawsufat al-sudan’, from a private collection in Maiurno, Sudan_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!V-Kr!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa7b4ee12-69a0-4863-8a23-8dcbe10a418c_547x775.png)
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**The Philosophical writings of Dan Tafa**
Above all else, it was his writings on philosophy that set him apart from the rest of his peers; in 1828 he wrote first philosophical work titled '_Al-Futuhat al-rabbaniyya_' (The divine Unveilings) described by historian Muhammad Kani as: "a critical evaluation of the materialists, naturalists and physicists' perception of life … matters relating to the transient nature of the world, existence or non-existence of the spirit, and the nature of celestial spheres, are critically examined in the work"[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-11-42388787)
He followed this up with another philosophical work titled '_Kulliyāt al-‘ālam al-sitta_' ('The Sixth World Faculty) that is described by professor Oludamini as: "a brief but dense philosophical poem about the origins, development, resurrection, and end of the body, soul, and spirit, as well as a discussion of _hyle_ (prime matter)"[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-12-42388787) and later in his life, he wrote the'_Uhud wa-mawāthiq_ (Covenants and Treaties) in 1855. which is a short treatise written in a series of 17 oaths taken by the author, its described by Muhammad Kani as: "an apologia to his critics among the orthodox scholars who viewed philosophy with skepticism"[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-13-42388787).
According to Muhammad Kani and John Hunwick, these three works fit squarely within the genre called Falsafa ie; Islamic philosophy. Falsafa isn't to be understood as a philosophy directly coming out of Islam but rather one that was built upon centuries of various philosophical traditions including Greek, Roman, Persian philosophy[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-14-42388787) and Quranic traditions. Practitioners of Falsafa include the famed Islamic golden age philosophers such as Ibn sina (d. 1037AD), Ibn Arabi (d. 1240AD) and Athīr al-dīn Abharī(d. 1265AD) ; especially the latter two, whose work is echoed in Dan Tafa's "sixth world faculty". Dan Tafa's general philosophy can be read mostly from his two of his works ie; his last work; "covenants and treaties" which was written both in defense of philosophy and religion but also outlines his personal philosophies and ethics. and his second work; “On the sixth world faculty”.
_folio from ‘Uhud wa-mawāthiq’ (covenants and treaties) from a private collection in Maiurno, Sudan_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!2dp6!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5db2f650-ab91-401f-8706-9f865b56d7c9_490x643.png)
**1: On "covenants and treaties” : philosophy's place in the wider Muslim world and Sokoto in particular**
In the few centuries after establishing the "house of wisdom" in which Arabic translations of classical philosophical texts were stored, read and interpreted, Muslim political and religious authorities were faced with a dilemma of how to welcome the 'pagan' intellectual traditions of these texts into the ‘_ulum uid-dın’_ ( ‘‘sciences of the religion’’) where Islamic wisdom was meant to be sought and realized[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-15-42388787), a dilemma they seem to have resolved by the 12th century when Falsafa was integrated with the disciplines of theology (_Kalam)_ and Sufism (_Tasawwuf_) but the disputes and tension regarding the permissiveness of a number of 'sciences' meant that philosophy wasn't always part of the curriculum of schools both in the Islamic heartlands and in west Africa; which made the method of learning it almost as exclusive as that of the "esoteric" sciences that Dan Tafa asserted that he learned, this "exclusive" method of tutoring philosophy students was apparently the standard method of learning the discipline in Sokoto and it was likely how his uncle Muḥammad Sanbu taught it to him, even though Dan Tafa implied In his oaths that he had been teaching it to his students at his school in Salame.
The integration of philosophy and theology in Islam however, was in contrast to western Europe where philosophy and theology drifted apart during the same period[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-16-42388787) although there were exceptions to this rule, as even the enlightenment-era philosophers included "defenders of Christianity/religion" such as German philosopher Friedrich Hegel; a contemporary of Dan Tafa.
It is within this context of the tension surrounding the permissiveness of philosophy that Dan Tafa wrote his apologia. In it, he unequivocally states his adherence to his faith while also lauding the necessity of reason; for example in his **1st oath**, seemingly in direct response to his critics who likely charged him with choosing rational proofs as his new doctrine, he explains that:
_**"The evidences of reason are limited to establishing the existence of an incomprehensible deity and that Its attributes are such and such. But the evidences of reason cannot fathom in any way Its essential reality"**_
therefore he says:
_**"I have taken an oath of covenant to construct my doctrine of belief upon the verses of the Qur’an and not upon evidences of reason or the theories of scholastic theology"**_[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-17-42388787)
He then “moderates” the above oath, writing in the **2nd oath** that:
_**"I have taken an oath and covenant to closely reflect upon the established precepts and researched theories regarding the majority of existing things and upon what emerges from the influences which some parts of existence have upon others. I have not disregarded the benefits and blessings which are in these precepts. Further, I have refrained from being like the mentally shallow who say that created existence has no effective influence, whatsoever. In holding this position, I remain completely acquainted with the fundamental Divine realities from which all things have emerged."**_[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-18-42388787)
The **1st oath** was likely influenced by Uthman Fodio defense of _taqlīd_, while his argument that rational proofs alone can't reveal the existence of God was similar to the one stated by Ibn Arabi (d. 1240) in which the latter writes "If we had remained with our rational proofs – which, in the opinion of the rational thinkers, establish knowledge of God’s essence, showing that “He is not like this” and “not like that” – no created thing would ever have loved God. But the tongues of the religions gave a divine report saying that “He is like this” and “He is like that”, mentioning affairs which outwardly contradict rational proofs". And the **2nd oath**, while not contradicting the first, leaves plenty of room for Dan Tafa to consider "researched theories" on the things in nature without disregarding the befits in their principles
He continues with this moderation in the **3rd oath** by implying that there is no contradiction between the proofs of reason and the authority of the Qu'ran, writing that:
_**"I have taken an oath and covenant to weigh and measure all that I possess of comprehension with the verses of the Qur’an and the traditions of the Prophet …Whoever doubts this, then let him try me"**_
in this oath, Dan Tafa defends his knowledge and use of philosophy stating that he weighs it with his faith and is steadfast in both, so much that he invites anyone among his peers to an intellectual debate if they wish to challenge him on both. This oath is also related to the **9th oath** in which he writes:
_**"I have taken an oath and covenant to closely consider the established principles which underline worldly customs. For, these principles are an impregnable mainstay in knowing the descent of worldly affairs, because these affairs descend in accordance with these principles"**_
the worldly customs here being a reference to practices that are outside the Islamic law which aren't concerned with worship eg the study of philosophy and esoteric sciences which are the subject of this work.
Dan Tafa also takes care not to offer the above intellectual debate (of the **3rd oath**) on account of his own pride (…"let him try me") but rather in good faith, as he also writes in his**4th oath:**
_**"I have taken an oath and covenant that I will not face off or contend with anyone in a way in which that person may dislike; even when the bad character of the individual requires me to. For, contending with others in ways that are reprehensible is too repugnant and harmful to enumerate. This oath is extremely difficult to uphold, so may Allah assist us to fulfill it by means of His benevolence and kindness."**_
In this apologia, Dan Tafa however seemingly yields to his critics by promising to end his teaching of philosophy, leaving no doubt he was tutoring some of his students in Salame the discipline of Falsafa, as he writes in his **10th oath:**
_**"I have taken and oath and covenant not to invite anyone from the people to what I have learned from the philosophical (**falsafa**) and elemental sciences; even though I took these sciences in a sound manner, rejecting from that what is in these sciences of errors. Along with that, I will not teach these sciences to anyone in order that they may not be led astray; and errors will thus revert back to me"**_
this was the first explicit mention of _falsafa_ in these oaths but it was certainly the main subject of this apologia. In this oath, he promises to refrain from teaching philosophy to his students to prevent them from being led into error that would revert back to him, he nevertheless continues defending his education in philosophy writing that he took it "in a sound manner".
In his oaths he also includes ethical concerns that were guided by his personal philosophy for example in his **7th oath** he writes that":
_**"I have taken an oath and covenant to not compete with anyone in a right which that person has a greater right over than me. Rather, I will stop with the fundamental right which is mine until it is they who compete with me in my right. Then at that point, I will contend with them with the truth for the truth regardless if that right of mine is of a religious or worldly nature. Realize that the prerequisites for reclaiming and demanding one’s rights is well known with the masters of the art of disposal"**_
The above oath could be seen in practice when a promise made to Dan Tafa's by the Sokoto ruler Ali Ibn Bello (r. 1842 to 1859) to make Dan Tafa the _Wazir_, was instead passed on to another, but Dan Tafa continued advising Ali Ibn Bello despite the latter breaking his promise to give him the _Wazir_ office which he, more than anyone else, was fully qualified for, and all this happened in 1859, after he had written this work[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-19-42388787)
And in his **8th oath** he writes:
_**"I have taken an oath and covenant not to take two distinct causative factors or more in seeking after my worldly affairs. Rather, I will stop with a single cause and will not add any additional causative factors until the one I relied upon fails. Then I will change to another causative factor for earning wealth. This is mainly in order not to make things constricted for other Muslims in their causative factors"**_
This could also be seen in practice at the educational institution that Dan Tafa operated which continued to be his primary source of income, and from where he continued writing books, advising _Amirs_ and teaching his students. He also devised an exam to test the leaning standards of the Sokoto scholars that consisted of cunning historical and legal questions, many of his works contain critiques and recommendations on how various disciplines should be studied and taught[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-20-42388787)
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**2: “On the sixth world faculty”: the development of intellect and prime matter**
"oaths an covenants" is in part, a summary of his earlier philosophical works especially the one titled "on the sixth world faculty" in which he writes on the development of intellect:
_**"On the Development of the Intellect:**_
_**The development of intellects is by firm patience Its striving in actions …**_
_**It brings news of all matters, And seeks to clarify what is required and what is supererogatory for them**_
_**And it holds your soul back from its lusts, And eliminates aggression to prevent injuries"**_
He continues …
_**"On prime matter:**_
_**The [prime] matter is the fixed entities Before their attributes are qualified by existence**_
_**And the continuous rain (dīma) is like the soul, from it arises Warmth with coolness, and they spread**_
_**And so follows wetness and dryness And the rest of four basic elements Then appear the spheres and the planets Orbiting them, and likewise the fixed stars**_
_**The motions perpetually traverse the spheres Running with darkness and illuminating the kingdom (al-mulk)**_
_**Then from them appear the engendered beings [the kingdoms] Which are multiple and composite Like the mineral, plant, and animal [kingdoms]**_
_**They differ in their governing principle From**_ _**which they become hot and dry [fire], cold and wet [water] And the inverse of these concomitants occurs [hot and wet (air), cold and dry (earth)] In accordance with natural transformation At the places of land and sea**_
_**As for animals, their nature is different …**_ (continued)"[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-21-42388787)
The above excerpt is from the "sixth world faculty" as translated by Oludamini, who describes the who work as "characterized by a density and concision that seems to necessitate an oral commentary". Dan Tafa's philosophy on prime matter can also be analyzed through the Avicenna and Aristotelian philosophies of prime matter (Hylomorphism)
**Dan Tafa’s writings of Philosophical Sufism**
also included among his writings are those termed "Sufi philosophies", and they include works such as '_Nasab al-mawjūdāt_' (Origin of Existents) which describes the origin of each existent thing in terms of its essence, its attributes, its governing principle (_nāmūs_), and its nature. And another work titled '_Muqaddima fī’l-‘ilm al-marā‘ī wa ta‘bīr_' which is an introduction to the science of dreams and their interpretation from the perspective of both natural philosophy and philosophical Sufism, and other works like the '_Muqaddima fī’l-‘ilm al-marā‘ī wa ta‘bīr_', '_Naẓm al-qawānīn al-wujūd_', etc.
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**The rest of Dan Tafa’s works**
Unfortunately, in 1898, during France’s African colonial wars, the Voulet–Chanoine military expedition (which was a very notorious and scandalous campaign even for the time), the French soldiers, who were passing through northern Sokoto, “burning and sacking as they went”, also invaded and burned Salame to the ground[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-22-42388787), "and took away with them valuable books"[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-23-42388787) what survived of Dan Tafa’s large library and school were these 72 works, 44 of which are in the private collection of his son; Shakyh Bello ibn Abd’r-Raazqid, which is currently in Maiurno, Sudan[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-24-42388787)
_Folio from ‘Nasab al-mawjūdāt’, from a private collection in Maiurno, Sudan_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!E76W!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F45e989e7-37d4-4036-9217-167a3b2f264e_449x606.png)
**Conclusion**
As the works of Dan Tafa demonstrate, Sokoto was home to a robust system of education during west Africa's intellectual zenith that included a vibrant tradition of Falsafa (philosophy) and various sciences, this tradition was similar to that in contemporaneous centers of learning in the Muslim world. While it's unclear to whom these philosophical works were addressed, the nature of his writing suggests they were addressed to his peers rather than his students although the need for oral commentary leaves open the possibility that he taught these works in his school. Dan Tafa's apparent exceptionalism among the surviving west African philosophical writings is mostly a result of the neglect of west African literary traditions rather than an evidence of absence; for example, Dan Tafa was taught everything he knew while in Sokoto which was unlike many of his west African peers who travelled widely while studying and teaching and some went even further, eg Salih Abdallah al-Fullani from guinea whose work is known as far as Syria and India[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-25-42388787) added to this, Dan Tafa's works were only known in his region (northern Nigeria) unlike peers such as Nuh Al Tahir whose works were known in nigeria, Mali, Mauritania and the Senegambia.
Yet despite this, the wealth and depth of Dan Tafa's philosophical writings attest to the existence of a vigorous tradition of philosophy studies and discourses in west Africa including those that were transcribed into writing.
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-anchor-1-42388787)
Deep knowledge: Ways of Knowing in Sufism and Ifa, Two West African Intellectual Traditions, by Oludamini Ogunnaike, pgs 10-18
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-anchor-2-42388787)
Ethiopian philosophy vol3, by claude sumner
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-anchor-3-42388787)
The Life of Shaykh Dan Tafa by Muhammad Shareef, pg 28
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-anchor-4-42388787)
Arabic Literature of Africa: The writings of central Sudanic Africa Vol.2, by John Hunwick, pg 161
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-anchor-5-42388787)
John Hunwick, pg 162
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-anchor-6-42388787)
Muhammad Shareef pg 31
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-anchor-7-42388787)
Philosophical Sufism in the Sokoto Caliphate: The Case of Shaykh Dan Tafa by Oludamini Ogunnaike, pg 141, in ‘Islamic Scholarship in Africa: New Directions and Global Contexts’
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-anchor-8-42388787)
A Geography of Jihad. Jihadist Concepts of Space and Sokoto Warfare by Stephanie Zehnle pg 85-101
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-anchor-9-42388787)
the Tārīkh al-fattāsh at work; A Sokoto Answer to Ḥamdallāhi's Claims, pg 218-222 in Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-anchor-10-42388787)
Henrich Barth, travels vol iv, pg 101
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-anchor-11-42388787)
John Hunwick, pg 222
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-anchor-12-42388787)
Philosophical Sufism by Oludamini Ogunnaike pg 152
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-anchor-13-42388787)
John Hunwick pg 230.
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-anchor-14-42388787)
Precolonial African Philosophy in Arabic by Souleymane Diagne, pg 67 of “A Companion to African Philosophy”
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-anchor-15-42388787)
Souleymane Diagne, pg 68
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-anchor-16-42388787)
Deep knowledge by Oludamini Ogunnaike, pg 6
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-anchor-17-42388787)
Philosophical Sufism by Oludamini Ogunnaike pg 150
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-anchor-18-42388787)
muhammad shareef's translation
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-anchor-19-42388787)
The Life of Shaykh Dan Tafa by Muhammad Shareef pg 46
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-anchor-20-42388787)
Muhammad Shareef pg 46
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-anchor-21-42388787)
philsophical sufism by Oludamini Ogunnaike pg 168)
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-anchor-22-42388787)
The sokoto caliphate by murray last pg 140)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-anchor-23-42388787)
Literature, History and Identity in Northern Nigeria by Tsiga, et al. pg 26
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-anchor-24-42388787)
The Life of Shaykh Dan Tafa by Muhammad Shareef pg 50
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher#footnote-anchor-25-42388787)
Arabic Literature of Africa: Writings of Western Sudanic Africa vol4 by John Hunwick pg 504-5
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Published Time: 2025-12-21T18:40:22+00:00
A brief history of Christianity in Africa's Religious Traditions
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A brief history of Christianity in Africa's Religious Traditions
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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Christianity was present in Africa long before the imposition of colonial rule; however, it remained only one of several religious traditions, and despite centuries of sustained contact with Christian societies, its influence across the continent was relatively limited.
With the exception of Northern Africa, where the changes in religious affiliation were influenced by shifts in the political landscape of the Mediterranean world, most of the African continent remained under local authority. Consequently, the spread and adaptation of religious traditions were largely shaped by local rather than external actors.
Recent scholarship on African traditional belief systems has highlighted the scale, complexity, and antiquity of their cosmologies, ritual practices, and central deities.
The **[rainbow-serpent deities of West Africa](https://www.patreon.com/posts/dan-and-dangbe-121284939)** and the Atlantic world, which were first documented at Ouidah (Benin) in the 17th century but likely originated in the Middle Ages, were spread by local priests across multiple kingdoms and venerated in a variety of modest temples.
In the Meroitic kingdom of Kush, religious life included the worship of the deity Isis, for whom several temples were constructed across the Nile valley. These institutions were maintained by a dedicated priestly class that played a central role in disseminating the cult of the “Mother of God” **[throughout the Roman world](https://www.patreon.com/posts/118446319)**.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!3a9D!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc4539da5-e230-4958-9f10-69d627446d8b_600x420.png)
_**'Festa in onore del dio serpente' (Festival in honor of the God Snake)**_, Ouidah. 19th-century engraving by Giovanni Antonio
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!R8JL!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8b722fb5-ac63-4832-8135-5972e0a5afbe_568x503.png)
_**Amulet showing seated Isis suckling her son Horus**_. Nubian, Napatan period, 25th Dynasty, 7th century BC. Findspot: Meroe, Sudan. _**Amulet of Isis nursing the infant Horus,**_ Nubian, Meroitic Period. Findspot: Sudan, Meroe. Boston Museum.
Similarly, the adoption of Islam across broad swathes of the continent is attributed to the expansion of commercial diasporas, such as [the Jabarti](https://www.patreon.com/posts/intellectual-and-97830282) in the Horn of Africa, [The Swahili](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-intellectual-history-of-east) of the East African coast, and [the Wangara](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education) of West Africa.
Christianity also flourished in this diverse religious milieu from classical antiquity through the early modern period. While earlier scholarship on classical Christianity emphasized the conversion of ‘pagan’ monarchs, more recent studies have shown that the spread of the religion was not the result of singular, transformative events but rather occurred through the gradual process of inculturation.
Inculturation refers to the adoption of Christian teachings and practices in a particular cultural context. The concept has been widely applied in studies of Christianization, not only in the Roman world but also in other ancient societies, including the kingdoms of Aksum and Nubia.
The conventional narrative of the Christianization of Aksum centers on the conversion of King Ezana in 340 CE, traditionally attributed to two Syrian captives at his court who had arrived during the reign of his predecessor, Ousanas.
However, the historian David Phillipson has argued that the adoption of Christianity in Aksum was a gradual process, “presented to the king and his diverse subjects with skill and selectivity.” Documentary evidence attests to the presence of Christians in the capital before Ezana’s conversion, while the king’s own inscriptions, initially framed in polytheistic language, suggest a cautious and incremental embrace of the new faith.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-history-of-christianity-in#footnote-1-182221546)
Christianity was subsequently adopted by broader segments of the population and developed a distinctly Aksumite character, which was preserved and further elaborated from the Middle Ages through the modern period by the Tewahedo Church of Ethiopia and Eritrea.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!1HU4!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F78b211ad-fcdd-4e73-af76-c4bd2f5ca66a_1366x456.png)
_**The Garima Gospels**_, ca 330–650 and 530–660 CE. Tigray, Ethiopia. digitized by [the Hill Museum & Manuscript Library](https://www.vhmml.org/readingRoom/view/132897).
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ckR8!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb1a1400d-f1a4-4963-87fa-244328f81ad7_612x408.png)
_**The church of Yemrehanna Krestos, Ahmara, Ethiopia.**_
Similar to Aksum, conventional church histories attribute the foundation of Nubian Christianity to Byzantine ecclesiastical initiatives, specifically the dispatch of Melkite and Monophysite missionaries to Nubia (Sudan) by Emperor Justinian and Empress Theodora in the 6th century CE.
However, archaeological and documentary evidence suggest that Christianity was present in Nubia more than a century earlier. Rulers were interred with Christian objects, and at least one prince bore a Christian name, Mouses. According to Salim Faraji, the reign of the [Noubadian](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of?utm_source=publication-search) king Silko, whose victory inscription declares that “God gave me the victory,” laid the political and cultural foundations for the broader Christianization of Nubia.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-history-of-christianity-in#footnote-2-182221546)
For most of the Middle Ages, from the 6th to the 14th century, Christianity flourished in the three Nubian kingdoms of Nobadia, [Makuria](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and), and Alodia, where it developed a distinctly Nubian character. Cathedrals and monasteries adorned with elaborate paintings were constructed at Dongola, Soba, and Faras, and Nubian Christian communities persisted as late as the 16th century, long after the political collapse of the three kingdoms.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!hFz5!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F092b17a2-5a86-4d7e-94a4-cc21acbb1e50_839x555.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!BJ4S!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Faf6cd548-aa84-4def-b7bd-fa14cd72ba20_1331x1000.jpeg)
_**The medieval church of Bangnarti, Sudan.**_ image by B. Żurawski
In the southern half of the continent, historical research on early Christian communities has largely focused on [the Kingdom of Kongo](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-kongo-and-the-portuguese), where Christianity endured for nearly five centuries. This contrasts with other societies, such as those along the [Swahili coast](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-portuguese-and-the-swahili-from?utm_source=publication-search) (Kenya, Tanzania), [Mutapa (Zimbabwe)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-mutapa-and-the-portuguese), and [Ndongo](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese?utm_source=publication-search) (Angola), where the religion largely disappeared shortly after its introduction in the 16th century.
While earlier scholarship emphasized the practical and political motivations behind the rulers’ adoption of Christianity in Kongo, more recent studies have shown that its adoption as a popular religion was shaped by an ideological and iconographic synthesis between the pre-Christian belief systems of Kongo and 16th-century Catholic practices and traditions.
Once established, the Kongolese Church survived through the efforts of its rulers, laypeople, and ordinary subjects, who took the lead in shaping the religion according to their cultural context. According to Cécile Fromont, Kongo’s artwork _**“naturalized Christianity into a local discourse about the nature of the of the supernatural and the cycle of life and death and, in turn, transposed Kongo religious signs into visual expressions of Catholic thought.”**_[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-history-of-christianity-in#footnote-3-182221546)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!vkzn!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F648a1cfa-8b44-4cf9-81f8-d5ad63439db1_884x578.png)
_**Tombs of the Christian kings of Kongo.**_ Mbanza kongo, Angola.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ttnQ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3913f4e5-aa9d-48eb-8de8-36c39b2140bb_849x621.png)
_**Crucifix.**_ Kongo Kingdom 16th–17th century. Met Museum
The complexity of the adoption of Christianity in pre-colonial Africa is best illustrated by its early spread among the West African societies of the Upper Guinea (Senegal to Sierra Leone) and the Bight of Benin during the 16th century.
In these regions, local rulers and their subjects actively shaped a distinctly African form of Christianity. While they engaged with visiting priests and sent embassies to the Iberian kingdoms, the church was ultimately established and administered according to indigenous authority, reflecting a deliberate adaptation of Christian practices to local cultural, political, and social contexts.
These West African Christians harmonized existing beliefs and practices common to both West African and Catholic traditions, ensuring that the real institution of the church, both theologically and organizationally, remained under African control.
Once established, internal dynamics unique to each society determined whether the church was abandoned or continued to flourish. In some cases, these Christian polities endured for nearly four centuries after the religion’s initial introduction.
On 25th December, 1820, a visitor to the kingdom of Warri (S.W Nigeria) saw _**“at Christmas a great procession which went from the town to a small village carrying a crucifix and some other symbols of Christianity.”**_
This religious festival, observed in a society that had gone more than half a century without a visiting priest, offers a striking illustration of the persistence of Christian traditions in pre-colonial West African societies.
The history of Christianity in pre-colonial West Africa is the subject of my latest Patreon Article. Please subscribe to read about it here:
[EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN WEST AFRICA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/146362801)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!HdQJ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F07ac684e-e46a-4f38-8d6c-5e05760f948d_665x1180.png)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-history-of-christianity-in#footnote-anchor-1-182221546)
Foundations of an African Civilisation: Aksum and the Northern Horn, 1000 BC - AD 1300 By D. W. Phillipson. Church and State in Ethiopa 1270-1527 By Tamrat Tadesse
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-history-of-christianity-in#footnote-anchor-2-182221546)
The Roots of Nubian Christianity Uncovered [and] the Triumph of the Last Pharaoh Religious Encounters in Late Antique Africa By Salim Faraji
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-history-of-christianity-in#footnote-anchor-3-182221546)
The Art of Conversion Christian Visual Culture in the Kingdom of Kongo By Cécile Fromont
[](https://substack.com/profile/134503573-kachi)[](https://substack.com/profile/1133787-patrick-reilly)[](https://substack.com/profile/29353584-samoan62)[](https://substack.com/profile/103915083-dr-d-elisabeth-glassco)[](https://substack.com/profile/379754438-annette)
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[Dec 21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-history-of-christianity-in/comment/190312848 "Dec 21, 2025, 7:36 PM")
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Isaac Samuel is among the senior faculty at our homeschool. Only 2 students - one is 13, the other almost 80. Lifelong learning in action, pre-colonial West Africa a current multi-year focus. Thank you, Isaac Samuel.
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It's interesting to observe that the Christianity in Nubia has flourished by the same political motivation that Mohammed has started a monotheistic religion in Arabic Peninsula and then founded the Islan Religion and, on the other side of Red Sea, Abyssinian Empire has converted to Christianity too: the convention of Roman Empire in Christianity has show that this new spiritual paradigm has arrived and empowered the civilizations. The tragic of all this millennial history is that Ethiopia has became a powerful empire, but Nubians has declined and submitted to a vassall relationship with Meca. The Tragedy of Kongo is just a revival of this assimetric relationship between the colonizer's and the colonizer's cristianities. Thanks for the instigator text
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[There aren’t many Africans on the list of Nobel laureates, nor does research on African societies show up in the selection committees of Stockholm.](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why)
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[The city states of the Yoruba: a history of pre-colonial West African urbanism (1000-1900 CE)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-city-states-of-the-yoruba-a-history)
[At the close of the 19th century, the Yorùbá region of South-west Nigeria was one of the most urbanized places in Africa.](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-city-states-of-the-yoruba-a-history)
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Published Time: 2024-09-01T16:25:54+00:00
A brief history of Gold in Africa and the emporium of Sofala.
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A brief history of Gold in Africa and the emporium of Sofala.
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It was copper, not Gold, that was considered the most important metal in most African societies, according to an authoritative study by Eugenia Herbert. Employing archaeological evidence as well as historical documentation, Herbert concluded that copper had more intrinsic value than Gold and that the few exceptions reflected a borrowed system of values from the Muslim or Christian worlds.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-history-of-gold-in-africa#footnote-1-148365888)
However, more recent historical investigations into the relative values of Gold and Copper across different African societies undermine this broad generalization. While there's plenty of evidence that Copper and its alloys were indeed the most valued metal in many African societies, there has also been increasing evidence for the importance of Gold in several societies across the continent that cannot solely be attributed to external influence.
In ancient Nubia where some of the continent's oldest gold mines are found, Gold objects appear extensively in the archaeological record of the kingdoms of Kerma and Kush. Remains of workshops of goldsmiths at the capital of classic Kerma and Meroe, ruins of architectural features and statues covered in gold leaf, inscriptions about social ceremonies involving the use of gold dust and objects, as well as finds of gold jewelry across multiple sites along the Middle Nile, provide evidence that ancient Nubia wasn't just an exporter of Gold, but also a major consumer of the precious metal.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-history-of-gold-in-africa#footnote-2-148365888)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ond8!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5a98e751-c4a5-4204-8607-6b3c006c0258_1182x578.png)
_**Gold objects from ancient Nubia at the Boston Museum**_; Bronze dagger from Kerma with gilded hilt, 18th century. BC, Isis gold pectoral from Napata, 6th century BC, earrings and ear studs from Meroe, 1st century BC-3rd century CE.
In the Senegambia region of west Africa, where societies of [mobile herders constructed megaliths and tumuli graves dating back to the 2nd millennium BC](https://www.patreon.com/posts/unlocking-of-of-68055326), a trove of gold objects was included in the array of finery deposited to accompany their owners into the afterlife. The resplendent gold pectoral of Rao, dated to the 8th century CE is only the best known among the collection of gold objects from the Senegambia region that include gold chains and gold beads from the Wanar and Kael Tumulus, dated to the 6th century CE, which predate the Islamic period.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-history-of-gold-in-africa#footnote-3-148365888)
Equally significant is the better-known region of the Gold Coast in modern Ghana, where many societies, especially among the Akan-speaking groups, were renowned for gold mining and smithing. The rulers of the earliest states which emerged around the 13th century at Bono-Manso and later at Denkyira and Asante in the 17th and 18th centuries, placed significant value on gold, which was extracted from deep ancient mines, worked into their royal regalia, stored in the form of gold dust, and sold to the [Wangara merchants from Mali](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education).[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-history-of-gold-in-africa#footnote-4-148365888)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!fFE_!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5c426345-3ade-4bdc-a402-e497062dd9f4_1100x536.png)
_**Rao pectoral**_, 8th century CE, Senegal, Institut Fondamental d’Afrique Noire Cheikh Anta Diop._**Pendant dish, Asante kingdom**_, 19th century, Ghana, British Museum.
While Africa's gold exports increased during the Islamic era and the early modern period, the significance of these external contacts to Africa's internal demand for gold was limited to regions where there was pre-existing local demand.
For example, despite the numerous accounts of the golden caravans from Medieval Mali such as the over 12 tonnes of gold carried by Mansa Musa in 1324, no significant collection of gold objects has been recovered from the region (compared to the many bronze objects found across Mali’s old cities and towns). A rare exception is the 19th-century treasure of Umar Tal that was **stolen**by the French from Segou, which included 75kg of gold and over 160 tons of silver.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-history-of-gold-in-africa#footnote-5-148365888)
Compare this to the Gold Coast which exported about 1 tonne of gold annually[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-history-of-gold-in-africa#footnote-6-148365888), and where hundreds of gold objects were **stolen** by the British from the Asante capital Kumasi, during the campaigns of 1826, 1874, and 1896[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-history-of-gold-in-africa#footnote-7-148365888), with at least 239 items housed at the British Museum, not counting the dozens of other institutions and the rest of the objects which were either melted or surrendered as part of the indemnity worth 1.4 tonnes of gold. Just one of these objects, eg the gold head at London’s Wallace collection, weighs 1.36 kg.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!KcQg!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2eb84e45-9e72-4155-a275-98c36c025768_964x411.png)
_**‘Trophy head’ from Asante, Ghana. 18th-19th century**_, Wallace Collection.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Op0q!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe4350574-daa6-4d74-bf64-f017bf0b5a66_1234x539.png)
_**Gold jewelry, Wolof artist, late 19th-early 20th century**_, Senegal & Mauritania. Houston Museum of Fine Arts, Smithsonian Museum.
Domestic demand for gold in Africa was thus largely influenced by local value systems, with external trade being grafted onto older networks and patterns of exchange. Examples of these patterns of internal gold trade and consumption abound from Medieval Nubia to the Fulbe and Wolof kingdoms of the Senegambia, to the northern Horn of Africa.
This interplay between internal and external demand for gold is well attested in the region of south-east Africa where pre-existing demand for gold —evidenced by the various collections of gold objects from the many stone ruins scattered across the region— received further impetus from the Swahili city-states of the East African coast through the port town of Sofala in modern Mozambique.
At its height in the 15th century, an estimated 8.5 tonnes of gold went through Sofala each year, making it one of the world's biggest gold exporters of the precious metal.
**The history of the Gold trade of Sofala and the internal dynamics of gold demand within Southeast Africa and the Swahili coast is the subject of my latest Patreon article,**
**Please subscribe to read about it here:**
[THE GOLD TRADE OF SOFALA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/dynamics-of-gold-111163742?utm_medium=clipboard_copy&utm_source=copyLink&utm_campaign=postshare_creator&utm_content=join_link)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!SaNC!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff6a52d61-fe50-4be0-a461-be4f733af8ce_675x1090.png)
* * *
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!qqKZ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F32dfd7c9-0de4-40ea-9db2-bb4f88b1698f_811x583.png)
_**Pair of wooden sandals, covered with an ornamented silver sheet with borders made of attached silver drops, and a golden knob for support**_. Swahili artist, 19th century, Tanzania. SMB museum.
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-history-of-gold-in-africa#footnote-anchor-1-148365888)
Red Gold of Africa: Copper in Precolonial History and Culture by Eugenia W. Herbert
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-history-of-gold-in-africa#footnote-anchor-2-148365888)
Black Kingdom of the Nile by Charles Bonnet pg 29, 49, 62, 65, 169-173, The Image of the Ordered World in Ancient Nubian Art By László Török pg 82,85, 315, 472-473, The Kingdom of Kush: Handbook of the Napatan-Meroitic Civilization By László Török pg 112-121, 457, 460, 528)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-history-of-gold-in-africa#footnote-anchor-3-148365888)
Sahel: Art and Empires on the Shores of the Sahara By Alisa LaGamma pg 51-54, Caravans of Gold, Fragments in Time: Art, Culture, and Exchange Across Medieval Saharan Africa by Kathleen Bickford Berzock pg 181.
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-history-of-gold-in-africa#footnote-anchor-4-148365888)
The State of the Akan and the Akan States by I. Wilks pg 240-246, The Archaeology of Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa By Timothy Insoll pg 340-342,
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-history-of-gold-in-africa#footnote-anchor-5-148365888)
_**emphasis on ‘stolen’ here is to highlight how colonial warfare and looting may be responsible for the lack of significant archeological finds of gold objects from this region, considering how the majority of gold would have been kept in treasuries rather than buried. Excavations in Ghana for example have yet to recover any significant gold objects, despite the well-known collections of such objects in many Western institutions.**_ Caravans of Gold, Fragments in Time: Art, Culture, and Exchange Across Medieval Saharan Africa by Kathleen Bickford Berzock pg 179-180.
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-history-of-gold-in-africa#footnote-anchor-6-148365888)
From Slave Trade to 'Legitimate' Commerce: The Commercial Transition in Nineteenth-Century West Africa by Robin Law pg 97
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-history-of-gold-in-africa#footnote-anchor-7-148365888)
_the 1826 loot included £2m worth of gold and a nugget weighing 20,000 ounces, the 1874 loot included dozens of gold objects including several masks, with one weighing 41 ounces, part of the 1874 indemnity of 50,000 ounces was paid in gold objects shortly after, and again in 1896._ see; The Fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton, Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks
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Published Time: 2024-03-03T16:30:13+00:00
a brief note on Africa in 16th century global history.
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a brief note on Africa in 16th century global history.
======================================================
### the international relations and manuscripts of Kongo
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Mar 03, 2024
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The 16th century was one the most profound periods of change in Africa's international relations.
Africans had led the initiative in establishing international contact across Eurasia[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-africa-in-16th-century#footnote-1-142265250), and the expansion of the Ottoman and Portuguese empires in the 16th century further accelerated Africa's engagement with the rest of the world, reshaping pre-existing patterns of regional alliances and rivalries.
In the northern Horn of Africa, the armies of the Adal sultanate defeated the Ethiopian forces in 1529 as their leader, Imam Ahmad al-Ghazi, launched a series of successful campaigns that briefly subsumed most of Ethiopia. Al-Ghazi's campaigns eventually acquired an international dimension and became increasingly enmeshed in the global conflict between the Portuguese and the Ottomans. The Turks supplied al-Ghazi with firearms and soldiers, while the Portuguese provided the same to the Ethiopian ruler Gelawdewos, who eventually won the war in 1543.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!9_IF!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcf939165-cea3-488a-adb1-0d27b64ed7ae_820x599.png)
**‘Futuh al-Habasa’** (_Conquest of Abyssinia_) written by Sihab ad-Din Ahmad bin Abd al-Qader in 1559, copy at the King Saud University.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-africa-in-16th-century#footnote-2-142265250)
Around the same time, the rulers of the Swahili city-states along the East African coast who were opposed to the Portuguese presence sent envoys to the Ottoman provinces in Arabia beginning in 1542, looking for allies to aid them in expelling the Portuguese. After several more embassies in the 1550s and 60s, Ottoman corsair Ali Beg brought his forces to the East African coast in 1585 and 1589, but was eventually forced to withdraw after an army from the mainland drove his forces from the coast.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-africa-in-16th-century#footnote-3-142265250)
On the other side of the continent the simultaneous expansion of the Portuguese and Ottomans into north-western Africa threatened the regional balance of power between the empires of Morocco and Bornu. After a series of diplomatic initiatives by Bornu’s envoys to Marrakech and Istanbul, the Moroccans defeated the Portuguese in 1578, just as Bornu's ruler Mai Idris Alooma was halting the Ottoman advance into Bornu’s dependancies in southern Libya.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-africa-in-16th-century#footnote-4-142265250)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!nsuc!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe40c72d1-dcff-44cf-a7ef-eee34186e979_820x615.jpeg)
_**the 16th century fortress of Murzuq in southern Libya’s Fezzan region, associated with the Awlad dynasty, a client state of Bornu**_. The fezzan remained the border between Bornu and the Ottomans and it was from this region that **[Bornu acquired european slave soldiers and firearms from the Ottomans](https://www.patreon.com/posts/first-guns-and-84319870)**.
In all three regions, the globalized rivalries between the regional powers are mentioned in some of Africa's best known works of historical literature. The chronicle on Adal’s ‘_Conquest of Abyssinia’_ was completed in 1559, in the same decade that the chronicle of the Swahili city of Kilwa was written, and not long before the Bornu scholar Aḥmad Furṭū would complete the first chronicle of Mai Idris' reign in 1576. While all three chronicles are primarily concerned with domestic politics, they also include an international dimension regarding the diplomatic activities of their kingdoms.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-africa-in-16th-century#footnote-5-142265250)
Much further south in the region of west-central Africa, another African society entered the international arena, without engaging in the global rivaries of the period. The sudden entry of the kingdom of Kongo into global politics and the emergence of its intellectual tradition was one of the most significant yet often misunderstood developments in 16th-century Africa.
**The international activities of the kingdom of Kongo and its intellectual traditions are the subject of my latest Patreon article.**
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[KONGO'S FOREIGN RELATIONS & MANUSCRIPTS](https://www.patreon.com/posts/99646036)
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_**The ambassador Antonio Emanuele Ne Vunda of the Kingdom of Kongo and the embassy of Hasekura Tsunenaga of Japan**_. Painting by Agostino Taschi. ca. 1616 in the Sala dei Corazzieri, Palazzo del Quirinale., Rome
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-africa-in-16th-century#footnote-anchor-1-142265250)
**[Did Europeans Discover Africa? Or Was It the Other Way Around?](https://newlinesmag.com/essays/did-europeans-discover-africa-or-the-other-way-around/)**
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-africa-in-16th-century#footnote-anchor-2-142265250)
[Link](https://makhtota.ksu.edu.sa/makhtota/2400/56)
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[The Portuguese and the Swahili, from foes to unlikely partners: Afro-European interface in the early modern era ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-portuguese-and-the-swahili-from)
[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/profile/44604452-isaac-samuel)
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March 13, 2022
[](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-portuguese-and-the-swahili-from)
Studies of early Afro-European history are at times plagued by anachronistic theories used by some scholars, who begin their understanding of the era from the perspective of colonial Africa and project it backwards to the 16th and 17th centuries when first contacts were made; such as those between the Swahili and the Portuguese. They construct an image …
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[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-africa-in-16th-century#footnote-anchor-4-142265250)
[Morocco, Songhai, Bornu and the quest to create an African empire to rival the Ottomans. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/morocco-songhai-bornu-and-the-quest)
[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/profile/44604452-isaac-samuel)
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January 30, 2022
[](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/morocco-songhai-bornu-and-the-quest)
The Sahara has for long been perceived as an impenetrable barrier separating “north africa” from “sub-saharan Africa”. The barren shifting sands of the 1,000-mile desert were thought to have constrained commerce between the two regions and restrained any political ambitions of states on either side to interact. This “desert barrier” theory was populariz…
[Read full story](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/morocco-songhai-bornu-and-the-quest)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-africa-in-16th-century#footnote-anchor-5-142265250)
[An African-centered intellectual world; the scholarly traditions and literary production of the Bornu empire (11th-19th century) --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual)
[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/profile/44604452-isaac-samuel)
·
September 11, 2022
[](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual)
Studies of African scholarship in general, and west African scholarship in particular, are often framed within diffusionist discourses, in which African intellectual traditions are "received” from outside and are positioned on the periphery of a greater system beyond the continent
[Read full story](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual)
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[Mar 3, 2024](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-africa-in-16th-century/comment/50837178 "Mar 3, 2024, 4:47 PM")
Is Gelawdewos the same as King Tewodros?
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[There aren’t many Africans on the list of Nobel laureates, nor does research on African societies show up in the selection committees of Stockholm.](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why)
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Published Time: 2024-04-28T17:17:25+00:00
a brief note on African agency in its historical contacts with the rest of the world.
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a brief note on African agency in its historical contacts with the rest of the world.
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### the indigenous and the foreign in Benin art
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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Contacts between people of different societies and cultures are one the most important subjects of research undertaken by historians and anthropologists.
But in African historiography, most studies of cultural contacts and discovery used to be concerned with the study of foreign perceptions of Africa and Africans, with relatively few studies being devoted to the African view of non-African people and societies, and how they evolved over time, especially during the era of mutual discovery beginning in the late 15th century.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!U36i!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F242acc5e-2f03-4034-881d-f1370176d302_1196x567.png)
_**Carved ivory salt cellars made by Sapi artists in early 16th century Sierra Leone, showing indigenous and foreign motifs.**_
This asymmetrical focus on the perspectives of non-Africans has created a false division between active and passive participants in cultural contacts, not just in research about the individual figures who participated in these exchanges, but also in the analysis of the "hybridized" objects, structures, and styles produced as a result of the contacts between African and non-Africans.
Fortunately, the recent shift to studying the perspectives of Africans in their cultural contacts with the rest of the world has revised previous ideas about Africa's role in the era of mutual discovery. As more research re-evaluates the impact of Africa's international relations on global history in general and African history in particular, a more coherent perspective on the initiative of Africans and their artistic creativity has emerged.
Recent publications such as David Northrup's '_**Africa's Discovery of Europe’**_ and Michał Tymowski's _**'Europeans and Africans'**_ have positioned Africans as fully articulated historical agents in the era of mutual discovery. While studies focused on the material impact of such interactions like Verena Krebs' _**‘Medieval Ethiopian Kingship’**_ and Manuel Joao Ramos' _**‘The Indigenous and the Foreign in Christian Ethiopian Art'**_ have reframed previous ideas about African agency in the creation of the 'hybridized' artwork and architecture of the period.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!WqqS!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffd8f1cc4-be98-498f-a7ff-e662c65319c1_721x446.png)
_**18th century Ethiopian manuscript miniature depicting a long battlemented building similar to the Gondarine palace of Empress Mentewwab.**_ Mss Or. 791, British Library.
My articles about the African diaspora in [India](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese), [China](https://www.patreon.com/posts/80113224?pr=true), [Arabia](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora), [Yemen and the Persian Gulf](https://www.patreon.com/posts/96900062), [Palestine](https://www.patreon.com/posts/80883718?pr=true), [ancient to modern Europe](https://newlinesmag.com/essays/did-europeans-discover-africa-or-the-other-way-around/#:~:text=In%20what%20would%20become%20a,European%20explorers%20of%20Victorian%20lore.), the [Iberian peninsula](https://www.patreon.com/posts/african-diaspora-82902179), and [Western Europe](https://www.patreon.com/posts/african-and-of-89363872), have continued this theme of highlighting African agency in its contacts with the rest of the world. Similar articles such as the [Aksumites in Yemen](https://www.patreon.com/posts/ethiopian-ruler-78169632), the West Africans in [Medina](https://www.patreon.com/posts/from-guinea-to-b-61683129) and [Cairo](https://www.patreon.com/posts/102321250?pr=true), and the [Ethiopians in southern Europe](https://www.patreon.com/posts/history-and-of-72011051), explore the contribution of these diasporic Africans to the diverse cultural and intellectual traditions of their host societies.
The impact of Africa's contacts with the rest of the world and the African perception of non-Africans appear in the art traditions of the kingdoms of [Kush, Benin, and Loango](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-evolving-image-of-the-european-0de), as well as in the artworks of the [Sapi](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-art-of-early-atlantic-contacts), all of which demonstrate the evolution in the image of the European in African art.
Among these four African societies, the kingdom of Benin provides the most comprehensive visual document representing foreign objects and peoples in African art across five centuries of contact. The nature of cultural exchanges between the indigenous and the foreign in Benin’s art is the subject of my latest Patreon article.
Please subscribe to read about it here:
[THE INDIGENOUS AND FOREIGN IN BENIN ART](https://www.patreon.com/posts/103165109)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Oc7o!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff8edfc6f-59d4-485d-ab2a-9cd496bf3cb1_664x803.png)
* * *
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!M5Cz!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4a7887f6-b3b1-474f-9bf7-01386579fe34_1184x541.png)
(left) Crowned head from Ife, Nigeria, ca. 14th century (right) Head of Augustus found buried in Meroe, Sudan ca. 25BC.
the [naturalistic artworks of Ife](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces) were erroneously thought to be the product of an ancient society influenced by Greco-Roman tradition, but besides the similarity in sophistication, the kingdom of Ife had no contact with the ancient Mediterranean.
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Published Time: 2024-05-26T16:13:01+00:00
a brief note on African travel literature in history
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a brief note on African travel literature in history
====================================================
### a Swahili document on south-central Africa.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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Travel writing constitutes a major primary source for reconstructing African history, and is especially important in supplementing internal accounts.
While much of the African travel literature that historians have access to was written by external visitors, a significant volume of travel literature was composed by African themselves, who were discovering and documenting different parts of their vast continent.
In 1338, [the Ethiopian monk Ēwosṭātēwos' traveled through the Nubian kingdom of Makuria](https://www.patreon.com/posts/africans-africa-83663994) in Sudan with his followers, where they assisted the Nubian king Siti in defeating a rival king. This account of the political rivalries in Nubia which is included in Ēwosṭātēwos' hagiography, matches with internal Nubian records from the same decade, which mention a pretender at its capital of Old Dongola named Kanz al-Dawla and another rebel named Anenaka, both of whom challenged King Siti's authority.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!wJmF!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa4187323-a986-4b0c-866e-b19bcaea3dff_865x617.png)
_**13th-century painting in the church of Debra Maryam Qorqor in Ethiopia depicting a Nubian dignitary wearing the horned crown of Makuria.**_
In 1432, a family of [Wangara scholars led by Abd al-Rahmán Jakhite left their home in the West African empire of Mali](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education) against the wishes of its emperor and reached the Hausa city of Kano in the late 15th century. The arrival of the Wangara in Kano and their influence on the city's scholarly community was documented by one of their descendants in the Wangara Chronicle written in 1650. The chronicle mentions that the Wangara were given patronage by the Kano king Muhammad Rumfa (r. 1463-1499), and that Jakhite won an intellectual duel with a visiting Egyptian scholar.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!OHAg!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb7819788-05ae-4c8d-ba8e-c4a08fb0facc_784x528.png)
_**street scene in Kano, Nigeria, ca. 1925**_, Bristol Archives
In 1806, [two Ovimbundu traders from the kingdom of Kasanje in west-central Africa traveled across the territories of the Lunda empire](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/trans-continental-trade-in-central) in order to establish a direct route to the Indian Ocean coast at Mozambique. Like many of their neighbors in the kingdom of Kongo, Ndongo, and [Kahenda which had established written traditions](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-archives-and-scribal-practices), these traders were literate, and they left a detailed description of their journey to the court of the Lunda King Yavu (r. 1800-1820), and his subordinate king of Kazembe in modern Zambia.
The above examples come from African regions which had a long history of large centralized states, well-established travel routes, and an old tradition of writing. These three factors were central to the emergence of travel writing in Africa since antiquity, and provide crucial evidence for how Africans explored their continent.
In the 19th century, the emergence of large states, trade routes, and literate travelers across south-central Africa led to the production of detailed documentation of the region's societies by other African visitors. The description of south-central Africa written by a traveler from the Swahili coast is the subject of my latest Patreon article,
**please subscribe to read about it here:**
[A DESCRIPTION OF SOUTH-CENTRAL AFRICA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/104845425?pr=true)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!5vdX!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F03906fb9-0e31-4d02-8404-125137f49f4d_1183x728.png)
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[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!nbuV!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9bfed6be-f3af-457b-88bf-20e77a5066f3_458x573.png)
_**Folio from the Gadl (hagiography) of saint Ēwosṭātēwos**_, monastery of Qorqor Māryām
* * *
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Where can one find the original travelogues (or rather an English translation of them). I would love to read the primary source data.
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[Africans in the Indian Ocean world and the autobiography of a Somali Globetrotter.](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-the-indian-ocean-world)
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Published Time: 2023-09-02T17:02:06+00:00
**a Brief note on Africa's intellectual history
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**a Brief note on Africa's intellectual history
===============================================
### plus; the Yoruba intellectual culture ca. 1000-1900.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Sep 02, 2023
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Writing has been a fundamental part of African history since antiquity. The continent is home to some of the world's [oldest and most diverse writing traditions](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/when-africans-wrote-their-own-history); from the ancient scripts of Egypt, Kush and Aksum, to the medieval literature of Nubia, Ethiopia, 'Sudanic’ Africa and the east-African coast.
Scholars in many African societies created vibrant intellectual cultures, producing a vast corpus of literary works including historical chronicles, scientific compositions, theological writings, philosophical treatises and poetry. The intellectual exchanges they fostered resulted in the creation of a closely-knit web of scholary capitals which housed many of the continents most renowned education centers.
It was in these centers of education like [Timbuktu](https://www.patreon.com/posts/timbuktu-history-71077233), Jenne, Sokoto, Sennar, [Gondar](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of) and Zanzibar, that many of the continent's political and cultural innovations were developed. As scholars exchanged ideas on concepts of theology, politics and social organization, they spawned [new intellectual movements](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education) that were distinctly African in origin. The significance of these African intellectual cultures has only recently begun to receive attention in modern scholarship, which has dispelled the misconception of the "Oral continent par excellence".
And just as the scope of pre-colonial Africa's literary output is now increasingly appreciated, so too has the focus on African societies whose intellectual culture was predominantly oral. While it had long been acknowledged by anthropologists and linguists that the utility of African oral traditions went beyond their use in historiography, its only recently that research has shed more light onto the complexity of African orality.
The oral traditions of African societies are the products of the rich intellectual culture created by diverse communities of 'oral scholars' whose importance cut across all facets of African society. From the royal genealogists who 'recorded' their kingdom's history, to the priests who encoded vast amounts of 'oral literature' about African theologies, to the poets who preserved and transmitted the society's philosophy, the intellectual cultures of oral societies is a fascinating but still poorly understood chapter of African history.
The intellectual history of oral societies is the subject of my latest Patreon article, using the case study of the Yoruba in south-western Nigeria.
read more about it here:
[YORUBA INTELLECTUAL HISTORY](https://www.patreon.com/posts/88655364?pr=true)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!FGk8!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F79abab6d-dc4e-4f86-ab4a-8d00c5911415_637x1086.png)
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Illustration of a ‘Palaver’ (public meeting) not far from Badagry (Nigeria), by William Allen, ca. 1841
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[There aren’t many Africans on the list of Nobel laureates, nor does research on African societies show up in the selection committees of Stockholm.](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why)
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[The city states of the Yoruba: a history of pre-colonial West African urbanism (1000-1900 CE)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-city-states-of-the-yoruba-a-history)
[At the close of the 19th century, the Yorùbá region of South-west Nigeria was one of the most urbanized places in Africa.](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-city-states-of-the-yoruba-a-history)
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[Africans in the Indian Ocean world and the autobiography of a Somali Globetrotter.](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-the-indian-ocean-world)
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Published Time: 2024-06-09T16:20:45+00:00
a brief note on contacts between ancient African kingdoms and Rome.
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a brief note on contacts between ancient African kingdoms and Rome.
===================================================================
### finding the lost city of Rhapta on the east African coast.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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Few classical civilizations were as impactful to the foreign contacts of ancient African states and societies like the Roman Empire.
Shortly after Augustus became emperor of Rome, his armies undertook a series of campaigns into the African mainland south of the Mediterranean coast. The first of the Roman campaigns was directed into Nubia around 25BC, [but was defeated by the armies of Kush in 22BC](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-meroitic-empire-queen-amanirenas). While the Roman defeat in Nubia permanently ended its ambitions in this region and was concluded with a treaty between Kush's envoys and the emperor on the Greek island Samos in 21BC, Roman campaigns into central Libya beginning in 20BC were relatively successful and the region was gradually incorporated into the empire.
The succeeding era, which is often referred to as '_Pax Romana_', was a dynamic period of trade and cultural exchanges between Rome and the rest of the world, including north-eastern Africa and the Indian Ocean world.
The increase in commercial and diplomatic exchanges between Kush and Roman Egypt contributed to the expansion of the economy of Meroitic Kush, which was one of the sources of gold and ivory exported to Meditteranean markets.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-contacts-between#footnote-1-145467894) By the 1st century CE, Meroe had entered a period of prosperity, with monumental building activity across the cities of the kingdom, as well as a high level of intellectual and artistic production. [The appearance of envoys from Meroe and Roman Egypt in the documentary record of both regions](https://www.patreon.com/posts/africans-in-rome-75714077) demonstrates the close relationship between the two state’s diplomatic and economic interests.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Sobd!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffeff442e-413c-48ef-9ce1-434a670fece3_705x517.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!sbMQ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbc02237f-7fef-439d-9587-0ecb3514de08_640x433.png)
_**the shrine of Hathor (also called the 'Roman kiosk') at Naqa, Sudan. ca. 1st century CE**_.
_It was constructed by the Meroitic co-rulers Natakamani and Amanitore and served as a ‘transitory’ shrine in front of the larger temple of the Nubian god Apedemak (seen in the background). Its nickname is derived from its mix of Meroitic architecture (like the style used for the Apedemak temple) with Classical elements (like the decoration of the shrine’s columns and arched windows). The Meroitic inscriptions found on the walls of the shrine indicate that it was built by local masons who were likely familiar with aspects of the construction styles of Roman-Egypt or assisted by a few masons from the latter._[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-contacts-between#footnote-2-145467894)
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The patterns of exchange and trade that characterized _Pax Romana_ would also contribute to the expansion of Aksumite commercial and political activities in the Red Sea region, which was a conduit for the lucrative trade in silk and spices from the Indian Ocean world as well as ivory from the Aksumite hinterland. At the close of the 2nd century, the armies of Aksum were campaigning on the Arabian peninsula and the kingdom’s port city of Adulis had become an important anchorage for merchant ships traveling from Roman-Egypt to the Indian Ocean littoral. These activities would lay the foundation for the success of [Aksumite merchants as intermediaries in the trade between India and Rome](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-aksumite-empire-between-rome).
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!cMzo!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8bf2919f-6977-4011-a801-9fcc425c13be_794x447.gif)
_**Dungur Palace, Aksum, Ethiopia - Reconstruction, by World History Encyclopedia.**_
_This large, multi-story complex was one of several structures that dominated the Aksumite capital and regional towns across the kingdom, and its architectural style was a product of centuries of local developments. The material culture of these elite houses indicates that their occupants had access to luxury goods imported from Rome, including glassware, amphorae, and Roman coins._[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-contacts-between#footnote-3-145467894)
The significance of the relationship between Rome and the kingdoms of Kush and Aksum can be gleaned from Roman accounts of world geography in which the cities of Meroe and Aksum are each considered to be a '_**Metropolis**_' —a term reserved for large political and commercial capitals. This term had been used for Meroe since the 5th century BC and Aksum since the 1st century CE, since they were the largest African cities known to the classical writers[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-contacts-between#footnote-4-145467894).
However, by the time Ptolemy composed his monumental work on world geography in 150 CE, another African city had been elevated to the status of a Metropolis. This new African metropolis was the **city of Rhapta,**located on the coast of East Africa known as _‘Azania’_, and it was the southernmost center of trade in a chain of port towns that stretched from the eastern coast of Somalia to the northern coast of Mozambique.
**The history of the ancient East African coast and its links to the Roman world are the subject of my latest Patreon article.**
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_**Fresco with an aithiopian woman presenting ivory to a seated figure (Dido of Carthage) as a personified Africa overlooks**_, from House of Meleager at Pompeii, MAN Napoli 8898, Museo Archaeologico Nazionale, Naples
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-contacts-between#footnote-anchor-1-145467894)
The Kingdom of Kush: Handbook of the Napatan-Meroitic Civilization pg 461-465, 398), The Image of the Ordered World in Ancient Nubian Art pg 466-467
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-contacts-between#footnote-anchor-2-145467894)
Hellenizing Art in Ancient Nubia 300 BC–AD 250 and its Egyptian Models: A Study in “Acculturation” by László Török pg 301-308
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-contacts-between#footnote-anchor-3-145467894)
Foundations of an African Civilization: Aksum & the Northern Horn By D. W. Phillipson pg 121-125, 197-200
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-contacts-between#footnote-anchor-4-145467894)
Aksum and Nubia: Warfare, Commerce, and Political Fictions in Ancient Northeast Africa By George Hatke pg 29, Foundations of an African Civilization: Aksum & the Northern Horn By D. W. Phillipson pg 121
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[Jun 10, 2024](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-contacts-between/comment/58676157 "Jun 10, 2024, 1:43 PM")
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My high school Latin teachers presented “ambassadors” as hostages for the good behavior of the heads of state they represented. I was quite happy that such an attitude is no longer generally applied.
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I know that our modern ideas about diplomacy date from The Treaty of Westphalia and the Congress of Vienna, but now I wonder if there was a diplomatic corps hanging around Rome?
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Published Time: 2024-05-12T16:59:08+00:00
a brief note on Ethnicity and the State in Africa
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a brief note on Ethnicity and the State in Africa
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### the evolution of the Tutsi/Hutu dichotomy in the precolonial Great Lakes.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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Africa is often considered the most culturally diverse continent, a fact that is thought to significantly influence state development.
However, the identification and study of cultures and social complexity in pre-colonial African societies has hardly been known for its conceptual clarity and scientific rigour. In the early 20th century, colonial authorities confronted with the diversity of their subject population set about the task of classifying them inorder to determine the 'true rulers' of the past so they could add the legitimacy of tradition to the colony's 'Native Authority.'[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-ethnicity-and-the#footnote-1-144553052)
Urged on by the colonial authorities, early anthropologists and linguists described cultures, languages, and ethnicities as discrete, bounded groups, whose distribution could be captured on an 'ethnic map' such as George Murdock's now infamous 1959 map of African "tribes". Similarly, early historians of Africa were preoccupied with finding the 'true origins' of these groups, their migration to their present territories, and the innovations they supposedly carried with them.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-ethnicity-and-the#footnote-2-144553052)
The disciplines of anthropology, linguistics, and history in Africa have since come a long way from their problematic foundations. Cultures and ethnicities[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-ethnicity-and-the#footnote-3-144553052) are now understood to be more fluid and variable social constructs that shape and are shaped by historical processes of social change and evolution. This new approach to Africa's social history has also revealed that languages are not the sole indicators of culture, since linguistic differences alone can’t determine social interactions.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-ethnicity-and-the#footnote-4-144553052)
Most African states and societies were recognizably heterogeneous —from small [kingdoms like Kuba](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-art-of-power-in-central-africa) to [large empires like Mali](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-mali-empire-a-complete-history)— and interactions between different social groups could occur across multiple cultural zones. The existence of 'diasporic communities' across a vast region such as the [Hausa diaspora](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-creation-of-an-african-lingua) and the [Wangara diaspora](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education) in West Africa, and the [Swahili diaspora](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism) in East Africa, also indicates that cultural convergence between different African societies wasn't infrequent, and could be facilitated by trade, religion and the state.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Dg-a!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F953c901a-de3b-4db8-9d26-3d8984826452_633x839.png)
‘ethnic’ groups in the Mali empire (approx. 1 million sqkm) and the Kuba kingdom (approx. 27,000 sqkm).[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-ethnicity-and-the#footnote-5-144553052)
As one historian succinctly puts it; _**"Political and ethnic boundaries rarely coincided in pre-colonial Africa. Human ambitions were too pressing to allow people to remain static over long periods. States expanded when they were sufficiently powerful to do so. Communities competed with one another to attract settlers and thereby gain supporters."**_[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-ethnicity-and-the#footnote-6-144553052)
Ethnicities and cultures are therefore historical and not primordial phenomena. One of the most profound examples of the historical evolution of social identities in Africa comes from the Great Lakes region of East Africa, where the social divisions of Tutsi/Hima and Hutu/Iru have been particularly significant in shaping the history of states and societies from the colonial period to the present day, especially in the kingdoms of Rwanda and Nkore.
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_**street scene in Gao, Mali**_, ca. 1935, ANOM.
The city’s population was linguistically diverse, including speakers of the languages of Songhay, Fula, and Tamashek.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!s7kb!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdeeaa579-4b59-4f6f-b3d6-37492ac466f5_684x921.jpeg)
a group of Comorians settled in the trading city of Majunga, Madagascar, ca. 1904, Quai Branly Museum.
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-ethnicity-and-the#footnote-anchor-1-144553052)
Ethnic Groups and the State edited by Paul R. Brass pg 65-83
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-ethnicity-and-the#footnote-anchor-2-144553052)
Genetics and the Unsettled Past: The Collision of DNA, Race, and History edited by Keith Wailoo, Alondra Nelson, Catherine Lee pg 68-78, What Do You Mean There Were No Tribes in Africa?: Thoughts on Boundaries and Related Matters In Precolonial Africa by DR Wright pg 419-426, The Archaeology of Africa: Food, Metals and Towns edited by Bassey Andah, Alex Okpoko, Thurstan Shaw, Paul Sinclair pg 1-10.
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-ethnicity-and-the#footnote-anchor-3-144553052)
at its most basic definition; **ethnicity** is a social group, **culture** is a way of life, and **states**/kingdoms/empires are a form of organized society. These concepts can overlap or diverge depending on the context.
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-ethnicity-and-the#footnote-anchor-4-144553052)
Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400-1800 By John Kelly Thornton pg 184-189
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-ethnicity-and-the#footnote-anchor-5-144553052)
Maps by Nehemiah Levtzion and Jan Vansina
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-ethnicity-and-the#footnote-anchor-6-144553052)
Precolonial Legacies in Postcolonial Politics By Martha Wilfahrt pg 50
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Published Time: 2024-02-18T14:05:06+00:00
a brief note on European and African perspectives in travel literature
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a brief note on European and African perspectives in travel literature
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### A Hausa explorer of western Europe.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Feb 18, 2024
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The study of written history is in many ways, a study of perspectives.
In the parts of Africa where the most accessible accounts about the region’s past used to be the travel literature of European visitors, the study of African history was a study of European perspectives of Africa. The Eurocentric perspective of travelers such as James Bruce in 18th century Ethiopia, and Heinrich Barth in 19th century West Africa, informed much of their understanding of African societies.
However, there are a few sections in these European travelogues in which the African perspective of their guests is reproduced, revealing how the Europeans were seen by their hosts.
The Scottish traveler James Bruce, who visited Ethiopia in order to find the source of the Nile, was hospitably received by the ruling Empress Mentewwab at her palace in QwesQwam near Gondar. But the empress found Bruce's reasons for travel to be rather odd; remarking to Bruce that **"life furnishes us with the perverseness and contradiction of human nature!, You have come from Jerusalem, through vile Turkish governments, and hot, unwholesome climates, to see a river and a bog, no part of which you can carry away."**
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!bEoB!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb9b1790c-cff2-4287-a939-cf67c50b6ecc_887x496.png)
_**Ruins of Empress Mentewab's QwesQwam complex near Gondar, Ethiopia.**_
It’s interesting that Mentewwab's critique of the main objective of James Bruce's entire adventure was retained. The queen wished to visit Jerusalem, which Bruce and many Ethiopian pilgrims had been to, but the Scottish traveler only wished to see the source of the Nile, which from Mentewwab's perspective was a frivolous goal. While the opinions of the African hosts about the European travelers were mostly positive, such as Heinrich Barth's stay in the west African states of Bornu and Sokoto, some instances of conflict blighted African perceptions of the European visitors, and by extension, of European society.
During his stay in Timbuktu around 1851, Heinrich Barth was not so hospitably received by the Fulbe authorities of the [Massina empire](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818), whose control over the city was contested by the Tuaregs. One Massina officer repeatedly pestered the German traveler with "insulting language". Barth writes that this Massina officer **"Spoke of the Christians**[Europeans]**in the most contemptuous manner, describing them as sitting like women in the bottom of their steamboats, and doing nothing but eating raw eggs; concluding with the paradoxical statement, which is not very flattering to Europeans, that the idolatrous Bambara**[of Segu]**were far better people and much farther advanced in civilization than the Christians."**
The conflict between Massina and the Tuaregs near Timbuktu who protected Barth, likely influenced the Massina officer's negative opinion of European society, which he ranked lower than his 'pagan' rivals, the Bambara of Segu. Barth also blamed Mungo Park for propagating the stereotype that Europeans were fond of raw eggs, something that was disliked by their West African guests.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!rsru!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F026216ee-6472-417e-8b14-cbe19064752d_874x552.png)
_**Colorized engraving of Heinrich Barth's arrival at Timbuktu in 1853**_
Just like most European writers had formulated their perspective of Africa without actually traveling to the continent, similar perceptions about European society were mostly made by Africans who hadn't been there. Fortunately, a number of African travelers who had been visiting Europe began documenting their accounts in the 19th century, forming a more accurate perspective of European society.
One such remarkable account was left by the [Comorian traveler Selim Abakari who visited Germany and Russia in 1896](https://www.patreon.com/posts/66837157), providing both an African perspective of Europe, and his European hosts' perspective of their African guest.
For example, Selim notes that after refusing to order wine and pork, the servants of the Hotel where he was staying in st. Petersburg revealed that they were also Muslims to the astonishment of Selim, who wrote of the encounter; **"I remained silent! So in the countries of the whites, there were such Muslims!."**
Traveling across the Russian countryside, he encountered people in Kalmykia who revered him as one of their spirits **"who had landed from his mountain,"** He met people in Samara who fled from him **"thinking he was the devil,"** and people in Semipalatinsk who **"acclaimed him as a King"** and thought he was the leader of his white companions.
Selim's account is one of a handful of travelogues by Africans who visited Europe, but it’s mostly concerned with northern Europe. A few decades before Selim embarked on his journey, an adventurous African visitor from the Hausalands traveled to England and Germany, providing a rare description of Western European society by an African.
The account of this Hausa traveler in Western Europe and his observations of European society are the subject of my latest Patreon article,
Please subscribe to read about it here:
[The Hausa explorer of western Europe](https://www.patreon.com/posts/hausa-travelers-98642300)
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Published Time: 2024-03-17T16:29:15+00:00
a brief note on European pirates and African states during the 'golden age of piracy.'
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a brief note on European pirates and African states during the 'golden age of piracy.'
======================================================================================
### a pirate stronghold and kingdom in 18th century Madagascar.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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For most of its history, maritime trade in the Indian and Atlantic ocean world was characterized by ‘**competitive chaos’**.
Europeans visiting both regions had to contend with preexisting trade networks and cooperate with local rulers. The labeling of individuals as pirates was a means of advancing the economic and political goals of the European states operating in the oceans, and piracy was thus a manifestation of the rivalry and disorder that periodically impacted commerce in these dynamic zones of exchange.
Along the African coast, repeated attempts by the Portuguese, and later by the Dutch, and English to monopolize maritime commerce failed, as the mainland regions remained under African control, with each state choosing their trading partners.
During this age of mercantilism, European skippers were often encouraged by their home governments to raid the shipping of enemy powers indiscriminately. Many of these pirate raids occurred in the southern Atlantic and were against Iberian ships. For example, Between 1522 and 1539, over 300 Portuguese ships were captured by French privateers (read: pirates) who had been given letters of _marque_ which granted them permission to attack enemy vessels.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-european-pirates#footnote-1-142690271)
On the African coast, local rulers were under no obligation to respect Portugal's monopoly over external trade and could trade with anyone who served their interests. In the coastal region of Senegal facing the island of Cabo Verde, the Wolof people of the region regularly traded with pirates on the island rather than the Portuguese who controlled most of it, and had learned to **"speak French as if it was their native language"**. In the early 17th century, the two groups reportedly made off with as much as 200,000 _cruzados_ of goods a year, at the expense of the Portuguese.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-european-pirates#footnote-2-142690271)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!kroe!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2a6bbad5-0049-4227-96a8-9d99c13f90a5_811x541.png)
_**19th-century engraving of a French shipwreck near Rufisque, Senegal.**_
On the coastline of African states, all foreigners, pirates or otherwise, were compelled to respect African laws and the strict policy of neutrality. Failure to respect these laws resulted in negative and often disastrous consequences for the visiting traders, including a ban from trade, and even the risk of enslavement of the European sailors by Africans who'd take them as prisoners on the mainland until they were ransomed.
In 1525, a French privateer reached the coast of the kingdom Kongo to trade for copper and redwood, an action that was in violation of the Portuguese monopoly. After failing to follow the standard procedures of trade, King Afonso of Kongo sent two of his ships to fight with the French ship. The battle ended with several French sailors being captured and taken to Kongo where most were _**"taken down in irons"**_ and _**"put in prison,"**_ some of them died, while others were retained as artisans.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-european-pirates#footnote-3-142690271)
Conversely, a similar fate befell the Portuguese traders who reached the Bijagos islands in modern Guinea, whose inhabitants sheltered pirates (presumably French) and allowed them to set up a _**"lair and coastal strongpoint"**_ inorder to seize loot from passing ships. The Africans of the Bijagos islands regularly confiscated the goods of the Portuguese sailors, they were also known to _**"take the white crew as their prisoners, and they sell them in those places where they normally trade for cows, goats, dogs, iron bars."**_[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-european-pirates#footnote-4-142690271)
Even in exceptional cases when Europeans became involved in coastal conflicts involving pirates and African states, the results were pyrrhic at best.
In 1724, about two years after the defeat of the notorious pirate 'Black Bart' near Cape Lopez (in Modern Gabon), a combined Dutch and British force turned its attention against the most powerful supporter of pirates on the Gold Coast (in modern Ghana), an Akan ruler named Jan Konny (John Conny/John Canoe) who controlled the region of Axim and resided in the Prussian-built fort Fredericksburg. While they were successful in defeating John Conny, trade to the fort from the interior declined as the mainland kingdom of Asante avoided the merchants who had driven away their ally.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-european-pirates#footnote-5-142690271)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!znjP!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F55bcd542-169e-4fc3-8c17-11365214764d_1500x1111.jpeg)
_**The pirate ‘Black Bart’ (Bartholomew Roberts) at Ouidah in modern Benin, with his ship and other captured ships in the background.**_
The impact of European piracy on Africa's coastal societies was therefore negligible and wasn't different from the 'official' trade.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-european-pirates#footnote-6-142690271)
However, one notable exception was the region of north-eastern Madagascar where several hundred pirates found refuge in the late 17th century. In the secluded harbors of the island's northeastern coast, these pirates formed communities whose interactions with their Malagasy hosts influenced the emergence of the kingdom of Betsimisaraka.
**The history of the Betsimisaraka kingdom and the European pirates of Madagascar is the subject of my latest Patreon article.**
**Please subscribe to read about it here:**
[BETSIMISARAKA AND THE EUROPEAN PIRATES](https://www.patreon.com/posts/100529348)
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_**View of the coast of the Bijagos islands showing local mariners in large boats receiving European ships. ca. 1885.**_
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-european-pirates#footnote-anchor-1-142690271)
Afonso I Mvemba a Nzinga, King of Kongo: His Life and Correspondence By John K. Thornton pg 113, A Cultural History of the Atlantic World, 1250-1820 By John K. Thornton pg 52
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-european-pirates#footnote-anchor-2-142690271)
The Portuguese in West Africa, 1415–1670: A Documentary History edited by Malyn Newitt pg 83
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-european-pirates#footnote-anchor-3-142690271)
Afonso I Mvemba a Nzinga, King of Kongo: His Life and Correspondenc By John K. Thornton pg 112-115, 204-205)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-european-pirates#footnote-anchor-4-142690271)
The Portuguese in West Africa, 1415–1670: A Documentary History edited by Malyn Newitt pg 216-217)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-european-pirates#footnote-anchor-5-142690271)
Pirates of the Slave Trade: The Battle of Cape Lopez and the Birth of an an American Institution By Angela C. Sutton
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-european-pirates#footnote-anchor-6-142690271)
[What were the effects of the Atlantic slave trade on African societies?: examining research on how the middle passage affected the Population, Politics and Economies of Africa -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/what-were-the-effects-of-the-atlantic)
[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/profile/44604452-isaac-samuel)
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April 17, 2022
[](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/what-were-the-effects-of-the-atlantic)
Debates about Africa's role in the Transatlantic slave trade have been ongoing ever-since the first enslaved person set foot in the Americas, to say that these debates are controversial would be an understatement, the effects of the Atlantic slave trade are afterall central to discourses about what is now globally recognized as one of the history's wors…
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Published Time: 2023-08-05T16:40:05+00:00
a brief note on Madagascar's position in African history
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a brief note on Madagascar's position in African history
========================================================
### plus, early industrialization in the Merina kingdom.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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The island of Madagascar has for long languished on the periphery of African historiography. The reluctance of some Africanists to look beyond the east African coast stems partly from the perception of Madagascar as insular and more 'culturally' south-Asian than African, despite such terms being modern constructs with little historical basis in Madagascar's society. Recent research on the island's history has bridged the chasm between the island and the mainland, revealing their shared political, economic and genetic history that defies simplistic constructs of colonial ethnography.
The long chain of islands extending outwards from the east African coast through the Comoros archipelago to northwestern Madagascar comprised a series of stepping stones that formed a dynamic zone of interaction between the African mainland and Madagascar. Its on these stepping stones that African settlers continously travelled to Madagascar, establishing settlements along the northern and western coasts of the island and in parts of the interior, where they were joined by south-Asian settlers from the eastern coast to create what became the modern Malagasy society.
The north-western coast of Madagascar was part of the 'Swahili world', with its characteristic city-states, regional maritime trade, and extensive interaction with the hinterland. From these interactions emerged an economic and political alliance which drew the Malagasy and Swahili worlds closer: [warring Swahili and Comorian elites recruited Malagasy allies to conduct long-distance naval attacks](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the), Malagasy elites were integrated in Swahili society, and the movement of free and servile Malagasy into the east African coast was mirrored by a similar albeit smaller movement of both free and servile east Africans onto the island.
The evolution of states on the island and their complex interactions with their east African neighbors and the later colonial empires, closely resembles that of the kingdoms on the mainland. At the onset of European imperial expansion on the east African coast, the largest power on the island was the kingdom of Merina, which controlled nearly 2/3rds of the Island during the reign of king Radama (r.1810-28) and Queen Ranavalona (1828-1861). Often characterized as a profoundly sage monarch, king Radama recognized the unique threats and opportunities of the European presence at his doorstep, and [like Afonso of Kongo](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-kongo-and-the-portuguese), he invited foreign innovations on his own terms, and directed them to his own advantage. After the relationship between Merina and its European neighbors soured, Radama and his successors created local industries to reduce the kingdom's reliance on imported technology, and like Tewodros of Ethiopia, Radama retained foreign artisans inorder to establish an armaments industry.
**<**_Next week's substack article will explore the history of the Merina kingdom from the 16th century to the late 19th century._**>**
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The **early industry of Merina** is the subject of my latest Patreon post in which I explore the kingdom's economic history during the early 19th century when the **Merina state, foreign capital and local labour, converged to create one of the most remarkable examples of proto-industrialization in Africa.**
read more about it here:
[EARLY INDUSTRIALIZATION IN MERINA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/87234164?pr=true)
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Published Time: 2024-08-04T14:40:04+00:00
a brief note on new discoveries in African archeology and the stone ruins of Cameroon.
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a brief note on new discoveries in African archeology and the stone ruins of Cameroon.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Aug 04, 2024
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Among the first ancient Egyptian accounts on its southern neighbors is an old kingdom inscription that describes a trading expedition to an unspecified region called [the land of Punt](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of). Egyptologists had long debated about the location of this mysterious territory before recent archeological discoveries at Mahal Teglinos in eastern Sudan and the Red Sea port of Mersa eventually solved the riddle of Punt’s precise location.
Archeology plays a central role in reconstructing Africa's history, despite the rather complicated relationship between the two disciplines. On a continent where the limitations of written and oral histories have been acknowledged, archeologists and historians often work together to develop an interdisciplinary study of Africa's past.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-new-discoveries-in#footnote-1-147337357)
Most of the latest research into the history of different African societies has been the product of interdisciplinary cooperation between archaeologists and historians. The locations of many African historical sites that were amply described by historians have since been identified and rediscovered by archeologists, helping to expand our understanding of Africa's past.
For example in northern Ethiopia, where there are several historical accounts describing the highly urbanized [kingdom of Ifat](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian), recent archeological excavations have uncovered many ruined cities and towns which include the kingdom’s capital, whose cemetery contained inscribed tombs of the kingdom's rulers.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!igDL!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F971ab563-b468-4a24-b65b-49e72c2999c5_1000x664.jpeg)
_**ruins of a mosque at Beri-Ifat**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!9470!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F04b6f909-f81f-4b53-a10c-78f12f3ab9c4_709x477.png)
_**Partially excavated ruins of a 15th century building complex at Field A, Old Buipe, Ghana**_
In northern Ghana, there are multiple internal and external accounts describing the [kingdom of Gonja](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550) which was founded by migrant elites from the Mali empire. Recent archeological work has identified the old capital of the kingdom as well as several complex structures whose construction resembles the architectural style of medieval Mali.
In South Africa, oral and written accounts about heterogeneous groups of Sotho-Tswana and Nguni-speakers referred to as "Koni" have helped historians and archeologists to identify the builders of [the Bokoni ruins](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian), a widely distributed complex of terraced stone-walled sites in the escarpments of the Mpumalanga province.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!o7nX!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F67cfe62f-133a-44c2-a548-938efb3d2f2c_980x591.png)
_**Bokoni ruins near near Machadodorp, South Africa.**_
Similar discoveries abound across most of the continent, from the [kingdom of Ife](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces), to the painted churches of [medieval Nubia](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art), all of which demonstrate the usefulness of interdisciplinary studies.
Recent archeological work in the mountains of northern Cameroon has uncovered more than sixteen complexes of stone ruins whose construction between the 14th and 17th centuries coincided with the expansion of the Bornu empire and the lesser-known kingdom of Mandara, during an era when the region’s history was well documented.
**My latest Patreon article explores the history of the stone ruins of Cameroon within the context of the documented history of the Mandara kingdom during the 16th century.**
**Please subscribe to read about it here:**
[STONE RUINS OF CAMEROON](https://www.patreon.com/posts/109389947)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!UX6y!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F61395630-59bc-4a88-a96a-86f283e7488b_487x1082.png)
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_**[Cathedral of Dongola](https://pcma.uw.edu.pl/en/2021/05/26/cathedral-of-dongola-new-discoveries-in-sudan/), Medieval Nubia, Sudan**_. This is one of the most recent discoveries in African archeology.
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-new-discoveries-in#footnote-anchor-1-147337357)
Trouble with Siblings: Archaeological and Historical Interpretation of the West African Past, By Christopher DeCorse and Gerard Chouin, The intersection of archaeology, oral tradition and history in the South African interior by Jan CA Boeyens.
[](https://substack.com/profile/30181177-infiniterand)[](https://substack.com/profile/14568743-harriet-garner)[](https://substack.com/profile/165664518-next-gen-bronzes)[](https://substack.com/profile/29353584-samoan62)[](https://substack.com/profile/10684878-david-perlmutter)
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[Aug 4, 2024](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-new-discoveries-in/comment/64373287 "Aug 4, 2024, 7:31 PM")
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Great article
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Published Time: 2023-09-16T16:31:14+00:00
a brief note on the African exploration of the Old world
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a brief note on the African exploration of the Old world
========================================================
### plus: the African discovery of north-western Europe.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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Africans have been travelling and exploring the world beyond their continent since antiquity. Documentation of the African presence outside the continent begun as soon as the kingdom of Kush expanded into western Asia in the 7th century BC, and would continue into the early centuries of the common era when Kushite envoys were a regular presence in eastern Rome.
In the suceeding period, African travelers from across many parts of the continent reached the [Arabian penisula](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora), explored the [Indian subcontinent](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia), and [travelled to as far as China](https://www.patreon.com/posts/80113224?pr=true). The rulers of Aksum and Ethiopia sent their embassies and merchants across the western Indian ocean, the city-states of the Swahili coast established contacts with India and China, and West African royals and scholars created disporic communities in Arabia and Jerusalem.
While the African presence in Asia is better documented, African journeys into Europe also occurred fairly regulary since the early 1st millennium. African royals, students and pilgrims from the kingdoms of Nubia and Ethiopia explored the capitals and pilgrimage sites of Eastern and Southern Europe. [West African scholars and mercenaries visited Islamic Spain](https://www.patreon.com/posts/82902179), and a few joined their North-African peers to create [an African kingdom in southern Italy](https://www.patreon.com/posts/87931499). After the fall of the Byzantines, African embassies and scholars from as far as Mali to Bornu and Chad begun making an appearance at the Ottoman capital Istanbul. By the early modern era, the presence of African travelers in southern Europe was far from a novelty.
Gradually, the journeys of African travelers took them beyond the more familiar regions of southern Europe and into the lesser known societies of north-western Europe. Travelling across the Alps and the northern Atlantic, Africans of varying statuses, including envoys, scholars and students, arrived in the capitals of north-western European kingdoms of Britain, France, the Holy Roman Empire and the low countries.
**The history of African exploration and discovery of North-western Europe is the subject of my latest Patreon article**;
Read about it here:
[AFRICAN EXPLORATION OF N.W EUROPE](https://www.patreon.com/posts/89363872?pr=true)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!OMWN!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F57a5510b-e64d-4fe9-ba1d-a9ca25821b01_613x1202.png)
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Detail of a Westminster Tournament Roll from 1511, showing an African trumpeter named John Blanke, who was active at the court of King Henry VIII in Tudor England.
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[Sep 27, 2023](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-african-exploration/comment/40752086 "Sep 27, 2023, 7:59 AM")
Liked by isaac Samuel
This is one of my favorite topics love that you covered this, feels like not many people know of this rich history or maybe they don't care but still it's great that people like you out there who do keep it up.
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[Sep 22, 2023](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-african-exploration/comment/40522493 "Sep 22, 2023, 8:14 PM")
Liked by isaac Samuel
Someday I might teach my course Africa Travels, Travels to Africa again; I think the point was too esoteric for my undergraduates, but I was trying to emphasize this great new historiographical work on Africans outside the continent in contexts other than enslavement, and particularly to look at late medieval and early modern Iberia and the Mediterranean as a contact zone full of shipwrecked sailors, travellers, wanderers, itinerants, pilgrims, and just plain lost people that absolutely included Africans from the eastern coast, the Horn of Africa and the savannah belt south of the Sahara.
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Published Time: 2023-10-14T16:22:21+00:00
a brief note on the African exploration of Asia
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a brief note on the African exploration of Asia
===============================================
### plus; the African presence in Japan (1543-1639)
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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For much of Africa’s history, many of its travelers who ventured outside the continent often went to western and southern Asia.
In antiquity, the North-East African kingdoms of Kush and Aksum which were closest to Asia, extended their control over parts of western Asia and Arabia. African rulers, soldiers, merchants, pilgrims and other settlers established communities across the region —from Nineveh in Iraq to [Sanʿāʾ in Yemen](https://www.patreon.com/posts/ethiopian-ruler-78169632?l=fr)— and engaged in cultural exchanges which linked societies on either shores of the red sea.
Over the middle ages, envoys and merchants from Aksum travelled further into south Asia,[sailing regulary to the island of Sri Lanka](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-aksumite-empire-between-rome) and the south-western parts of India. Their exploratory initiative was later taken over by the Swahili who plied the routes between the Persian gulf and India, eventually travelling to the south-east Asian islands of Malaysia, and reaching the east-Asian state of China.
What initially begun as sporadic contacts between China and the kingdoms of Aksum and Makuria, rapidly grew into regular diplomatic exchanges involving several African envoys from many different Swahili, Somali and Ethiopian states travelling to China during the Song dynasty. In the 10th-14th century period alone, [more than 8 envoys are documented to have travelled to China from 5 different African kingdoms](https://www.patreon.com/posts/80113224?pr=true). Chinese travelers reciprocated these visits, sending two major exploratory missions that reached eastern Africa in the early 14th and early 15th century, a few decades prior to the European irruption in the Indian ocean.
The African exploration of Asia wasn't halted by the arrival of Portuguese interlopers, but was instead re-oriented to exploit the changes in the political and commercial landscape of the Indian ocean world. As political alliances shifted between different regional and global powers, African kingdoms alternated their external interests between western Asia and south Asia, depending on their relationship with the Portuguese. Africans converged in the Portuguese city of Goa in India, creating a diasporic community that included visiting royals and envoys, catholic priests, mercenaries, and servants.
It was from this African community in south-Asia that the first Africans who travelled to Japan originated, arriving on the island nation in the 1540s.
**The history of African travel to Japan is the subject of my latest Patreon post,**
**Read more about it here:**
[AFRICAN PRESENCE IN JAPAN](https://www.patreon.com/posts/african-presence-90958238)
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detail of a 17th century folding screen depicting African guests in a house at the port city of Nagasaki, No. _2015.300.109.1, .2_ Met Museum
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[There aren’t many Africans on the list of Nobel laureates, nor does research on African societies show up in the selection committees of Stockholm.](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why)
Nov 3, 2024•[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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[The city states of the Yoruba: a history of pre-colonial West African urbanism (1000-1900 CE)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-city-states-of-the-yoruba-a-history)
[At the close of the 19th century, the Yorùbá region of South-west Nigeria was one of the most urbanized places in Africa.](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-city-states-of-the-yoruba-a-history)
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[Africans in the Indian Ocean world and the autobiography of a Somali Globetrotter.](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-the-indian-ocean-world)
[In 1944, a soldier on Australia’s most remote northern coastline discovered a handful of copper coins that were originally minted in the medieval…](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-the-indian-ocean-world)
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https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-ancient-herders
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Published Time: 2024-01-07T16:17:33+00:00
a brief note on the ancient Herders and Foragers of South Africa.
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a brief note on the ancient Herders and Foragers of South Africa.
=================================================================
### a social history of the KhoiKhoi community (2000BP - 1880)
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Jan 07, 2024
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At the start of the common era, much of southwestern Africa was populated by an ancient group of foragers and herders collectively known as the Khoe-San; a diverse community that is often divided into the hunter-gatherers (San) and herder (Khoekhoe) populations. The Khoe-San have a complex and enigmatic history that spans thousands of years and isn’t well recorded, but recent advances in archeological, linguistic, and genetic research have begun to clarify their history.
Popular historiography of southern Africa is often biased in favor of the more complex societies established by sedentary farmers, as is often the case for most of the world. In this region, such states are often associated with the sedentary Bantu-speaking agro-pastoralists in south-eastern Africa, such as [the Zulu kingdom](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history) and [the Swazi Kingdom](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-swazi-kingdom-and-its-neighbours). While the history of the later periods largely focuses on these kingdoms’ interactions with the colonial states founded by the Dutch and British settlers, which were also predominantly farming societies.
Scholars who perpetuate this bias unknowingly legitimize the myth of the 'empty land' which served as the main rationale for colonial expansion. In this historically inaccurate but politically convenient myth, the nomadic Khoe-san communities supposedly did not utilize the land they lived on, and it was thus left vacant for European expansion and settlement.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!3H-F!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F772b8ad3-6297-410d-a8c2-9d81eee6cf60_752x551.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!HAJE!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fde0e86ad-18ea-4106-b044-19196071be90_1234x463.png)
_**Narudas ruins in Namibia, built by the Nama-speaking Khoe-San.**_
Parallel to this myth was the claim that the kingdoms dominated by the Bantu-speaking sedentarists (whom the Europeans considered to be utilizing their land) were supposedly recent arrivals in the 18th and 19th centuries. The colonialists thus legitimized their expansion by claiming to be protecting the rights of the ‘indigenous’ Khoe-San communities—the very same groups whom they were displacing.
At the heart of this myth is the notion that only large, sedentary communities organized as kingdoms possessed the capacity to utilize the land they lived on, and that the nomadic Khoe-San populations were too small to utilize their land, nor form complex societies that could defend their claims. But like all colonial myths, this falsity isn't grounded in the historical realities of the Khoe-San.
When European ships landed on the South African coast in November 1497, their leader, Vasco Da Gama, found the Khoe-San living along the shores of the Atlantic. He quickly learned that the Khoe-San didn't take kindly to strangers who took their resources without permission when an initially peaceful encounter turned violent and he was chased back to his ship by the Khoe-San. In 1510, his successor, Francisco de Almeida was killed in battle with the Khoe warriors, along with 50 of his crew, after they had invaded a coastal community of the Khoe-San and kidnapped some of their children.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Zh6o!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5070d310-08bc-4fb7-99be-cc0afa16c173_622x446.jpeg)
_**Death of Francisco d’Almeida, engraving by Pieter van der Aa, ca 1700.**_ In the background is a Khoe-San settlement.
In the succeeding centuries, Khoe-San communities fought a seemingly never-ending series of wars against waves of colonial invasions by the Dutch and later by the British. Some of the Khoe-San succeeded in establishing much larger and more complex societies across southern Africa, including [Namibia's oldest town at khauxanas](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-town-of-southern-africa), and several constitutional monarchies in South Africa that would last until the 1870s.
My latest Patreon article focuses on the history of the Khoe community of South Africa, from its earliest appearance in the archeological record around 2,000 years ago to the collapse of the last independent Khoe kingdom in 1880.
**Please subscribe and read more about it here:**
[SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE KHOIKHOI](https://www.patreon.com/posts/social-history-96031188)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!NSah!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7ed5c2bd-8f56-4409-b272-101ff4ce2e9c_669x1203.png)
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_**18th-century drawing of a village in the Khoe Kingdom of Gonaqua,**_ by François le Vaillant
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[Jan 7, 2024](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-ancient-herders/comment/46816322 "Jan 7, 2024, 9:00 PM")
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I learn something about African history with every post, and I'm a historian. I very much appreciate this series.
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I have heard that colonial apologist argument before, so thanks for the article!
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https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-history-of-africans
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Published Time: 2023-11-26T16:16:31+00:00
a brief note on the history of Africans exploring their own continent
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a brief note on the history of Africans exploring their own continent
=====================================================================
### plus: Ancient Egypt in Africa.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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Africa is world's second largest continent and arguably the most difficult to traverse.
Historically, many parts of the continent that were conducive to human settlement and activity were home to large, complex societies which rank among some of the world's oldest civilizations. These include ancient kingdoms of the Nile valley and the northern Horn of Africa, the empires along the Niger river, the kingdoms of west-central Africa and the lakes region, as well as the city-states of the East African coast and kingdoms of south-eastern Africa.
In between these densely populated regions were pockets of relatively inhospitable land covered with thick forests and barren deserts. Yet despite this seemingly insurmountable barrier, Africans suceeded in creating vast networks of communication that cut across the deserts and forests between them, facilitating cross-cultural exchanges and expanding Africans' knowledge of their own continent.
In west-Africa, [the 'golden network' of the Wangara commercial diaspora](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education) extended from the shores of the Atlantic in Senegal to the forest region of central Ghana and across the shifting sands of the Sahara into North-Africa. By the early 2nd millennium, Wangara traders and scholars had established urban settlements along different nodes of this complex network, easily switching goods between various cities as they interacted with other commercial diasporas.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Jg1s!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F47379540-b055-43b0-b21f-824168996710_1014x608.png)
_**dispersion of the Wangara diaspora across west Africa.**_
In central Africa the Ovimbundu traders of central Angola pioneered cross-continental routes that moved goods between the city of [Luanda on Angola's Atlantic coast to the town of Tete in Mozambique](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/trans-continental-trade-in-central). Here, they encountered the established network of the Yao and Nywamwezi, whose own trading routes connected the Swahili cities of the East African coast to the kingdoms of the Lakes region. Eventually, the Swahili would expand these trade routes with the first recorded cross-continental journey in the region that begun at Bagamoyo in Tanzania and arrived at Luanda in 1852.
Long-distance trade was not the only activity undertaken along these routes. Envoys, scholars, pilgrims and other travelers also utilized the same routes to visit and settle different parts of the continent and beyond. The Djenne-born scholar Muhammad Salma al-Zurruq (b. 1845) for example, travelled across west Africa and the Ottoman domains before returning to Mali, only to embark on another trip that saw him ending up in Sudan. But arguably the most fascinating case was that of the Bornu scholar al-Faki Ahmad Umar who [travelled from north-eastern Nigeria to western Ethiopia](https://www.patreon.com/posts/81510350?pr=true) following long-established pilgrimage and trade routes.
But long before these west African and Central African networks emerged, the region of North-eastern Africa was arguably the most interconnected part of the continent. The rise of ancient states of Egypt, Kush and Punt was largely enabled by the robust exchange of ideas, technologies and goods across the region, brought by the people who visited and settled within the different communities.
**The history of ancient Egypt in its north-east African context is the subject of my latest Patreon article, in which I explore the regional interaction and population movement between Egypt and its neighbors; Kush and Punt, from the perspective of the latter.**
Read more about it here;
[ANCIENT EGYPT IN AFRICA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/93554322?pr=true)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!FTTY!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8a0872bd-0022-4b1b-ba13-afe33e295765_641x1094.png)
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_**Ibn Khaldūn asserts that prior to entering Cairo, Mansa Musa of Mali “came out near the Pyramids in Egypt,” while al-Maqrīzī states “Mansā Mūsā, king of Takrūr . . . stayed for three days beneath the Pyramids as an official guest.”**_
If Mansa Musa did pass by Giza, _**“it suggests medieval Mali was well aware of Pharaonic Egypt’s illustrious past, with the mansā purposely seeking to connect with it”**_
-Michael Gomez
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https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-history-of-music
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Published Time: 2023-11-12T16:25:14+00:00
a brief note on the history of Music in Africa
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a brief note on the history of Music in Africa
==============================================
### plus an overview of Ethiopian musical traditions
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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The continent of Africa is home to some of the oldest and most diverse range of musical traditions, instruments and performances in world history
Evidence of music in Africa appears long before the emergence of complex societies and states. The stone age paintings of tassili n'Ajjer in southern Algeria, which was occupied during the green-Sahara period, include depictions of figures dancing and playing musical instruments that are dated to around 6,000-4,000 BC. In Eastern Africa, the earliest evidence of music appears in the rock art paintings from Kondoa in Tanzania dated to around 4,000-1,000BC, which include depictions of figures playing musical instruments.
By the time the first states emerged in the Nile Valley, the northern Horn of Africa, and the West African Sahel, Music had become a salient feature of political and social in Africa. A combination of archeological evidence, oral traditions, and written sources attest to the broad range of instruments, dances and performances of music across much of the African continent, demonstrating the connection between music and other aspects of daily life.
Representations of musicians and musical instruments abound in many African artworks, from the wall paintings of Ancient Kush and medieval Nubia, to the illustrated manuscripts of Ethiopia, to the sculptural art of the west African kingdoms of Ife and Benin. Processions of musicians and dancers populate the painted scenes on the temple walls in Kush and the monasteries of medieval Nubia, representations of musical instruments appear frequently in the vast corpus of sculptural art produced by the artists of Benin and ife, while manuscripts written by Ethiopian scribes include illustrations of biblical figures playing local musical instruments.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!KNeI!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F49b0a35f-d87e-4a77-a3f9-4a4decb1a061_953x607.png)
_**Painting depicting a dance scene, Kom H monastery, ca. 12th-14th century, Old Dongola, Sudan.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!rHl8!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9e9cc185-c6fc-469f-9c8f-00328f4cef28_600x407.webp)
_**18th century Illustration showing Mandinka dancers at a festival in Dramanet, Kingdom of Galam (upper Senegal River)**_
Written documents of poetry and songs in African societies date back to the earliest internal and external accounts about the continent since antiquity. From the musical manuscripts of Ethiopia to the written poetry of the Swahili coast and Islamic west Africa, these internal accounts document how music was conceived and transmitted by Africans in various contexts. External accounts written by classical writers such as Hanno, medieval Arab travelers like Ibn Battuta and later European explorers, leave little doubt about the centrality of Music to various African cultures.
Increased interactions between various African regions and external societies brought together a diverse range of cultures and traditions, which were then dispersed by the African diaspora across parts of the Old world and the Americas. New music forms, instruments, and dances emerged as different societies interacted with one another, influencing their practices of religion, political institutions, cultural festivals and identities.
Nowhere is this dynamism in Africa’s musical history more evident than in the musical traditions of Ethiopia. The 'Solomonic' state of Ethiopia which flourished from 1270-1974 was home to some of Africa's oldest music traditions and a unique notation system for recording music that is one of a few of its kind in the world.
The musical history of Ethiopia is the subject of my latest Patreon article,
**Please read more about it here:**
[HISTORY OF MUSIC IN ETHIOPIA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/history-of-music-92740278)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!3J2h!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe6044f50-dbd8-4659-bca7-80abd44ef424_662x1100.png)
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King Munza of the Mangbetu kingdom (in North-eastern D.R.C) dancing before his wives and courtiers in the royal hall.
_**"every musical accompaniment to which the resources of the court could reach had all been summoned and here was a melee of gongs and kettle drums, timbres and trumpets, horns and bells, Dancing there in the midst of all, a wondrous sight was the king himself"**_
Georg August Schweinfurth, 1874
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Published Time: 2024-02-04T16:35:02+00:00
a brief note on the Intellectual history of Africa
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a brief note on the Intellectual history of Africa
==================================================
### the Jabarti diaspora of North-Eastern Africa.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Feb 04, 2024
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The African continent has historically been home to dozens of writing systems including some of the world’s oldest such as the Meroitic script of Kush, the Ge'ez script of Aksum, and the Old Nubian script of medieval Nubia, as well as some of the more recent scripts such as [Nsibidi](https://www.patreon.com/posts/69082971), Vai and Njoya's syllabary.
Each of these writing systems produced its own literary traditions and contributed to the continent’s intellectual history. While many of these writing systems were created within the continent, their usage was often confined to the societies that invented them. The vast majority of writing in most African societies was done using the Arabic script which was also rendered into various African languages as the Ajami script.
This was in large part due to the gradual adoption of Islam as a common religion across many African societies, which facilitated cross-cultural exchanges and the usage of the Arabic script without the need for extending political authority as was the case for Kush’s Meroitic script, Ethiopia’s Ge’ez script, or King Njoya’s script, that were all associated with royal power. Documents written in the Arabic script are thus attested in more than eighty languages across the continent from the Atlantic coast of Senegal to the East African coast in Tanzania to the forested regions of Eastern Congo.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ZxIe!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F692080c4-3576-4b48-8d83-43522338005a_533x553.png)
_**Map showing the languages in which the Arabic script is attested,**_ map by Meikal Mumin
In virtually all these societies, the tradition of literacy and the use of the script was propagated by African scholars through complex intellectual networks that cut across varied social interactions and political boundaries. Over centuries, this African literary tradition has left a priceless heritage in manuscript collections from Timbuktu to Kano, to Lamu, which underscore the salient role played by Africa's scholarly diasporas in the spread of learning across the continent.
In West Africa, the most dynamic of these scholarly diasporas were the Wangara of the Inland delta of central Mali. Appearing among the earliest documentary records about West Africa, [the name Wangara became synonymous with learning and gold trade](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education). These merchant scholars are associated with many of the region's earliest centers of learning and the emergence of intellectual movements that continue to shape the region's social landscape.
In East Africa, the Swahili were the region's equivalent of the Wangara. Initially confining their activities to the coast and its immediate hinterland, [Swahili merchant-scholars spread out into the mainland](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism), crossing into Uganda, Zambia, and Congo, until they reached the Atlantic coast of Angola. They were integrated into the region's societies, and contributed to the region's intellectual culture, producing a large collection of manuscripts across many locations from Kenya to Mozambique to the D.R.C.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!92lw!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F28fcdba8-f5bf-4806-b1f0-d1262b0c7c38_650x488.png)
_**Ruins of a mosque in Isangi, eastern D.R.Congo, ca. 1894, NMVW**_
While the intellectual history of West Africa and East Africa has attracted the bulk of attention from modern researchers, the northern horn of Africa was home to an equally vibrant literary tradition in Arabic and Ajami that is at times overshadowed by the focus on the Ge'ez literature of Ethiopia. The intellectual traditions of the northern Horn of Africa produced some of the continent’s oldest centers of learning such as Harar and Zeila, as well as many prominent scholars, most notably the Ottoman-Egyptian historian Abdul Rahman al-Jabarti.
**The intellectual networks and scholars of the northern Horn of Africa are the subject of my latest Patreon article**
**Please subscribe to read more about it here:**
[INTELLECTUAL HISTORY OF THE N.E AFRICA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/intellectual-and-97830282)
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_**ruins of an old mosque in Zeila, northern Somalia**_
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[There aren’t many Africans on the list of Nobel laureates, nor does research on African societies show up in the selection committees of Stockholm.](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why)
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[The city states of the Yoruba: a history of pre-colonial West African urbanism (1000-1900 CE)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-city-states-of-the-yoruba-a-history)
[At the close of the 19th century, the Yorùbá region of South-west Nigeria was one of the most urbanized places in Africa.](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-city-states-of-the-yoruba-a-history)
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[Africans in the Indian Ocean world and the autobiography of a Somali Globetrotter.](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-the-indian-ocean-world)
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Published Time: 2024-04-14T16:18:33+00:00
a brief note on the intellectual contributions of African scholars in the diaspora
===============
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a brief note on the intellectual contributions of African scholars in the diaspora
==================================================================================
### the biography of a West African mathematician in Cairo.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Apr 14, 2024
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Around the year 1198, the West African scholar Ibrahim al-Kanimi from the town of Bilma (in Niger) traveled to the Almohad capital Marakesh (in Morocco), and gained the audience of its sultan, before moving to Seville (in Spain) where he settled and became a celebrated grammarian and poet that appeared in many Andalusian biographies of the time.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-intellectual-e2d#footnote-1-143571510)
Al-Kanimi’s career exemplifies the patterns of the global intellectual exchanges in which several African scholars in the diaspora played an important role.
Historical inquiries into the African diaspora across the old world often pay less attention to the intellectual contributions of those Africans to the societies that hosted them, thus leaving us with an incomplete picture of the role of Africans in global history.
Yet many diasporic Africans whose biographies are known were important scholars who left a significant intellectual legacy across the world.
In the 16th century, [the dozens of Ethiopian scholars who came to reside in Rome](https://www.patreon.com/posts/history-and-of-72011051) turned their monastery of Santo Stefano degli Abissini (near the Vatican Basilica) into a center of Africanist knowledge, where theological, geographic, and political information regarding Ethiopia and the Eastern Christian world could be obtained from scholars like Täsfa Seyon —who had an influence on Pope Marcellus II and Jesuit founder Ignatius of Loyola.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-intellectual-e2d#footnote-2-143571510)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!8Dhl!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5efe236b-e878-407b-ba2e-e052a9f6b3f4_605x539.png)
_**Painting depicting Pope Paul III, the Jesuit founder Ignatius of Loyola (kneeling), and the Ethiopian scholar and cleric Tasfā Ṣeyon (standing behind the Pope with another priest)**_, 27th September 1540, anonymous painter, Chiesa del Gesu, Rome.
Similarly, in Portugal's capital Lisbon, the Ethiopian envoy Sägga Zäᵓab wrote a critique of the dogmatic Catholic counter-reformation in his 'faith of the Ethiopians' in 1534, writing that _**"It would be much wiser to welcome in charity and Christian love all Christians, be they Greeks, Armenians, Ethiopians…because we are all sons of baptism and share the true faith."**_ The book was well received by European scholars in the regions opposed to the counter-reformation, most notably the Dutch theologian Desiderius Erasmus, and his student; the Portuguese philosopher Damião de Góis, who eventually published 'The Faith' in 1540.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-intellectual-e2d#footnote-3-143571510)
In the 18th century, some of the West African scholars who had been visiting the pilgrimage cities of Mecca and Medina eventually settled in the region and became influential teachers in the scholarly community (_ulama_) of Medina. [The most prolific West African scholar in Medina was Salih al-Fullani (d. 1803) from Futa Jallon in Guinea](https://www.patreon.com/posts/from-guinea-to-b-61683129), an influential hadith teacher whose students include many prominent figures of the era, such as; the qadi of Mecca, Abd al-Ḥāfiẓ al-ʿUjaymī (d. 1820); the Moroccan Tijānī scholar Ḥamdūn al-Ḥājj (d. 1857); and the Indian scholar Muḥammad al-ʿAbīd al-Sindī (d. 1841) who became the qadi and shaykh of the _ulama_ of medina.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-intellectual-e2d#footnote-4-143571510)
Among the most prominent diasporic communities of African scholars was the ['Jabarti' diaspora from the region around Zeila in northern Somalia](https://www.patreon.com/posts/intellectual-and-97830282), whose presence extended from Yemen to Medina to Cairo, and who included prominent figures such as the historian Abd al-Rahman al-Jabarti (d. 1825) who was one of the most prominent scholars in Ottoman Egypt. Al-jabarti was also acquainted with many of his peers, including the Timbuktu scholar Muḥammad ibn Saʿīd al-Tunbuktī, whom he refers to as an eminent teacher in Medina.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-intellectual-e2d#footnote-5-143571510)
Al-Jabarti's father, Hasan al-Jabarti penned a glowing tribute to the Kastina mathematician Muhammad al-Kashnāwī, who was also his teacher, describing him as _**"the cynosure, the theologian, the ocean of learning, the sea of knowledge, the unparalleled, the garden of science and disciplines, the treasury of secret and witticisms”**_[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-intellectual-e2d#footnote-6-143571510)
The biography and works of Muhammad al-Kashnāwī are the subject of my latest Patreon article, focusing on the West African scholar's contributions to the scientific writings of Egypt.
please subscribe to read about it here:
[LIFE & WORKS OF AL-KASHNAWI](https://www.patreon.com/posts/102321250?pr=true)
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[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!hD0O!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F489511e6-6cd2-42ff-b990-bafc99844aed_820x465.png)
_**Chessbook of Alfonso X the Wise, fol. 22r. Spain (1283).**"The paintings in a manuscript dating from 1283 show us how realistically the people of this mixed world of Spain were depicted after the conquest. Certain Muslim noblemen are sometimes depicted dark-skinned … among the servants is one playing a harp, another is engaged in a game of chess"._ Image of the black in Western Art, Volume 2, issue 1, pg 78.
**[see my previous [article on the African diaspora in Spain for the biography of Al-Kanimi, the so-called Moors, and the Kongolese diaspora in Iberia](https://www.patreon.com/posts/african-diaspora-82902179)**]
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-intellectual-e2d#footnote-anchor-1-143571510)
Ibrahim al-Kanimi figure illustre dans les relations culturelles entre le Maroc et Bilad as-Sudan by Mohammed Ben Cherifa pp. 131-132, Arabic Literature of Africa: The writings of central Sudanic Africa Vol.2) by John Hunwick pg 17-18.
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-intellectual-e2d#footnote-anchor-2-143571510)
An Ethiopian Scholar in Tridentine Rome by Matteo Salvadore pg 29-30, A Companion to religious minorities in Early Modern Rome by Matthew Coneys Wainwright pg 154-155
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-intellectual-e2d#footnote-anchor-3-143571510)
Damião de Gois by Elisabeth Feist Hirsch, pg 58, 74, 121, 148-151, 153
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-intellectual-e2d#footnote-anchor-4-143571510)
Islamic Scholarship in Africa: New Directions and Global Contexts edited by Ousmane Kane pg 33
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-intellectual-e2d#footnote-anchor-5-143571510)
A Guide to ʻAbd Al-Raḥmān Al-Jabartī's History of Egypt: ʻAjāʼib Al-āthār Fī ʼl-tarājim Waʼl-akhbār, by Abd al-Raḥmān Jabartī, Thomas Philipp, Guido Schwald pg 342-343
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-intellectual-e2d#footnote-anchor-6-143571510)
The Arabic Literature of Nigeria to 1804 by ADH Bivar pg 136
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[Apr 14, 2024](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-intellectual-e2d/comment/53927344 "Apr 14, 2024, 7:52 PM")
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Thank you every time Isaac, look fwd to your updates.
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Truly great work and erudite research being done here. Thank you
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Published Time: 2024-07-07T16:17:40+00:00
a brief note on the long history of African diplomacy.
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a brief note on the long history of African diplomacy.
======================================================
### historical links between west africa and the Maghreb.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Jul 07, 2024
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In 1415, an embassy from the Swahili city of Malindi on the coast of Kenya carried with them a giraffe as a present to the Chinese emperor Yongle. The majestic creature, which was transported along with the Malindi envoys on the ships of admiral Zheng He, caused a sensation at the imperial capital Nanjing where it was thought to be a unicorn.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-long-history#footnote-1-146364510)
About a decade prior in 1402, an Ethiopian embassy arrived at the floating city of Venice after a lengthy journey overland through Egypt and across the Mediterranean. Dressed in monastic attire and accompanied by live leopards, the small party gracefully cruised the city's canals as onlookers wondered whether they had come from the land of the semi-legendary king Prester John.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-long-history#footnote-2-146364510)
The history of Africa's engagement with the rest of the world is often framed in the context of imperial expansion and warfare, rather than the much older and more long-standing tradition of international diplomacy. While the practice of bringing exotic animals on diplomatic tours was quite rare, the dispatch of envoys by African states was a fairly common practice across the continent’s long history.
Many of my previous articles on Africa's historical links to the rest of the old world often include the activities of African envoys in distant lands. Such as the embassies from ancient [Kush and Aksum in the Roman world](https://newlinesmag.com/essays/did-europeans-discover-africa-or-the-other-way-around/), the [embassies of the Swahili city-states to China](https://www.patreon.com/posts/80113224?pr=true) during the late Middle Ages, and the [embassies of the kingdoms of Kongo and Ndongo to Spain and the Netherlands](https://www.patreon.com/posts/how-kongo-and-85683552) during the early modern period.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!gAYx!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F56d580ea-7e27-4cf9-9d18-52f9e19f4a6d_998x584.png)
_**Portrait of Dom Miguel de Castro, Emissary of the Kongo kingdom**_, 1643, National Gallery of Denmark. _**Tribute giraffe with attendant**_,_**Ming Dynasty, Yongle Period**_ (1403-1424), Philadelphia Museum of Art.
The institution of diplomacy in Africa was a product of centuries of internal developments in its kingdoms and other complex societies. [The case study of the kingdom of Asante's diplomatic activities within West Africa and abroad](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial) shows how its rulers' extensive foreign interests were incorporated into the complex bureaucracy of the kingdom with official diplomats, messengers, and non-official envoys. Asante’s ambassadors were provided with official attire and insignia, and were often accompanied by a large retinue whose gifts and expenses were paid for by the state.
The frequency of Africa's diplomatic activities reveals the antiquity and scale of the development of the continent's institutions, which enabled many of its societies to establish and maintain peaceful relations in order to facilitate the movement of ideas, goods, and travelers in various capacities.
This is most evident in the historical links between the kingdoms of West Africa and the Maghreb (north Africa), whose capitals were frequented by West African envoys since the 13th century. The intra-African diplomatic activities of these envoys provide further proof against the colonial myth of the separation of "sub-Saharan" Africa, by situating the political history of West Africa and the Maghreb within the same geographic and cultural space.
**The history of West Africa's links with the Maghreb is the subject of my latest Patreon article, please subscribe to read about it here:**
[LINKS BETWEEN WEST AFRICA & MAGHREB](https://www.patreon.com/posts/107625792)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!cxNO!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffef5df1d-15d6-4063-99c7-002f75be5d87_676x1186.png)
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[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!YS0d!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff6df9264-523c-4a24-8cf6-256f8afe5b53_1127x542.jpeg)
_**bas-relief showing the arrival of the Ethiopian and (Coptic) Egyptian delegations in Rome in October 1441**_, ("Porta del Filarete" at the St. Peter's Basilica, Italy c.1445)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Eib6!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0c01d5b4-5e5a-4330-9f9e-80f00ab982f1_767x1000.png)
**Portrait of Matheo Lopez, Ambassador of the kingdom of Allada to France in 1670.**
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-long-history#footnote-anchor-1-146364510)
A History of Overseas Chinese in Africa to 1911 by Anshan Li pg 43-46, China and East Africa by Chapurukha M. Kusimba pg 53-54.
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-long-history#footnote-anchor-2-146364510)
The African Prester John and the Birth of Ethiopian-European Relations, 1402-1555 by Matteo Salvadore pg 24-33.
[](https://substack.com/profile/217025840-dudebro159)[](https://substack.com/profile/29353584-samoan62)[](https://substack.com/profile/159928708-reid-ht)[](https://substack.com/profile/14568743-harriet-garner)[](https://substack.com/profile/10684878-david-perlmutter)
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[Jul 8, 2024](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-long-history/comment/61305911 "Jul 8, 2024, 2:53 PM")
So, what are we to learn or do from this with the current African "disengagement" from the rest of the world, such that we seem to be on the soccer field but not know where the ball is?
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[Jul 8, 2024](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-long-history/comment/61278127 "Jul 8, 2024, 8:06 AM")
Thank you Isaac, hopefully one day you will do a dive into the relation with the folks south of Egypt and their relationship with the Levant, the Mesopotamian complex and even India, always look fwd to Sundays.
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[At the close of the 19th century, the Yorùbá region of South-west Nigeria was one of the most urbanized places in Africa.](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-city-states-of-the-yoruba-a-history)
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Published Time: 2023-08-19T15:50:06+00:00
a brief note on the role of Africans in the early Islamic expansion
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a brief note on the role of Africans in the early Islamic expansion
===================================================================
### an African kingdom in southern Italy.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Aug 19, 2023
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The early period of Islamic expansion resulted in the creation of what was until then the largest empire in human history. In less than a century, the Rashidun caliphate and the suceeding Umayyad caliphate created a large empire that stretched from Spain to Central Asia, covering a vast territory from the Atlantic Ocean to the borders of China.
Yet despite their rapid success, the Islamic advance was halted in [Nubia](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and) and Ethiopia where their armies suffered rare defeats and were forced to withdraw. A similar advance into west Africa through the oases of the Fezzan and [Kawar](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart) was equally unsuccessful as local polities remained largely in control of the region.
Overextended and outnumbered, the Ummayad Arabs begun recruiting north-African Berbers to bolster their scattered armies. The addition of both free and enslaved Berber soldiers in the Ummayad forces proved decisive in the conquest and control of the empire's most distant provinces, especially in Spain.
As the pace of expansion begun to decline in the 8th and 9th century, more soldiers were recruited from outlying regions like west-Africa and Europe. With these armies, the Ummayads and their sucessors expanded their campaigns into southern Europe, beginning with the islands of Crete and Sicily, and eventually making landfall on southern Italy.
The Muslim kingdom in southern Italy was the furthest expansion of the early Islamic empires in mainland Europe outside Spain. In the 9th century, Italy was home to the only independent Muslim state in Europe that was ruled not by Arabs but by the contigents of Berbers and west-Africans whom they had recruited.
The kingdom of Bari is the subject of my latest Patreon article, exploring the history of this African kingdom in Italy, and its complex relationship with the neighboring Christian states.
Read about it here:
[AN AFRICAN KINGDOM IN ITALY](https://www.patreon.com/posts/87931499)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!cL24!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8a7788d7-c663-4594-a6ee-175ba6411ced_630x992.png)
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[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!iUnZ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5ad21e08-0f9a-46a4-8386-13c5fde39812_622x332.png)
_**Battle between the Castilian armies and the armies of Muslim Spain**_, miniature from the _Cantigas de Santa Maria_ of Alfonso X the Wise,13th Century, Spain. (Photo by DeAgostini/Getty Images)
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<**Next week’s article will explore the historic links between Ottoman empire and Africa from the 16th century to the 19th century, focusing on diplomatic ties and intellectual exchanges of Africans in Ottoman Europe and Ottomans in Africa outside north-Africa**.>
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[The city states of the Yoruba: a history of pre-colonial West African urbanism (1000-1900 CE)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-city-states-of-the-yoruba-a-history)
[At the close of the 19th century, the Yorùbá region of South-west Nigeria was one of the most urbanized places in Africa.](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-city-states-of-the-yoruba-a-history)
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Published Time: 2024-07-21T12:37:51+00:00
a brief note on themes in African art. - by isaac Samuel
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a brief note on themes in African art.
======================================
### Cartography, Culture and History in the artwork of the Bamum kingdom.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Jul 21, 2024
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Sometime in the early 14th century, a skilled smith in the West African kingdom of Ife sculpted an image of a King's face into a mask of pure copper.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-themes-in-african#footnote-1-146842774) With its idealized features and naturalistic proportions, the copper mask of King Obalufon of Ife is considered one of the finest pieces of African art and is today one of many examples of African self-representation that informs our image of the continent's past.
The rich heritage of African art represents a comprehensive visual document of the history of its many societies, each with its unique aesthetics and deep-rooted symbolism. The various art traditions that emerged across the continent —such as the famous [brass plaques of Benin](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument), the [sculptural art of the Kuba kingdom](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-art-of-power-in-central-africa), and the [intricately carved ivories of Loango](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500)— include specific themes that expressed African concepts of power and religion, as well as depicting daily life in African societies.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ecm0!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1a86ee6b-16ce-4318-a4b0-5f1fcef1185d_1351x639.png)
_**copper mask of King Obalufon Alaiyemore and crowned heads from the Wunmonije site of Ife. early 14th century. NCMM, Lagos, and British Museum.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!qPpn!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F598d4084-42d7-431c-ad6d-c093871a21a0_1306x345.png)
_**carved ivory tusk depicting scenes of daily life, late 19th century, Loango Kingdom, Gabon. British Museum**_
While sculptural art features prominently in most African art traditions, several societies also produced painted artworks and drawings on different mediums including on walls, cloth, paper, wood, and pottery. [African paintings and drawings](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations) primarily consist of mural paintings in buildings and tombs, paintings on canvas and panels, as well as illuminated manuscripts decorated with miniature illustrations and intricate designs.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!uGZm!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb9828d0a-a42c-4aad-abc2-49176ad997a1_1200x862.png)
_**Ethiopian painting of "The Last Supper", tempera on linen, 18th century, Virginia museum of Fine Arts.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!db3g!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7473f9ae-0c54-430c-a6a9-49ff9a503520_1222x537.png)
_**Swahili Qur’an, late 18th to early 19th century, Siyu, Kenya. Fowler Museum.**_
Many of the oldest forms of African paintings and drawings come from the regions of [ancient Nubia](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/self-representation-in-african-art) and Ethiopia, which produced a vast corpus of murals, canvas and panel paintings, and miniature artwork in manuscripts. However, the production of illuminated manuscripts was more widespread with several examples from East Africa's Swahili coast and most parts of West Africa.
In the West African kingdom of Bamum, the reign of its progressive king Njoya (1887-1933) was the height of the kingdom’s artistic production and innovation that resulted in the creation of some of Africa's most celebrated artworks. The highly skilled artists of Bamum produced maps of their kingdom and capital, drawings of historical events and fables, images of the kingdom's architecture, and illustrations depicting artisans, royals, and daily life in the kingdom.
**The artworks of the kingdom of Bamum are the subject of my latest Patreon article,**
**Please subscribe to read about them in this article where I explore more than 30 drawings preserved in various museums and private collections.**
[THEMES IN WEST AFRICAN ART OF BAMUM](https://www.patreon.com/posts/108431007)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!y6M4!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F994a859c-4aea-4dc0-a328-98607403b9e3_678x836.png)
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[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!1zwq!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1a8940ae-8ca3-47ec-b321-24fc1d66eef9_787x573.jpeg)
_**The Flight into Egypt, Bamileke artist, early 20th century, Quai Branly Museum.**_
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-themes-in-african#footnote-anchor-1-146842774)
[Ancient Ife and its masterpieces of African art: transforming glass, copper and terracotta into sculptural symbols of power and ritual --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces)
[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/profile/44604452-isaac-samuel)
·
January 16, 2022
[](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces)
The art of the ancient city of Ife has since its "discovery" in the 19th century, occupied a special position in the corpus of African and global artworks; the sublime beauty, remarkable expressiveness, elegant portraiture, life-size proportions, sheer volume and sophistication of the Ife collection which included many naturalist (realistic) works was…
[Read full story](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces)
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[Jul 21, 2024](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-themes-in-african/comment/62769250 "Jul 21, 2024, 2:15 PM")
Liked by isaac Samuel
The Ethiopian depiction of Jesus is very interesting. Probably not far from what he really looked like
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[There aren’t many Africans on the list of Nobel laureates, nor does research on African societies show up in the selection committees of Stockholm.](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why)
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[The city states of the Yoruba: a history of pre-colonial West African urbanism (1000-1900 CE)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-city-states-of-the-yoruba-a-history)
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[Africans in the Indian Ocean world and the autobiography of a Somali Globetrotter.](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-the-indian-ocean-world)
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Published Time: 2023-12-10T16:07:30+00:00
a brief note on Trade and Travel in the ancient Sahara and beyond.
===============
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a brief note on Trade and Travel in the ancient Sahara and beyond.
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### uncovering the origins of Carthage's aethiopian auxiliaries.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Dec 10, 2023
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Covering nearly a third of the African continent, the Sahara Desert conjures visions of torrid heat waves rising over an endless sea of burning sand dunes where only the bravest nomads dared to tread.
Discourses on the Sahara throughout history have been dominated by the persistent belief that the desert was largely uninhabited and uninhabitable. Closely related to these discourses was the diffusionist hypothesis that African societies depended on exogenous contact in order to achieve social evolution.
Combining these two presumptions about the Sahara and African societies, early scholarship introduced the concept of a habitable 'corridor', that was understood to be a narrow stretch of land across the desert and the only route through which Mediterranean influences could reach "inner Africa".
It was in this context that Nubia was imagined to be a corridor through which technological and cultural innovations were "transmitted" from the Mediterranean world to Africa. The same concept of a corridor through the desert was applied to the Fezzan and Kawar oases of the central Sahara. All these corridors were thought of as routes through which everything from iron technology to statecraft were transmitted from Egypt and Carthage to the rest of Africa.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!B-uZ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff6d87d98-defd-4be8-8277-267346290560_1920x1200.jpeg)
_**Ruins of Djado in the [Kawar oasis of North-Eastern Niger](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart)**_. this medieval town is located at the very center of the Sahara.
As later research uncovered the ancient foundations of social complexity in Africa, the diffusionist paradigm was largely discarded by most scholars. The ancient [furnaces of the Nok culture](https://www.patreon.com/posts/91819837) in central Nigeria had no connections to Carthage, nor were the forms of Nubian statecraft similar to Egypt. As one scholar summarized: **"Surely corridors usually lead to a few rooms, but the Nubian corridor, in which so much happened, does not seem to have led anywhere."[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-trade-and-travel#footnote-1-139666479)**
Yet the concept of a corridor cutting through the barren desert persisted, no longer as a conduit for transmitting "civilization" from North to south, the Saharan oases were now imagined to be highway stations along ancient routes which supposedly begun on the mediteranean coast and terminated in the old towns of west Africa and Sudan. Maps of medieval Africa are today populated with lines crisscrossing the desert, that are meant to represent fixed routes taken by carravans in the centuries past.
However, like its diffusionist precursor, this notion of oases as fixed highway stations along direct lines in the desert has not stood up to closer scrutiny. As one historian of the Sahara cautions; **"It is thus hazardous and inexact to depict Saharan trails on maps as though they were established as major highways. The historical geography of Saharan trails is in fact very complicated, with numerous variants on routes followed depending on the shifting geopolitical realities as well as the natural limitations of travel across a hyper-arid zone."**[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-trade-and-travel#footnote-2-139666479)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!DpJF!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff9baa468-4016-4a8b-a059-1da0461c61f6_1027x561.jpeg)
_**The world of the Sahara**_, map by D. J. Mattingly
Trans-Saharan travel and exchanges proceeded by regional stages, with the eventual long-distance transport being accomplished by numerous local exchanges. The societies and economies of Saharan communities were largely sustained by local resources and regional trade, rather than depending on tolls from long-distance trade. Such was the case for the Kawar Oasis towns, as well as the [desert kingdom of Wadai](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-desert-kingdom-of-africa-a-complete), both of whose domestic economies did not significantly rely on long-distance trade with north-Africa, but from regional trade with neighboring states.
However, travel and trade did occur across the Sahara, often utilizing well-known itineraries through which goods and technologies were exchanged. How far back Trans-Saharan travel and exchanges begun is a matter of heated debate, with most scholars asserting that it started with the introduction of the camel at the start of the middle ages, while others claim that wheeled chariots were crossing the Sahara during the age of the Romans and the Carthaginians.
The ancient links between Carthage and West Africa is the subject of **my latest Patreon article, in which I explore the evidence for ancient exchanges in the central Sahara, inorder to uncover the origins of the aethiopian auxiliaries of Carthage’s armies.**
**read more about it here:**
[BETWEEN CARTHAGE AND ZILUM](https://www.patreon.com/posts/between-carthage-94409122)
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_**Ruins of Carthage in Tunisia.**_
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-trade-and-travel#footnote-anchor-1-139666479)
African Civilizations: Precolonial Cities and States in Tropical Africa: An Archaeological Perspective by Graham Connah, pg 65
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-trade-and-travel#footnote-anchor-2-139666479)
Trade in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond edited by D. J. Mattingly, pg 8
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Published Time: 2023-09-10T16:07:18+00:00
A complete history of Abomey: capital of Dahomey (ca. 1650-1894)
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A complete history of Abomey: capital of Dahomey (ca. 1650-1894)
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### Journal of African cities chapter 10.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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Abomey was one of the largest cities in the "forest region" of west-Africa; a broad belt of kingdoms extending from Ivory coast to southern Nigeria. Like many of the urban settlements in the region whose settlement was associated with royal power, the city of Abomey served as the capital of the kingdom of Dahomey.
Home to an estimated 30,000 inhabitants at its height in the mid-19th century, the walled city of Abomey was the political and religious center of the kingdom. Inside its walls was a vast royal palace complex, dozens of temples and residential quarters occupied by specialist craftsmen who made the kingdom's iconic artworks.
This article outlines the history of Abomey from its founding in the 17th century to the fall of Dahomey in 1894.
**Map of modern benin showing Abomey and other cities in the kingdom of Dahomey.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-1-136876141)**
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!x-Bm!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F15e9b90d-c29e-44ee-9d7e-ee851cd2300c_846x481.png)
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**The early history of Abomey: from the ancient town of Sodohome to the founding of Dahomey’s capital.**
The plateau region of southern Benin was home to a number of small-scale complex societies prior to the founding of Dahomey and its capital. Like in other parts of west-Africa, urbanism in this region was part of the diverse settlement patterns which predated the emergence of centralized states. The Abomey plateau was home to several nucleated iron-age settlements since the 1st millennium BC, many of which flourished during the early 2nd millennium. The largest of these early urban settlements was Sodohome, an ancient iron age dated to the 6th century BC which at its peak in the 11th century, housed an estimated 5,700 inhabitants. Sodohome was part of a regional cluster of towns in southern Benin that were centers of iron production and trade, making an estimated 20 tonnes of iron each year in the 15th/16th century.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-2-136876141)
The early settlement at Abomey was likely established at the very founding of Dahomey and the construction of the first Kings' residences. Traditions recorded in the 18th century attribute the city's creation to the Dahomey founder chief Dakodonu (d. 1645) who reportedly captured the area that became the city of Abomey after defeating a local chieftain named Dan using a _Kpatin_ tree. Other accounts attribute Abomey's founding to Houegbadja the "first" king of Dahomey (r. 1645-1685) who suceeded Dakodonu. Houegbadja's palace at Abomey, which is called _Kpatissa_, (under the kpatin tree), is the oldest surviving royal residence in the complex and was built following preexisting architectural styles.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-3-136876141)
(read more about [Dahomey’s history in my previous article on the kingdom](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-dahomey-and-the-atlantic))
The pre-existing royal residences of the rulers who preceeded Dahomey’s kings likely included a _hounwa_(entrance hall) and an _ajalala_ (reception hall), flanked by an _adoxo_ (tomb) of the deceased ruler. The palace of Dan (called _Dan-Home_) which his sucessor, King Houegbadja (or his son) took over, likely followed this basic architectural plan. Houegbadja was suceeded by Akaba (r. 1685-1708) who constructed his palace slightly outside what would later become the palace complex. In addition to the primary features, it included two large courtyards; the _kpododji_ (initial courtyard), an _ajalalahennu_ (inner/second courtyard), a _djeho_ (soul-house) and a large two-story building built by Akaba's sucessor; Agaja.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-4-136876141)
Agaja greatly expanded the kingdom's borders beyond the vicinity of the capital. After nearly a century of expansion and consolidation by his predecessors across the Abomey Plateau, Agaja's armies marched south and captured the kingdoms of Allada in 1724 and Hueda in 1727. In this complex series of interstate battles, Abomey was sacked by Oyo's armies in 1726, and Agaja begun a reconstruction program to restore the old palaces, formalize the city's layout (palaces, roads, public spaces, markets, quarters) and build a defensive system of walls and moats. The capital of Dahomey thus acquired its name of Agbomey (Abomey = inside the moat) during Agaja's reign.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-5-136876141)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Okpd!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Feeb6450f-b9df-4165-a9de-1a2a4f1d71eb_898x431.png)
Ruins of an unidentified palace in Abomey, ca. 1894-1902. Quai branly most likely to be the simbodji palace of Gezo.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!S3zw!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8d3f1332-6516-4d52-bcf2-57df3e78fb8c_893x573.jpeg)
_**Section of the Abomey Palace complex in 1895**_, Quai branly.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!kL-_!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6929ad14-36cd-4e60-875e-fd72d0ce2a70_838x745.png)
The royal palace complex at Abomey, map by J. C. Monroe
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!fesx!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fea838214-b87e-4e86-926e-5d0ce5006918_870x658.png)
_**Section of the ruined palace of Agaja**_ in 1911. The double-storey structure was built next to the palace of Akaba
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Tnoc!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbc8eec93-993c-47c1-a4f9-9a08a01d5111_745x546.png)
_**Section of Agaja’s palace**_ in 1925, Quai branly.
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**The royal capital of Abomey during the early 18th century**
The administration of Dahomey occurred within and around a series of royal palace sites that materialized the various domestic, ritual, political, and economic activities of the royal elite at Abomey. The Abomey palace complex alone comprised about a dozen royal residences as well as many auxiliary buildings. Such palace complexes were also built in other the regional capitals across the kingdom, with as many as 18 palaces across 12 towns being built between the 17th and 19th century of which Abomey was the largest. By the late 19th century, Abomey's palace complex covered over a hundred acres, surrounded by a massive city wall about 30ft tall extending over 2.5 miles.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-6-136876141)
These structures served as residences for the king and his dependents, who numbered 2-8,000 at Abomey alone. Their interior courtyards served as stages on which powerful courtiers vied to tip the balance of royal favor in their direction. Agaja's two story palace near the palace of Akba, and his own two-story palace within the royal complex next to Houegbadja's, exemplified the centrality of Abomey and its palaces in royal continuity and legitimation. Sections of the palaces were decorated with paintings and bas-reliefs, which were transformed by each suceeding king into an elaborate system of royal "communication" along with other visual arts.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-7-136876141)
Abomey grew outwardly from the palace complex into the outlying areas, and was organized into quarters delimited by the square city-wall.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-8-136876141) Some of the quarters grew around the private palaces of the kings, which were the residences of each crown-prince before they took the throne. Added to these were the quarters occupied by the guilds/familes such as; blacksmiths (Houtondji), artists (Yemadji), weavers, masons, soldiers, merchants, etc. These palace quarters include Agaja's at Zassa, Tegbesu’s at Adandokpodji, Kpengla’s at Hodja, Agonglo’s at Gbècon Hwégbo, Gezo’s at Gbècon Hunli, Glele's at Djègbè and Behanzin's at Djime.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-9-136876141)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ChYB!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcf46c7f9-85a3-4e65-ad6b-581dca1d772c_550x369.jpeg)
_**illustration of Abomey in the 19th century**_.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!4qCs!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff7e86a41-0314-4b04-9e0c-3d471ed79b8f_760x631.jpeg)
_**illustration of Abomey’s city gates and walls**_, ca. 1851
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!wjSs!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7cc5e89b-a951-4dab-9dc6-89fcb44d3b6c_600x421.jpeg)
_**interior section in the ‘private palace’ of Prince Aho Gléglé (grandson of Glele)**_, Abomey, ca. 1930, Archives nationales d'outre-mer
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!aqII!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4e1c90a3-86fa-488a-bb9b-f064fff70728_890x562.png)
_**Tomb of Behanzin in Abomey**_, early 20th century, Imagesdefence, built with the characteristic low hanging steep roof.
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**Abomey in the late 18th century: Religion, industry and art.**
Between the end of Agaja's reign and the beginning of Tegbesu's, Dahomey became a tributary of the Oyo empire (in south-western Nigeria), paying annual tribute at the city of Cana. In the seven decades of Oyo's suzeranity over Dahomey, Abomey gradually lost its function as the main administrative capital, but retained its importance as a major urban center in the kingdom. The kings of this period; Tegbesu (r. 1740-1774), Kpengla (r. 1774-1789) and Agonglo (r. 1789-1797) resided in Agadja’s palace in Abomey, while constructing individual palaces at Cana. But each added their own entrance and reception halls, as well as their own honga (third courtyard).[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-10-136876141)
Abomey continued to flourish as a major center of religion, arts and crafts production. The city's population grew by a combination of natural increase from established families, as well as the resettlement of dependents and skilled artisans that served the royal court. Significant among these non-royal inhabitants of Dahomey were the communities of priests/diviners, smiths, and artists whose work depended on royal patronage.
The religion of Dahomey centered on the worship of thousands of vodun (deities) who inhabited the Kutome (land of the dead) which mirrored and influenced the world of the living. Some of these deities were localized (including deified ancestors belonging to the lineages), some were national (including deified royal ancestors) and others were transnational; (shared/foreign deities like creator vodun, Mawu and Lisa, the iron and war god Gu, the trickster god Legba, the python god Dangbe, the earth and health deity Sakpata, etc).[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-11-136876141)
Each congregation of vodun was directed by a pair of priests, the most influencial of whom were found in Abomey and Cana. These included practitioners of the cult of tohosu that was introduced in Tegbesu's reign. Closely associated with the royal family and active participants in court politics, Tohosu priests built temples in Abomey alongside prexisting temples like those of Mawu and Lisa, as well as the shrines dedicated to divination systems such as the Fa (Ifa of Yoruba country). The various temples of Abomey, with their elaborated decorated facades and elegantly clad tohosu priests were thus a visible feature of the city's architecture and its function as a religious center.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-12-136876141)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!hy1L!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fffc11894-eae0-4c16-8c34-456ba34fb482_878x586.jpeg)
_**Temple courtyard dedicated to Gu in the palace ground of king Gezo**_, ca. 1900, library of congress
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!8n9N!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F87ab0fa6-05cb-48a7-9d23-6915f5d975f7_833x573.jpeg)
_**entrance to the temple of Dangbe**_, Abomey, ca. 1945, Quai branly (the original roofing was replaced)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!SxHd!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc69820b6-88f0-4f45-b52c-2d77df1608c6_1024x555.png)
_**Practicioners of Gu and Tohusu**_ _**in Abomey**_, ca. 1950, Quai branly
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Besides the communities of priests were the groups of craftsmen such as the Hountondji families of smiths. These were originally settled at Cana in the 18th century and expanded into Abomey in the early 19th century, setting in the city quarter named after them. They were expert silversmiths, goldsmiths and blacksmiths who supplied the royal court with the abundance of ornaments and jewelery described in external accounts about Abomey. Such was their demand that their family head, Kpahissou was given a prestigious royal title due to his followers' ability to make any item both local and foreign including; guns, swords and a wheeled carriage described as a "square with four glass windows on wheels".[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-13-136876141)
The settlement of specialist groups such as the Hountondji was a feature of Abomey's urban layout. Such craftsmen and artists were commisioned to create the various objects of royal regalia including the iconic thrones, carved doors, zoomorphic statues, 'Asen' sculptures, musical instruments and figures of deities. Occupying a similar hierachy as the smiths were the weavers and embroiderers who made Dahomey's iconic textiles.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!r-Ta!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7f302bff-c74c-4030-9f3c-959d5f837438_836x573.jpeg)
Carved blade from 19th century Abomey, Quai branly. made by the Hountondji smiths.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!R3-h!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7dd017eb-29d0-4942-bb64-3aecd428e931_764x573.jpeg)
_**Pistol modified with copper-alloy plates**_, 1892, made by the Hountondji smiths.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Pxka!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1f803d6b-48dd-4fe5-baab-d11df08780a6_1029x618.png)
_**Asen staff from Ouidah**_, mid-19th cent., Musée Barbier-Mueller, _**Hunter and Dog with man spearing a leopard**_, ca. 1934, Abomey museum. _**Brass sculpture of a royal procession**_, ca 1931, Fowler museum
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!g8x4!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe83c8cb2-0a79-47da-99f4-b452b320a3c2_1134x499.png)
Collection of old jewelery and Asen staffs in the Abomey museum, photos from 1944.
Cloth making in Abomey was part of the broader textile producing region and is likely to have predated the kingdom's founding. But applique textiles of which Abomey is famous was a uniquely Dahomean invention dated to around the early 18th century reign of Agadja, who is said to have borrowed the idea from vodun practitioners. Specialist families of embroiders, primarily the Yemaje, the Hantan and the Zinflu, entered the service of various kings, notably Gezo and Glele, and resided in the Azali quarter, while most cloth weavers reside in the gbekon houegbo.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-14-136876141)
The picto-ideograms depicted on the applique cloths that portray figures of animals, objects and humans, are cut of plain weave cotton and sewn to a cotton fabric background. They depict particular kings, their "strong names" (royal name), their great achievements, and notable historical events. The appliques were primary used as wall hangings decorating the interior of elite buildings but also featured on other cloth items and hammocks. Applique motifs were part of a shared media of Dahomey's visual arts that are featured on wall paintings, makpo (scepters), carved gourds and the palace bas-reliefs.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-15-136876141) Red and crimson were the preferred colour of self-representation by Dahomey's elite (and thus its subjects), while enemies were depicted as white, pink, or dark-blue (all often with scarifications associated with Dahomey’s foe: the Yoruba of Oyo).[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-16-136876141)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!8-4I!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1029ab69-2981-496f-bd97-139949fece38_760x554.jpeg)
_**Illustration showing a weaver at their loom in Abomey**_, ca. 1851
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!pc5N!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F80a525c4-7951-437c-9af5-0db933d902ff_787x572.png)
_**Cotton tunics from Abomey, 19th century**_, Quai branly. The second includes a red figure in profile.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!0uER!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F613e0ca3-cc26-4ec8-9d29-ea0362fb0649_1027x507.png)
_**Applique cloths from Abomey depicting war scenes**_, _**Quai branly**_. Both show Dahomey soldiers (in crimson with guns) attacking and capturing enemy soldiers (in dark blue/pink with facial scarification). The first is dated to 1856, and the second is from the mid-20th cent.
The bas-reliefs of Dahomey are ornamental low-relief sculptures on sections of the palaces with figurative scenes that recounted legends, commemorated historic battles and enhanced the power of the rulers. Many were narrative representations of specific historical events, motifs of "strong-names" representing the character of individual kings, and as mnemonic devices that allude to different traditions.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-17-136876141)
The royal bas-relief tradition in its complete form likely dates to the 18th century during the reign of Agonglo and would have been derived from similar representations on temples, although most of the oldest surviving reliefs were made by the 19th century kings Gezo and Glele. Like the extensions of old palaces, and building of tombs and new soul-houses, many of the older reliefs were modified and/or added during the reigns of successive kings. Most were added to the two entry halls and protected from the elements by the high-pitched low hanging thatch roof which characterized Abomey's architecture.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-18-136876141)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!RBhK!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcf2607e1-b67c-4c11-a9a1-2338fb71cc6b_1302x472.png)
_**Reliefs on an old Temple in Abomey**_, ca. 1940, Quai branly.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!IgRj!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F680ec5a3-a516-457f-be34-e8caa2198ed5_912x564.png)
_**Bas-reliefs on the reception hall of king Gezo**_, ca. 1900. Metropolitan Museum of Art,
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!b_hu!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbf8c5cd7-6a55-4791-8a95-0e3975b88ef7_818x573.jpeg)
_**Reconstruction of the reception hall**_, ca. 1925, Quai branly
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!s4fu!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F77659f46-8054-436c-aaf7-0f59240ab3fe_668x573.jpeg)
_**Bas-reliefs from the palace of King Behanzin**_, ca. 1894-1909, Quai branly
* * *
**Abomey in the 19th century from Gezo to Behanzin.**
Royal construction activity at Abomey was revived by Adandozan, who constructed his palace south of Agonglo's extension of Agaja's palace. However, this palace was taken over by his sucessor; King Gezo, who, in his erasure of Adandozan's from the king list, removed all physical traces of his reign. The reigns of the 19th century kings Gezo (r. 1818-1858) and Glele (r.1858-1889) are remembered as a golden age of Dahomey. Gezo was also a prolific builder, constructing multiple palaces and temples across Dahomey. However, he chose to retain Adandozan's palace at Abomey as his primary residence, but enlarged it by adding a two-story entrance hall and soul-houses for each of his predecessors.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-19-136876141)
Gezo used his crowned prince’s palace and the area surrounding it to make architectural assertions of power and ingenuity. In 1828 he constructed the Hounjlo market which became the main market center for Abomey, positioned adjacent and to the west of his crowned prince’s palace and directly south of the royal palace. Around this market he built two multi-storied buildings, which occasionally served as receptions for foreign visitors.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-20-136876141)
Gezo’s sucessor, King Glele (r. 1858-1889) constructed a large palace just south of Gezo's palace; the _Ouehondji_ (palace of glass windows). This was inturn flanked by several buildings he added later, such as the _adejeho_ (house of courage) -a where weapons were stored, a hall for the _ahosi_ (amazons), and a separate reception room where foreigners were received. His sucessor, Behanzin (r. 1889-1894) resided in Glele's palace as his short 3-year reign at Abomey couldn’t permit him to build one of his own before the French marched on the city in 1893/4.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-21-136876141)
As the French army marched on the capital city of Abomey, Behanzin, realizing that continued military resistance was futile, escaped to set up his capital north. Before he left, he ordered the razing of the palace complex, which was preferred to having the sacred tombs and soul-houses falling into enemy hands. Save for the roof thatching, most of the palace buildings remained relatively undamaged. Behanzin's brother Agoli-Agbo (1894-1900) assumed the throne and was later recognized by the French who hoped to retain popular support through indirect rule. Subsquently, Agoli-Agbo partially restored some of the palaces for their symbolic and political significance to him and the new colonial occupiers, who raised a French flag over them, making the end of Abomey autonomy.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-22-136876141)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!kZl5!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5108f71d-93f4-4a87-8194-fa0c048ffd9f_760x464.png)
Section of Gezo’s Simbodji Palace, illustration from 1851.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!E_ST!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F20e7daa2-062b-4154-b7fa-15a598778bfc_848x565.png)
Simbodji in 1894
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!1x26!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe82f83d5-c043-45b5-b82f-9c9fa401aa83_970x477.jpeg)
Simbodji in 1894-1909
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Uj05!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6a57af92-675b-4534-8801-916cea83eb37_1039x376.png)
_**Palace complex**_ in 1896, BNF.
* * *
East of the kingdom of Dahomey was the Yoruba country of Oyo and Ife, two kingdoms that were **home to a vibrant intellectual culture where cultural innovations were recorded and transmitted orally**;
read more about it here in my latest Patreon article;
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-anchor-1-136876141)
map by J.C.Monroe
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-anchor-2-136876141)
The Precolonial State in West Africa: Building Power in Dahomey by J. Cameron Monroe pg 36-41)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-anchor-3-136876141)
Razing the roof : the imperative of building destruction in dahomè by S. P. Blier pg 165-174, The Royal Palace of Dahomey: symbol of a transforming nation by Lynne Ann Ellsworth Larsen pg 11, 21-24, Wives of leopard by Edna Bay pg 50)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-anchor-4-136876141)
The Royal Palace of Dahomey: symbol of a transforming nation by Lynne Ann Ellsworth pg 28-30)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-anchor-5-136876141)
Razing the roof : the imperative of building destruction in dahomè by S. P. Blier pg 174-175)
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-anchor-6-136876141)
Wives of leopard by Edna Bay pg 9, The Precolonial State in West Africa by J. Cameron Monroe pg 24-25)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-anchor-7-136876141)
The Precolonial State in West Africa by J. Cameron Monroe pg 21, The Royal Palace of Dahomey: symbol of a transforming nation by Lynne Ann Ellsworth pg 37,43-44)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-anchor-8-136876141)
Razing the roof : the imperative of building destruction in dahomè by S. P. Blier pg 173-175)
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-anchor-9-136876141)
The Royal Palace of Dahomey: symbol of a transforming nation by Lynne Ann Ellsworth pg 164-172)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-anchor-10-136876141)
The Royal Palace of Dahomey: symbol of a transforming nation by Lynne Ann Ellsworth pg 47-53)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-anchor-11-136876141)
Wives of leopard by Edna Bay pg 21-24, 62)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-anchor-12-136876141)
Wives of leopard by Edna Bay pg 91-96)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-anchor-13-136876141)
Asen, Ancestors, and Vodun By Edna G. Bay pg 55- 66
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-anchor-14-136876141)
Museums & History in West Africa By West African Museums Programme, pg 78-81)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-anchor-15-136876141)
The art of dahomey Melville J. Herskovits pg 70-74
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-anchor-16-136876141)
African Vodun: Art, Psychology, and Power by S. P. Blier pg 323-326)
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-anchor-17-136876141)
Palace Sculptures of Abomey by Francesca Piqué pg 49-75, Asen, Ancestors, and Vodun By Edna G. Bay pg 96-98, )
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-anchor-18-136876141)
The Royal Palace of Dahomey: symbol of a transforming nation by Lynne Ann Ellsworth pg 12-14, 28, 37, 56-61, 69)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-anchor-19-136876141)
The Royal Palace of Dahomey: symbol of a transforming nation by Lynne Ann Ellsworth pg 61-62, 66-69)
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-anchor-20-136876141)
The Royal Palace of Dahomey: symbol of a transforming nation by Lynne Ann Ellsworth pg 173)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-anchor-21-136876141)
The Royal Palace of Dahomey: symbol of a transforming nation by Lynne Ann Ellsworth pg 72-74, 82)
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital#footnote-anchor-22-136876141)
"Le Musée Histoire d'Abomey" by S. P. Blier pg 143-144)
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Published Time: 2023-03-12T14:44:00+00:00
A complete history of Dogon country: Bandiagara from 1900BC to 1900AD
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A complete history of Dogon country: Bandiagara from 1900BC to 1900AD
=====================================================================
### demystifying an ancient African society
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Mar 12, 2023
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Rising above a the semi-arid plains of central Mali, the dramatic landscape of Bandiagara with jagged escarpments and sandy plateaus is home to some of Africa's most fascinating societies.
The Dogon population of Bandiagara are arguably the most studied groups in African anthropology. But the history of the Bandiagara region is relatively poorly understood, it often relies on outdated concepts, and occasionally employs essentialist theories in describing the region's relationship with west African empires.
Recent research on the Bandigara's history has revealed that the region was central to the political history of west African empires. Bandiagara was often under imperial administration and was integrated into the broader systems of cultural and population exchanges in west Africa. Rather than existing in perpetual antagonism with the expansionist empires, the population of Bandiagara employed diverse political strategies both as allies and opponents.
The recent studies have shown that Bandiagara wasn't an impermeable frontier and its Dogon population weren't a homogeneous group living in isolation; these fallacies emanate from external imaginary than from local realities.
This article outlines the complete history of Bandiagara since the emergence of the region's earliest complex societies. It examines the political history of Bandiagara under various empires, as well as the social institutions of the Dogon.
_**Map showing the location of the Bandiagara region [1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-1-107815909)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!t-lF!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fde1c24fb-3ffb-4c21-977f-a03ddc522879_904x625.png)
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**The emergence of complex societies in Bandiagara: 1900BC-1100AD**
The region of Bandiagara is composed of three zones : the plateau, the escarpment and the lower plains. The plateau rises to a height of approximately 300 meters above surrounding plains and is delimited by the Bandiagara escarpment —a row of sandstone cliffs that rise about 500m and extend 150km from the southwest to the northwest— while the plains of the Seno-Gondo lie to the southeast, just below the cliffs.
The emergence of complex societies in the region begun around the early 2nd millennium BC with the establishment of small agricultural settlements on the Bandiagara plateau and in the Seno Plain. The construction of stone houses and the growing of pearl millet was well established at sites like Ounjougou on the plateau by 1900-1800 BC[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-2-107815909). This first phase of settlement in Bandiagara was succeeded by a period of population decline between 400BC-300AD during which time the region's population was mostly confined to the escarpment at sites such as Pégué cave A[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-3-107815909).
The population of Bandiagara later recovered around the 4th century AD, with multiple iron-age sites growing into large networks of agro-pastoral villages that were established on the plateau, in the escarpment and on the plains. These settlements include the plateau site of Kokolo, the escarpment site of Dourou Boro, and the Seno plain sites of; Damassogou, Nin-Bèrè, Ambéré-Dougon, and Sadia all of which occupied from the late 1st millennium BC to early 2nd millennium AD. These sites were linked to regional and long distance routes across west African as evidenced by the discovery of glass beads and other trade items at Dourou Boro and Sadia.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-4-107815909)
The Seno plain site of Sadia settled from 700-1300, constituted a complex village network connected to the emerging urban trade centers such as Jenne. Sadia and other settlements in the Bandiagara region were contemporaneous with the southward movements of the Neolithic populations from the ancient sites of Dhar Tichitt and the inland Niger delta between Mema to Jenne-jeno. These early developments were also associated with the emergence of the Ghana empire.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-5-107815909)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!kBBA!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb858f254-cdd1-467f-bdca-cc3199f159fb_1600x600.jpeg)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!1U-e!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F43c9ea3c-3315-4e24-adf9-2f88a6dddfe8_1176x891.png)
_**"Toloy" cave within the escarpment. "Toloy" site of Pégué cave A, showing the coiled-clay buildings**_[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-6-107815909)
* * *
**Medieval Bandiagara: demystifying then “Tellem” to “Dogon” sequence.**
The little that is known about the early societies in the Bandiagara region (prior to the medieval empires of Mali and Songhai) is based on the material culture of the region's archeological sites as well as oral traditions recorded in the last century. While some of the different phases of occupation outlined above were once thought to correspond to different groups of people; labeled; "Toloy" (200BC-300BC), "Tellem" (1100-1500AD) and "Dogon"(1600-present), this population sequence has since been revised, especially since the sites of Bandiagara show an unbroken continuity in settlement, and a cultural continuity in burial practices. The terms; "Toloy", "Tellem" and "Dogon" therefore don't correspond to distinct cultural groups, but are now simply used as a way of organizing historical information about Bandiagara into a unitary scheme.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-7-107815909)
The population that flourished in the Bandiagara region during the early 2nd millennium lived in complex societies sustained by a vibrant agro-pastoral economy as well as metallurgy, cloth making, leatherworking, wood carving and pottery. They spoke an incredibly diverse range of languages belonging to both the Nilo-saharan and Niger-congo families related to the neighboring languages of Songhay (Nilo-saharan) and Mande (Niger-Congo), but also included language-isolates that remain unclassified.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-8-107815909)
They constructed houses of stone and mudbrick and some of them buried their dead high up inside the caves of the escarpment. These burials were protected by small walls of hand-molded mud brick reinforced by wooden pillars, or by stone walls covered with clay. The individuals laid to rest within the Bandiagara caves were clothed and wrapped in dyed cotton and/or wool blankets. The large volume of cotton textiles deposited in these burials and the homogeneity of their weaving technique, decoration, and format evidence of an indigenous weaving industry.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-9-107815909)
Among the different forms of apparel were a variety of caps, women's wraps, and male tunics with wide sleeves and blankets. They were made by sewing together narrow strips of cotton cloth using the typical West African horizontal looms[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-10-107815909). Other grave goods include leather aprons, sandals, bags, and knife sheaths; adornments such as cylindrical quartz plugs and beads made of glass, and gemstones; as well as weapons and wood carvings.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-11-107815909)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!6esU!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F46b318bd-3da0-49b0-b197-48ad91b17668_1024x683.jpeg)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!RefN!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F74396607-203b-454c-a146-55d725c83804_960x640.jpeg)
_**“Tellem” houses inside the cliff face of Bandiagara. Tellem constructions at Yougo Dogorou**_[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-12-107815909)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!zcbD!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F78a55819-4826-4541-8309-86325266f8bb_703x885.png)
_**Tunic and Textile fragments from the "Tellem", 11th-12th century**_, Nationaal Museum van Wereldculturen, and Musée National du Mali, Bamako
* * *
**Bandiagara within Imperial Mali and Songhai (13th-16th century): and the “arrival” of the Dogon.**
The growth of large complex settlements within the Bandiagara region during the early 2nd millennium coincided with an era of expansion of Mande cavalry bands which created subordinate polities that paid tribute to the rulers of Mali. In other occasions, these horsemen established autonomous polities whose institutions were similar to those found in the Mali empire. Accompanying such elites were craftsmen such as leatherworkers, blacksmiths, wood carvers and others, who made products for domestic consumption as well as for regional and long distance trade.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-13-107815909)
During the Songhai era, the mountainous Bandiagara region was controlled by officials in the Songhai administration with the title of 'Tondi-farma', and Hombori-koi. The region appears as _**"al-jibal"**_ (Arabic word for the mountains) or as _**"tondi"**_ (Songhay word for the rock) in the 17th century Timbuktu chronicles. According to these chronicles, the populations of parts of Bandiagara were called 'Tunbula' (corresponding to Tombola; one of the ethnonyms of the Dogon). They are described as a _**"very large tribe (qabila) of the majus"**_ (ie; non-Muslims who are tolerated within Muslim domains).[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-14-107815909)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!8lBG!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbed90bf7-0cb6-4865-93b7-d81dbc564fc8_1338x628.png)
_**Map showing the region of Bandiagara within the Songhai empire**_[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-15-107815909)
Most of Bandiagara appears to have been held relatively firmly during the entirety of the Songhai era, having been conquered early during Sunni Ali's reign around 1484, with the only other recorded campaign being that of Askiya Dawud in 1555 which was part of a wider series of pacification campaigns.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-16-107815909) Given its location near Songhai's frontier with the Mossi kingdom of Yatenga, there were significant interactions and population movements between the Bandiagara and Yatenga in the 16th and 17th century, especially since Yatenga was often a target of Songhai attacks. The exact dating and nature of the interaction between Yatenga and the Bandiagara region at this early stage is however rather obscure.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-17-107815909)
The curious office of Tondi-farma appears only during Sunni Ali's reign and was likely created for his military official Muḥammad Ture during the course of the campaigns despite Ture's fraught relationship with Sunni Ali. Shortly after Sunni Ali's death in 1492, Muhammad Ture would depose the deceased ruler's son and seize the throne as Askiya Muhammad. Conversely, the office of Hombori-koi appears during the reign of; Askiya Ishaq (1539-1549) and Askiya Bani reign (1586-1588) and Askiya Ishaq II (1588-1592). It more likely includes the northernmost region of Bandiagara closet to the Niger river valley, especially around the town of Douentza.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-18-107815909)
Oral traditions of the Dogon date their "arrival" in the Bandiagara region to during the height of imperial Songhai between the 15th-16th century. Most traditions often refer to the "pre-existing" population was called Tellem (we found them), but in other traditions, the pre-existing population is referred to as Nongom who are claimed to be distinct from the Tellem but contemporaneous with them.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-19-107815909)
Such traditions are difficult to interpret but more likely represent the arrival of groups of elites, craftsmen or small groups rather than the wholesale migrations of distinct ethnicities and displacements of pre-existing populations.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-20-107815909)The present Dogon populations of the escarpment, plateau and Seno plain form a heterogeneous population whose movement spans several centuries and doesn't constitute a "bounded ethnic" group. The Dogon's internal ethnic diversity takes on many forms including a variety of languages, architecture and material culture.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-21-107815909)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!2WTp!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7c26144f-e83a-45db-be7e-b158699bc98f_1100x733.png)
_**Banani village near the town of Sanga**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!03v4!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7e3578a5-ce58-4321-8e02-1bb69ab5c249_1100x774.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!tzAl!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6a18d6ef-657e-4493-9e08-e1c2dea847b1_1480x984.png)
_**Dogon villages in the escarpment overlooking the plain**_
* * *
**Independent Bandiagara after Songhai: examining Dogon political and social institutions.**
The collapse of Songhai in 1591 dramatically reshaped the political landscape of west Africa and the Bandiagara region as well. The Moroccan garrisons at Timbuktu, Gao and Jenne could barely control the cities, and had no authority in the countryside. An expedition by the Pasha Mahmud in 1595 briefly captured parts of Bandiagara (identified as al-Hajar, Hombori and Da'anka) but hi camp was ambushed by the local archers and he was killed; his head was sent to the Askiya Nuh exiled in Dendi. Besides one mention of an expedition into the northern regions of Bandiagara by Pasha Hamid in 1647, there was no attempt by the Moroccans to take any part of the region.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-22-107815909)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!lhIp!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9ff76c76-60ca-4f89-b133-e7a4c3206013_1081x900.png)
_**Map showing the Bandiagara region including some of the main Dogon settlements**_[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-23-107815909)
It's during this period in the 17th and 18th century that most of the political and social institutions of the Dogon would have fully emerged. Dogon society was controlled by loosely united chiefdoms or federations that are comprised of clans, lineage and villages. These 'federations' are often referred to as "tribes" which constituted closely related lineage groups (clans), they include the tribes of Dyon, Arou, Ono, Domno and Kor. The first four tribes share an elaborate tradition of cosmology and are distinguished in particular by the village from which they dispersed: with the Arou in the escarpment, the Ono and the Domno on the plains and the Dyon in the plateau.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-24-107815909)
[DOGON ASTRONOMY: TRUTHS AND MYSTERIES](https://www.patreon.com/posts/star-gazing-from-73897317)
In the decentralized power structure of the Dogon, political and religious authority is shared between the hogon (chief of a 'tribe'), the priests and head of lineages, as well as the elders from each extended household. The hogon, the priests and the village elders share ritual responsibilities, their political authority being legitimized by their religious roles. The office is of the hogon is today mostly religious in nature but likely held considerable political influence in the past, especially since the hogon of Arou in particular is said to have maintained diplomatic relationship with the Yatenga kingdom[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-25-107815909)
The different Dogon settlements in the Bandiagara region and their distinct historical and geographic origins reveal the diversity of Dogon society. For example, the settlement at Niongono is occupied by the lineages of Degoga and Karambe which claim a Mande origin from the region of Segu before their purported arrival in the 15th-17th century. But the village itself was likely settled as early as the 12th century considering the dating of its earliest sculptures.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-26-107815909)
Additionally, the settlement at Kargue was founded by the Janage lineage, which speak a dialect of the Bozo language. They claim an origin in the region of Jenne as part of a larger group called the Saman that reportedly arrived 15th/16th century. These settled on the plateau and initiated matrimonial political alliances with pre-existing elites. Their attempts at creating a political hegemony through alliances with the 19th century empires of Masina and Tukulor created distinct 'Saman' and 'Dogon' identities.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-27-107815909)
Dogon craftsmen created some of west africa's most recognizable art traditions using copper alloys, iron and wood to make a wide variety of artifacts. While the related activities of metallurgy and wood carving pre-dated the Dogon era, the emergence of an endogamous caste of blacksmiths occurred relatively late[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-28-107815909). The blacksmiths rely on the patronage of wealthy clients to make artifacts, the priests then use the statuettes in religious activities, while individuals may use them for protection purposes.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-29-107815909)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!KW2V!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F86710e16-1032-4a65-81d8-133bfcac71d3_1103x587.png)
_**Bronze figure of a kneeling Male**_, 16th–19th century, private collection; _**Wooden Lidded vessel with an equestrian Figure**_, 1979.206.173a–c, met museum, _**Brass Ring with equestrian figure**_, 19th–20th century, 1981.425.1, met museum
There are four main traditional Dogon cults. These include; the Lebe cult related to fertility of the land, and its spiritual chief is the Hogon. There's the wagem cult which is an ancestral cult of an extended family and is presided over by the family head. There's the Binu cult which is concerned with maintaining harmony between the human settlements and the wild, and its headed by the Binu priest. Lastly is the society of masks which directs public rites that enable the transfer of souls of the deceased to the afterlife.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-30-107815909)
Dogon architecture displays a variation of the broader construction styles in the Niger river valley from Jenne to Timbuktu, but includes features that are unique to the Bandiagara region. Particular emphasis is placed on the façades which are often composed of niches with checkerboard patterns, the walls buttressed by pilasters leading upto flat roofs surmounted by multiple rounded pinnacles. The elder of an extended family lives in a large house (ginna) that is surrounded by the house of family members. The ginna is a two storied building with a façade showing rows of superimposed niches, while the the ancestor altar (Wagem) is in a sheltered structure that leads onto the roof terrace surmounted by ritual bowls.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-31-107815909)
Sections of the Dogon had adopted Islam beginning around the 14th century, based on the estimated dating of the oldest mosque constructed in the village of Nando[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-32-107815909). Built with stone, mudbrick and timber, the mosque's unique architecture —featuring pilasters on its façade and a roof terrace surmounted by conical pilasters— is a blend of architectural styles from Jenne and Bandiagara. Another mosque of about the same age as Nando was built at Makou, and is also said to be contemporaneous with the Nando mosque. Most of the Dogon mosques are of relatively recent construction beginning in the 19th century, and reproduce the same architectural features of domestic Dogon constructions.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-33-107815909)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!7085!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2b8bef46-53b3-4ac3-894c-917ace4c4de7_1168x585.png)
_**House of the Hogon of Arou**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!iM6x!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4f949539-908d-49cc-893b-c947fa0ab0ea_957x568.png)
_**Façade of different ginna houses in Sanga**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!-72U!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6fdb5176-12cf-46f2-9f9c-3b3bbc016ac5_794x878.png)
_**Nando Mosque**_
* * *
**Bandiagara under the empires of Segu, Masina and Tukulor from 1780-1888**
From the late 18th century, parts of the Bandiagara region were subsumed into the three successive empires which controlled the Niger river valley. The Bambara-led empire of Segu expanded over parts of the Bandiagara region, which comprised part of a shared frontier with the kingdom of Yatenga, and some wars were fought in its vicinity prior to the collapse of Segu to the Fulbe-led empire of Masina in 1818. During the early 19th century, the region of Kunari (adjacent to the plateau) was ruled by a Fulbe nobility of the Dikko and Sidibe under the Segu empire, and it was one of the first regions to be subsumed by the Masina forces led by Amhadu Lobbo.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-34-107815909)
The Masina state then extended its control over most of Bandiagara plateau (known as Hayre in Masina documents). The Masinanke (the elite of Masina) appointed a provincial ruler (Amir) named Gouro Malado who goverened most of the plateau, and below him are subordinate chiefs who were in charge of local politics. In the northern sections of the plateau, the villages of Ibissa, Samari and Dagani put themselves under the protection of the chief de Boré, who also a vassal of Masina. Around 1830, most of the Seno plains of Dogon country were annexed by the armies of Ahmadu Lobbo's successor; Ba Lobbo after quelling a major armed movement by the Dogon of Seno against Masina expansionism. Sections of the Dogon that were residing in the Séno plain and were opposed to Masina, abandoned the plain and moved to the escarpments.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-35-107815909)
The seno plain was however not firmly controlled and remained a semi-autonomous zone where rebellious Fulbe elites opposed to the Masina state could settle. Some of the Fulbe elites from Dikko founded the town of Diankabu in the Seno plain. Diankabu was led by Bokari Haman Dikko, a Masinanke noble who betrayed Ahmadu Lobbo and forged alliances with the Yatenga kingdom. However, the Dogon population of Diankabu occupied a subordinate position, as they did in most domains controlled by the Masina state.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-36-107815909)
The northernmost regions of Bandiagara were also not fully integrated into the Masina state and remained under the control of small semi-autonomous polities such as the chiefdoms of Dalla and Booni. In these states, the relationship between the Fulbe elites, the Dogon and other groups was rather complex; with the Dogon of Booni occupying a relatively better position than those in Dalla.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-37-107815909)
The empire of Masina was conquered by the Futanke forces of the Tukulor ruler El Hadj Umar Tal who captured the Masina capital of Hamdullahi in 1862. But the deposed forces of Masina regrouped and besieged their former capital from 1863-1864, forcing Umar Tal to make the pragmatic choice of sending his son Tijani Tal with a large quantity of gold inorder to ally with the Dogon of Bandiagara and provide him with mercenaries. But before Tijani would arrive with the Dogon relief force, the Futanke forces were forced out of Hamdullahi and Umar was killed shortly after in the region of Bandiagara where he had fled.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-38-107815909)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!qACA!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcd25c889-731f-414b-adb1-881b6bf5f8c2_766x539.png)
_**Maximum extent of the Tukulor empire showing the Bandiagara region**_[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-39-107815909)
Following the death of Umar Tal in 1864, Tijani’s followers settled in the Bandigara region and established the capital of their new state at the eponymously named town of Bandiagara in 1868. Tijani forged alliances with Dogon at Bandiagara, especially on the plateau with the chiefs Sanande Sana and Sala Baji of Kambari. The strength of Tijani's coalition which included Dogon warriors allowed him to extend his influence over the rebellious Masinanke forces, who were captured and settled near the plateau, as well as against the Dogon in the Seno plain that were not part of the state. The Dogon forces of Tijani also secured his autonomy from the other half of the Tukulor empire centered Segu that was ruled by his brother Amadu Tal.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-40-107815909)
Given its contested autonomy, the Bandiagara state ruled by Tijani was largely dependent on its military institution, which inturn rested on the diversity of his forces; among whom the Dogon were the most significant element. Tijani's alliance with the Dogon was secured through gift giving and sharing the spoils of war, with the Dogon chiefs being given top priory right after his own Futanke elites. The Bandiagara state wasn't a theocratic government like Masina since Its clerical elite did not hold power and its amirs didn't assume religious authority. The Dogon established a close political and social alliance with the Futanke elite, they shared domestic spaces, and their chiefs were treated with a level of respect.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-41-107815909)
Tijani encouraged Islamic proselytization and mosque construction in Dogon settlements, but also allowed some non-Muslim Dogon religious and judicial practices to continue locally. Even at his capital, a Dogon court was overseen by the Dogon’s traditional Hogon priests, while Muslim law applied to the Futanke and other Muslim subjects. This was in stark contrast to the strict enforcement of theocratic law enforced by Tijani in Muslim settlements outside Bandiagara.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-42-107815909)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!50Fd!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F34184c7f-c015-4d58-8df3-60036eb23dce_775x573.jpeg)
_**Ningari mosque, ca. 1945**_, quai branly
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!GjDu!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa56d9472-76fd-450a-b486-ee48363a2a33_746x1242.png)
_**Kargue mosque**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!NCqC!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd31a4651-7fee-464c-81a2-9a096ce665eb_2400x1600.jpeg)
_**kani kombole mosque**_
* * *
**Bandiagara on the eve of colonialism**
The Dogon featured prominently during the brief reign of Tijani's successor Muniru from 1887/8-1891. Muniru courted Dogon elites and mercenaries with gifts, and managed to seize control of Bandiagara by storming into the main mosque's grounds with his Dogon army while the Futanke elite were preparing for the Tabaski celebration. Muniru later rewarded his Dogon soldiers with a huge amount of cowries and cattle for installing him on the throne.[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-43-107815909)
Muniru's brief reign was a period of prosperity for the Bandiagara region and was remembered positively among the allied Dogon groups. But the arrival of the French armies which had colonized the other half of the Tukulor state at Segu in 1890, compelled Muniru to initiate diplomatic overtures to the French to retain a semblance of autonomy. This potential diplomatic alliance was however cut short when Ahmadu, the deposed Tukulor ruler of Segu fled to Bandiagara where he was welcomed by the elites. His tenure would be brief, and the French would in 1893 seize the capital Bandiagara with the assistance of Muniru's brother Agibu, who was then installed as the ruler.[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-44-107815909)
Unlike his predecessors, the relationship between the Dogon and Agibu was less cordial as the French forces gradually displaced the Dogon’s role as the guarantor of military power. While Agibu retained most of the Dogon fighting forces of his predecessors, the breakdown of the reciprocal gift giving system, the strong opposition from deposed Futanke elites, and a major rebellion in 1896, erased any semblance of state continuity. The region of Bandiagara formally became a French colony.[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-45-107815909)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!6FUp!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F56326649-8536-49dd-b49b-4fdb575d89a3_1001x631.jpeg)
_**Agibu’s palace at Bandiagara**_
* * *
Dogon cosmology includes intriguing details about the binary star system Sirius that were only recently discovered by modern astronomers. **The Dogon tradition on Sirius remains controversial among most scholars, but when combined with the history of west African astronomy at Timbuktu, it provides valuable insights on Africa’s scientific traditions.**
[DOGON ASTRONOMY: TRUTHS AND MYSTERIES](https://www.patreon.com/posts/star-gazing-from-73897317)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!rYxC!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F83d08555-aade-4593-ad96-eea9c49725e3_969x676.png)
* * *
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-1-107815909)
Map by Anne Mayor
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-2-107815909)
Une chronologie pour le peuplement et le climat du pays dogon by Sylvain Ozainne et al. pg 42
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-3-107815909)
Agricultural diversification in West Africa by Louis Champion et al pg 15-16, Early social complexity in the Dogon Country by Anne Mayor.
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-4-107815909)
Early social complexity in the Dogon Country by Anne Mayor. Compositional and provenance study of glass beads from archaeological sites in Mali and Senegal at the time of the first Sahelian states by Miriam Truffa Giachet
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-5-107815909)
Agricultural diversification in West Africa by Louis Champion et al pg 17-18)
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-6-107815909)
credit: Partners Pays-Dogon and Anne Mayor et al in “Diet, health, mobility, and funerary practices in pre-colonial West Africa”
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-7-107815909)
"Toloy", "Tellem", "Dogon" : une réévaluation de l'histoire du peuplement en Pays dogon (Mali) by Anne Mayor pg 333-344, Un Néolithique Ouest-Africain by S Ozainne
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-8-107815909)
Was there a now-vanished branch of Nilo-Saharan on the Dogon Plateau by Roger Blench
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-9-107815909)
Sahel: Art and Empires on the Shores of the Sahara by Alisa LaGamma pg 162)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-10-107815909)
Cloth in West African History By Colleen E. Kriger pg 76-93
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-11-107815909)
Sahel: Art and Empires on the Shores of the Sahara by Alisa LaGamma pg 164-165, 168)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-12-107815909)
credit: Anthony Pappone on flickr, anon
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-13-107815909)
Sahel: Art and Empires on the Shores of the Sahara by Alisa LaGamma pg pg 153)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-14-107815909)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 92 n.8, pg 150 n.40, pg 20 n.16, 138
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-15-107815909)
credits; M. Gomez, Joseph M. Bradshaw
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-16-107815909)
_**a small section of the still unidentified “dum mountain” (possibly near Douentza) remained outside Songhai control;**_ Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 92, 99, 147)
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-17-107815909)
_**The following sources provide rather conflicting accounts, and its important to note that despite its location, Bandiagara wasn’t the actual zone of the Songhai-Mossi wars and was likely periphery to the Yatenga kingdom**_: Forgerons et sidérurgie en pays dogon by C. Robion-Brunner pg 11, Traditions céramiques dans la boucle du Niger by Anne Mayor pg 113, The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 4 pg 185
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-18-107815909)
African Dominion by Michael A. Gomez pg 206-207, Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick xxxix, 138, 157 n.99, 171, 175-176, )
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-19-107815909)
Dogon: Images & Traditions by Huib Blom pg 89
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-20-107815909)
_**The migration of atleast one group of artisans that eventually acquired a Dogon identity has been studied in detail by combining archeological data and oral traditions**_, Forgerons et sidérurgie en pays dogon by C. Robion-Brunner pg 123-124
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-21-107815909)
Dogon: Images & Traditions by Huib Blom pg 24, 38)
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-22-107815909)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 226-227, Forgerons et sidérurgie en pays dogon by C. Robion-Brunner pg 11)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-23-107815909)
credits: Kate Erza
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-24-107815909)
African Worlds: Studies in the Cosmological Ideas and Social Values of African Peoples by Daryll Forde pg 89-90, Forgerons et sidérurgie en pays dogon by C. Robion-Brunner pg 8)
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-25-107815909)
African Worlds: Studies in the Cosmological Ideas and Social Values of African Peoples by Daryll Forde pg 99-101, Forgerons et sidérurgie en pays dogon by C. Robion-Brunner pg 8, Dogon: Images & Traditions by Huib Blom pg 18, 216, 218, 225
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-26-107815909)
Dogon: Images & Traditions by Huib Blom pg 46)
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-27-107815909)
Dogon: Images & Traditions by Huib Blom pg 64-66)
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-28-107815909)
Variability of Ancient Ironworking in West Africa pg 300-304
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-29-107815909)
Dogon: Images & Traditions by Huib Blom pg 40)
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-30-107815909)
Dogon: Images & Traditions by Huib Blom pg 216)
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-31-107815909)
L'architecture dogon: Constructions enterre au Mali, edited by Wolfgang Lauber, Dogon: Images & Traditions by Huib Blom pg 228-238,
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-32-107815909)
Historic Mosques in Sub-Saharan Africa by Stéphane Pradines pg 102
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-33-107815909)
Dogon: Images & Traditions by Huib Blom pg 282, 286, 291, Historic Mosques in Sub-Saharan Africa: From Timbuktu to Zanzibar by Stéphane Pradines pg 102-103
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-34-107815909)
Forgerons et sidérurgie en pays dogon by C. Robion-Brunner pg 12, Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by M. Nobili pg 200)
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-35-107815909)
Forgerons et sidérurgie en pays dogon by C. Robion-Brunner pg 12)
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-36-107815909)
The Bandiagara Emirate by Joseph M. Bradshaw pg 62)
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-37-107815909)
Ecology and Power in the Periphery of Maasina: The Case of the Hayre in the Nineteenth Century by Mirjam de Bruijn and Han van Dijk pg 227-237
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-38-107815909)
'The Chronicle of the Succession': An Important Document for the Umarian State by David Robinson pg 251, The Bandiagara Emirate by Joseph M. Bradshaw pg 5,22)
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-39-107815909)
map by John Henry Hanson.
[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-40-107815909)
The Bandiagara Emirate by Joseph M. Bradshaw pg 19, 53, 71, Forgerons et sidérurgie en pays dogon by C. Robion-Brunner pg 12)
[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-41-107815909)
The Bandiagara Emirate by Joseph M. Bradshaw pg 53-55)
[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-42-107815909)
The Bandiagara Emirate by Joseph M. Bradshaw pg 63, Poussière, ô poussière!: la cité-état sama du pays dogon, Mali By Gilles Holder pg 391-392 )
[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-43-107815909)
The Bandiagara Emirate by Joseph M. Bradshaw pg 104-105)
[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-44-107815909)
The Bandiagara Emirate by Joseph M. Bradshaw pg 107-143, Warriors, Merchants, and Slaves by Richard L. Roberts pg 158)
[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country#footnote-anchor-45-107815909)
The Bandiagara Emirate by Joseph M. Bradshaw pg 152-160).
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Published Time: 2022-12-04T13:00:58+00:00
A complete history of Harar; the city of Saints (1050-1887 AD)
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A complete history of Harar; the city of Saints (1050-1887 AD)
==============================================================
### Journal of African cities chapter-4
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Dec 04, 2022
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The city of Harar looms large in the cultural and political history of the northern horn of Africa. Its labyrinthine alleys and cobbled streets flanked by whitewashed stone houses clustered between hundreds of saintly shrines and over 82 mosques, have earned Harar the nickname "city of saints"; and its reputation as the “fourth holiest city of Islam”.
The metropolis of Harar was the capital of one the most powerful empires in north-east Africa, and it later emerged as an independent city-state that issued its own coinage, and was a major center of trade and scholarship, linking the Indian ocean world with the kingdoms of the Ethiopian highlands.
This article outlines the complete chronological history of Harar, including an overview of its political history, trade, architectural monuments, and manuscript tradition.
_**Map showing the location of Harar city in Ethiopia[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-1-88379556)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!eM0l!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa6679ec2-373e-47c0-be71-4a4e1b424c0c_533x617.png)
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**Origin of Harar in the 11th century; the medieval ruins of Harlaa**
Traditions about the history of Harar distinguish two periods in the foundation of the city; the first foundation occurred around the 10th century but has strong legendary connotations, attributing the city's establishment to an alliance of seven clans; while the second foundation occurred under the reign of the 'Emir Nÿr (1552-1568) the successor of Imam Ahmad Gran of the Adal sultanate/empire.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-2-88379556)
Etymologically, the term “Harla/Harala” is the most likely origin of the name “Harar”, and is also possibly the name of the sultanate of Hārla whose capital Hubät/ Hobat appears in a number of records in the 14th century when its associated with the Ifat kingdom (c. 1286–1435/36) a rival to the Solomonid/Ethiopian empire under Amdä Ṣәyon[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-3-88379556). Harla is also an ethnonym that first occurs in written records as “Xarla” in the 13th century Universal Geography of Ibn Saʿīd, as “Harla” in; the 14th century record of the wars of the Ethiopian emperor Amdä Ṣәyon and in the 16th century chronicle of the Adal-Ethiopia wars "Futūh al-Habaša". The term "Harla" later acquired a legendary status among the groups of people who had moved into the region near Harar during the 16th century, it was associated with "giants" who previously occupied the region and were credited with the construction of a range of ruined stone towns near Harar.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-4-88379556)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!4dPr!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F13682ecb-0c5a-425e-9d63-89900fd0f81c_942x1203.png)
_**Map showing sites and ruins attributed to the “Harlaa”**_
Within a radius of 5-13km from Harar are the ruins of several stone built settlements. These ruins include large palatial houses constructed in the form of medieval castles, civic buildings, workshops, mosques, dozens of houses, cemeteries with inscribed stone slabs, coins from the Byzantine empire, Ayyubid Egypt and Song-dynasty china, imported and locally manufactured jewellery, glassware and pottery.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-5-88379556) The establishment of the settlement at Harlaa based on the inscribed stone slabs has been dated to the 11th century lasting until the 15th century, and the majority of the population was local suggesting that Islam was adopted rather than brought in by immigrants.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-6-88379556)
Harlaa was a cosmopolitan hub of both Muslim and non-Muslim inhabitants who included merchants and craftspeople from different regions, ethnicities and traditions. These individuals exchanged goods and commodities, as well as knowledge and beliefs and the city was part of an extensive trade network extending from the redsea coast to the Ethiopian highlands. The archeological results from Harar and Harlaa suggest a direct chronological link between the two settlements and affirm the importance of the urban environment as a context for Islamic conversion[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-7-88379556)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!yX8P!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F88fc1fe5-fe76-4c84-9b3d-ea647952f3d8_1101x475.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!3-t-!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb75a741f-12ae-4840-aea7-e80b3e7ef100_1348x551.png)
_**Ruins of buildings at Harar including the castle/citadel below**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!9qzo!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb4b5da99-9e48-4eef-bde3-6cd8e71b669c_527x480.png)
_**Coins found at Harar; Byzantine trachy of the Emperor Theodore Komnenos Doukas (1224–1230), Song dynasty Chinese coin, Ayyubid dynasty (egypt) coins.**_[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-8-88379556)
* * *
**The foundation of Harar in the 15th century: Geo-political rivary in the northern Horn of Africa**
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!wOua!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F18f4f4ac-65b4-4dab-8f1d-c5091b338140_647x730.png)
_**The northern Horn of Africa in the late 15th/early 16th century**_
The present city of Harar was established around the 15th-16th century and was closely associated with the emergence of the Adal empire as a major power in the northern Horn of Africa. Harar initially appears as a province under the governorship of Imam Mahfuz, who was a vassal of the Adal emperor Azhar ad-Din (r. 1488-1518).[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-9-88379556) Mahfuz's skirmishes on the eastern borders of the Ethiopian empire prompted the latter's retaliation with a battle that ended with a temporary period of peace. By 1519, Harar had become the new capital of the Adal empire during the reign of Azhar's successor Abu Bakr, and was a major base from which Abu Bakr's successor Ahmad Gran launched his conquest of the Ethiopian empire with the help of the Ottomans, until they were ultimately turned back and sought refuge in Harar.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-10-88379556)
Ahmad's nephew named Nur Ibn Mujahid became the ruler of Harar in 1551. He is credited with extensive construction work around the city, including building a wall and rampart around the city accessed through five gates that divide the city into five districts (Assum, Argob, Suqutat, Badro and Asmadiri).[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-11-88379556) Hoping to repeat the successes of his uncle, Nur advanced into the Ethiopian empire, invading its south-eastern province of Fatagar in 1559 and later defeating the emperor Galawdewos who died in battle. Nur returned to Harar without consolidating his victory in order to fend off the advance of eastern Oromo groups (of the Barentu moeity) that reached Harar in 1567, besieged it and sacked it, before he died in 1568.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-12-88379556)
Nur was succeeded by a slave-official named Uthman but the latter had little power over the aristocracy of Harar but succeeded in negotiating a treaty with sections of the Barentu who were accepted into the city's markets on condition of leaving their arms at the Gates. Uthman was deposed by Talha in 1569 who was inturn deposed by Uthman's son Nazir in 1571, who was inturn succeeded by his son Muhammed b. Nâsır in 1572. Muhammed joined another Ottoman alliance against the Ethiopian empire in 1573, they launched their attack between 1577 and 1579 but were defeated and many Harari nobles died in battle along with the Ottoman pasha Radwan. Harar was again besieged by nomadic groups and ceased to be the capital of Adal which retreated to Aussa before it declined into obsolescence, and Harar became its own independent kingdom in 1647 under ʿAlī b. Dawūd.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-13-88379556)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!5l_K!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F49401fa3-c82f-4e06-bcd2-aa7f5056b011_1348x559.png)
_**Panorama of Harar and its hinterland in 1944, quai branly**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!jmKz!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2a2347a2-ec24-4c31-be49-f2a0bcf52a2c_1156x552.png)
_**The Fallana Gate in the north, Harar, 1885, BNF Paris**_
* * *
**The city-state of Harar from the 17th to 19th century; trade, mosques, shrines, and scholarship.**
Harar under the Dawud dynasty from 1647-1875 was an independent city-state governed by its own rulers (titled Emir) who also minted coinage inscribed with their names. Harar's caravans reached the regions of southern and central Ethiopia from which they acquired commodities (ivory, salt, rubber) that they added to the local agricultural produce (coffee, sorghum), as well as gold and silver jewellery, and sold to the indian-ocean ports of Zayla, and Berbera. Harar continued to grow into a major center of learning and pilgrimage beginning in the 16th century with the establishment of cults of local saints and their shrines; the composition of a substantial body of Arabic literature; the construction of several mosques; and the growth of the Qadiriyya brotherhood that was instrumental in Islamic proselytization across the region.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-14-88379556)
Harar’s rulers begun minting their own coins around the 16th century, when the usage of gold and silver coins called _**ashrafi**_ and _**mahallak**_ was introduced, with 22 of the latter being equal to 1 of the former during the 18th century, and several hundred thousand would have been in circulation at a time. Different dies were used by different rulers, and the coins’ sizes, weight, and content of the gold and silver changed depending on the economic circumstances, with the highest quality coins belonging to Abd al Shakur (1783-1794), while the most devalued belonged to Muhammad ibn Ali (1856-1875).[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-15-88379556)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!pfEE!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F58f7f2b5-740d-4f0a-9227-e851a551e494_439x726.png)
_**Harar coinage issued in 1222 AH, 1304 AH (1807, 1887 A.D), University of Illinois**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!s3wK!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9c45f2d2-7614-492b-9114-bdaf0e8b06b1_1349x567.png)
_**Gold and silver ornaments encrusted with carnelian gemstones and diamonds, made in Harar between the late 19th and early 20th century, quai branly**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!gmTT!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F45834238-9de5-4564-94b7-35f733f20c6a_800x518.png)
_**section of a market in Harar selling textiles, 1885, BNF Paris**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!8c51!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa944209a-8c83-4b21-97d6-0c1228733a29_825x546.png)
_**A caravan just outside Harar, 1889, BNF Paris**_
Harar presently has over 88 mosques with 82 found inside the walls, the vast majority having been built before the late 19th century. Every mosque possessed a Waqf property such as a piece of farm land or house for lease given to it by a patron, these endowments served to finance its construction and maintenance as well as associated institutions such as schools. The mosques were built in a similar fashion as other constructions in Harar such as the houses and palaces. Walls were built with limestone and granite bound by mud-mortar and reinforced with timber, they were plastered with white lime-wash, and the building was covered by a flat roof of of juniper rafters and stone, with semi-circular rain spouts to drain rainwater. While there are around 6 old mosques in Harar (aw Abdel, aw Abadir, aw Meshad, Din Agobera, Fehkredin and Jami) that are traditionally dated to the 13th century when the saint Abādir is said to have come to Harar from mecca with his companions, recent archeological excavations next to the mosques found that their construction begun after the late 15th century, with many being substantially remodeled in the 18th and early 19th century, around the time when the rest of the other mosques were built.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-16-88379556)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!4uBr!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6c89ac06-b44a-4e53-901e-0344300b3429_822x638.png)
_**Emir’s residence, Harar, 1885, BNF paris**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!nSQQ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8a5ad2fa-f6d7-493b-9dae-83d6b82aa234_949x518.png)
_**Jami mosque in the late 19th century before its renovation**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!zDUG!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe557df46-19f3-45f1-9744-e6d83f2ac0aa_539x441.png)
_**Floor plan of the Jami mosque**_[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-17-88379556)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!8983!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0e8b018c-5469-4407-8463-e54211c47255_1121x568.png)
_**Harar rooftops c. 1905**_
Harar is home to between 103-107 shrines of saints within its walls and more outside its walls, that give the city its alternative name; Madīnat al-Awliyā or “City of Saints”. These saints were local and foreign figures (Harari, Arab, Somali, Oromo), both male and female, who played a significant role in the city's politico-religious history, and their shrines are referred to as _**āwach**_ suggesting their importance as founding fathers and ancestors of the inhabitants of the city. Knowledge about the saints and their shrines is variable on the basis of such factors as gender, ethnicity, descent, area of residence, the shrine's importance is such that half of all neighborhoods in the city's 5 districts are named after their local shrine, and a number of important religious festivals are celebrated in the shrines.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-18-88379556) These saintly shrines built in honor of figures that were perceived to be intermediaries between God and Man due to the saint's _barakah_, became important pilgrimage sites that acted as neutral meeting grounds for people of diverse ethnic --and in some cases religious-- origins, seeking blessings and solutions.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-19-88379556) Their basic structure consisted of a domed building about 3-6 meters in height accessed through a low door, inside of this structure is the saint's covered tomb and an open space. The structures are often associated with natural objects such as trees, rocks and pools that are also found among surrounding non-Muslim groups suggesting their pre-Islamic origin and the syncretic nature of Harar's cult of Muslim saints.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-20-88379556)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!zU_f!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4b02e50a-3aa5-4800-9bbc-93b28511027b_1312x592.png)
_**Shrine of Aw Abadir**_(in 1899, today)_**; Shrine of Aw Aw Abdulkadir Jeylan**_
Harar was a major center of scholarship in the northern Horn of Africa, with a significant manuscript tradition that included the composition and copying of documents written in the languages of Arabic and 'Old Harari', these include Qurʾāns and devotional works, didactical and instructional works in theology and law, as well as poetry, grammar, and mysticism (taṣawwuf). Some of the oldest preserved manuscript that has been studied is dated to 1701 and the oldest composed locally is dated to 1724, but many of these were part of a tradition that begun in the 17th century or earlier as private collections in Harar often contain manuscripts pre-dating the 18th century.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-21-88379556) Prominent scholars include Šayḫ Hāšim al-Hararī (c.1711–1765) who was a teacher and a very prominent figure in both the Arabic and the Old Harari literature that composed several religious works of devotional and mystical content. Other scholars include; Hamid b Saddiq al-Harari who lived in Harar in the 18th century and served as a jurist[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-22-88379556) ; and Ay Amatullah (1851-1893), a daughter of the qadi of Harar, she became a faqih and teacher of both men and women students.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-23-88379556)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!YvUW!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4a7150f3-e2a0-469e-973f-8c56bf15c2d5_1256x652.png)
_**Manuscript titled 'Tafsir Kitabul wadih' with astrological diagrams, written in 1687 in Harar, Sherif Harar City Museum**_[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-24-88379556)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!viDv!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F707c9032-70ff-4efe-a427-91defc1c4a0f_1348x555.png)
_**Composite manuscript with Commentaries; Magical texts; Scientific works; Medical works; Poems; Prayers, written between the 17th and 18th century, Sherif Harar City Museum**_[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-25-88379556)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!OlUg!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F230216dd-7ddc-4dfa-a714-eda24750e6ba_1349x583.png)
_**Qurʼan written in 1812, Sherif Harar City Museum**_[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-26-88379556)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!8FTI!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F617e635b-3e73-4212-aa18-b77edf1efa3c_1349x525.png)
_**Talismanic Manuscript written in Harar on April 1796, Addis Ababa museum**_[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-27-88379556)
* * *
**Political history of the Harar city-state from the 18th century until the Ottoman occupation in 1875**
The city-state of Harar comprised the walled city which was divided into five districts each forming administrative units, and its immediate hinterland which was also divided into five large territories following the same administrative structure.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-28-88379556) The rulers of the walled city had entered into a symbiotic relationship with the agro-pastoral groups in its hinterland the most prominent of whom was the Afran-Qallu (a confederation of the _Barentu_ subsections named; _Oborra, Alla, Nole_ and _Babile_) who provided surplus produce (sorghum, coffee), as well as cattle products and ivory for the city's markets in exchange for collecting tolls from merchants and receiving trade goods (textiles and salt), as well as becoming part of Harar's aristocracy and land-owning elite. But relations were not consistently amicable especially because of the succession conflicts that characterize Harar's political history, which often involved alliances with different Afran-Qallu groups by rivaling Harari factions. Thus between the late 18th and early 19th century; the Harar Kings Ahmad ibn Abu Bakr (I755-82) and Ahmad ibn Muhammad (I794-I821) led expeditions into Harar's hinterland.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-29-88379556)
Succession crises after the passing of Ahmad preceded the ascent of Abd al-Rahman who relied on a military alliance with the _Babile_, he managed to rule until 1827 when he was deposed by his brother Abd al-Karim ibn Muhammad after the former's failure to extract tribute from the _Alla_. Al-Karim's ascent through civil war had devastated Harar's hinterland and enabled him retain the city's firm control over it, that continued into the reign of his successor Abu Bakr (1834-52). But by the mid-19th century, raids on many of Harar's caravans that ventured outside its walls had sapped the city's trade especially during the reign of Ahmad Abu Bakr (1852-6), when the city was forced to pay tribute to the hinterland groups to avoid destruction and armed parties were allowed into its gates contrary to tradition. A military alliance between the Afran-Qallu and Muhammad ibn Ali enabled the later to take over Harar after Abu Bakr's death, ascending to the throne in 1856, and ruling until the city's conquest by Ottoman Egypt in 1875.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-30-88379556)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!xSmd!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0fd61141-6377-4664-b1e5-cf949b96d06c_877x557.png)
_**One of Harar’s old city gates, 1934, quai branly**_
* * *
**Harar in the late 19th century; from the Ottomans in 1875 to modern Ethiopia in 1887.**
The Ottoman-Egyptian forces advanced into Harar in 1875 as part of a wider conquest of North-east Africa following their occupation of Sudan in the 1820s, and their conquest of the Somali coast after taking Zeila and Berbera in the 1870s. The Ottoman commander Rauf Pasha deposed (and later killed) Muhammad ibn Ali in October 1875 after a brief resistance by the forces of the Afran-Qallu.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-31-88379556) The Egyptians would occupy Harar from 1875 to 1885, and during this time, the structure of Harar's administration and society was significantly altered especially the political and economic relationship between the city and its hinterland, as well as the adoption of Islam among the Afran-Qallu.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-32-88379556)
The city had an estimated 35,000 inhabitants in 1875, its 3-4m high walls with 24 towers and 5 gates enclosed an area of 0.5 km sq, and its effective authority over the hinterland had shrunk to a radius of about 10-15km outside its walls. It still retained its religious significance its status in long-distance trade and its very productive agricultural output, but didn't have a significant crafts industry. The Egyptian settlers who settled in Harar during its brief occupation (mostly soldiers and their families) came to comprise 25% of its population, pacifying the city and hinterland, and remitting taxes back to Cairo.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-33-88379556) In May 1885, the Ottoman-Egyptians evacuated Harar as part of a wider withdraw from their NorthEast African possesions outside Egypt, and Abdullahi was elected by the town's patricians as their ruler. Abdullahi reigned briefly until 1887 when the city was subsumed into modern Ethiopia.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-34-88379556)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!bLPa!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F488d3bed-0010-42b2-9056-57d0f09286bf_874x390.png)
_**Raouf mosque, the ottoman mosque built after 1875, c. 1885 photo, BNF Paris**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!bnC8!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F00113c65-1de5-4d36-a130-fc9de1b27173_821x433.png)
_**Palace of ras makonnen in Harar, c. 1905**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!rfhk!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7f46ae00-93ef-49c3-a89b-4344324b45f6_1174x523.png)
_**View of Harar, 1944**_
* * *
The **“Ancient Egyptian Race controversy”** is most divisive topic in modern Egyptology, in this article, i explore **ancient Egypt’s definition of “ethnicity”** and their relationship with the kingdoms and people of Nubia;
[WERE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS BLACK?](https://www.patreon.com/posts/75102957?pr=true)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Nuej!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb0b1328e-06cb-41d5-b64c-7d808cea4821_680x403.png)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-1-88379556)
map prepared by N. Khalaf
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-2-88379556)
Espaces musulmans de la Corne de l'Afrique au Moyen Âge by François-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar pg 23)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-3-88379556)
Material cosmopolitanism: the entrepot of Harlaa as an Islamic gateway to eastern Ethiopia by Timothy Insoll pg 504, The City in the Islamic World pg 625)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-4-88379556)
First Footsteps in the Archaeology of Harar, Ethiopia by Timothy Insoll pg 209-210, Material cosmopolitanism: the entrepot of Harlaa as an Islamic gateway to eastern Ethiopia by Timothy Insoll pg 488)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-5-88379556)
New archaeological find in Southeast Ethiopia by Meftuh S. Abubaker , Marine Shell Working at Harlaa, Ethiopia, and the Implications for Red Sea Trade by Timothy Insoll
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-6-88379556)
Material cosmopolitanism: the entrepot of Harlaa as an Islamic gateway to eastern Ethiopia by Timothy Insoll pg 498-501)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-7-88379556)
Material cosmopolitanism: the entrepot of Harlaa as an Islamic gateway to eastern Ethiopia by Timothy Insoll pg 498-501)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-8-88379556)
photos and captions from; New archaeological find in Southeast Ethiopia by Meftuh S. Abubaker and Material cosmopolitanism by Timothy Insoll
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-9-88379556)
Ethiopia and red sea by Mordechai Abir pg 69-70, 86
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-10-88379556)
Islam in Ethiopia By J. Spencer Trimingham pg 85)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-11-88379556)
The Archeology of Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa By Timothy Insoll pg 78)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-12-88379556)
Islam in Ethiopia By J. Spencer Trimingham pg 91-95)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-13-88379556)
Islam in Ethiopia By J. Spencer Trimingham pg 96-97)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-14-88379556)
The City in the Islamic World by Serge Santelli et al pg 626-627)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-15-88379556)
Harari Coins: A Preliminary Survey by Ahmed Zekaria pg 23-29
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-16-88379556)
The mosques of Harar by Timothy Insoll and Ahmed Zekaria
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-17-88379556)
The mosques of Harar by Timothy Insoll and Ahmed Zekaria pg 89
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-18-88379556)
Baraka without Borders: Integrating Communities in the City of Saints by Camilla C. T. Gibb pg 90-104
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-19-88379556)
The Archeology of Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa By Timothy Insoll pg 80-81)
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-20-88379556)
The City in the Islamic World by Serge Santelli et al pg 632-633)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-21-88379556)
The Emergence of Multiple-Text Manuscripts by Alessandro Gori et al pg 59-68)
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-22-88379556)
Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 3. The Writings of the Muslim Peoples of Northeastern Africa. by J. Hunwick pg 30)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-23-88379556)
Islam and Gender in Colonial Northeast Africa by Silvia Bruzzi pg 67)
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-24-88379556)
[link](https://w3id.org/vhmml/readingRoom/view/527293)
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-25-88379556)
[link](https://w3id.org/vhmml/readingRoom/view/527466)
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-26-88379556)
[link](https://w3id.org/vhmml/readingRoom/view/527071)
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-27-88379556)
[link](https://eap.bl.uk/archive-file/EAP286-1-1-393)
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-28-88379556)
Historic Mosques in Sub-Saharan Africa by Stephane Pradines pg 129
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-29-88379556)
Harär Town and Its Neighbours in the Nineteenth Century by RA Caulk pg 371-374)
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-30-88379556)
Harär Town and Its Neighbours in the Nineteenth Century by RA Caulk pg 375-380)
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-31-88379556)
Emirate, Egyptian, Ethiopian pg 38-399
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-32-88379556)
Harär Town and Its Neighbours in the Nineteenth Century by RA Caulk pg 381-384)
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-33-88379556)
'L'occupation égyptienne de Harar (1875-1885)' by Jonathan Miran pg 59-62, 104-105)
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city#footnote-anchor-34-88379556)
Harär Town and Its Neighbours in the Nineteenth Century by RA Caulk pg 385-386)
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Another great read, I'd recommend you look into a relatively recent discovery of Hararghe's rock art paintings as being related to the social institutions of the Oromo which has pretty big implications on the general history of the horn of Africa.
The study: Qaallu Institution: A theme in the ancient rock-paintings of Hararqee implications for social semiosis and history of Ethiopia - Dereje Tadesse Birbirso
Also, the etymology of the word "Harla" could be rooted from the word "Allaa" denoting one of the 5 Afran-Qallo clans, I believe it to be a valid theory as it seems to complement this recent discovery
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[Dec 5, 2022](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city/comment/10925343 "Dec 5, 2022, 8:22 AM")
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I appreciate this collection as Harari person who already has a little awareness and so to strengthen me in its knowledge and I will teach it certainly to my students and assure it in my quotation in my books Gratitude for you
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Published Time: 2023-03-05T13:55:46+00:00
A complete history of Jenne: 250BC-1893AD - by isaac Samuel
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A complete history of Jenne: 250BC-1893AD
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### Journal of African cities chapter 6
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Nested along the banks of the Bani river within the fertile floodplains of central Mali, the city of Jenne has for centuries been at the heart of west Africa's political and cultural landscape.
Enframed within towering earthen walls was a cosmopolitan urban settlement intersected by wide allies that were flanked by terraced mansions whose entrances were graced by majestic baobabs. Inside this city, scholars, merchants and craftsmen mingled in a flourishing community that was subsumed by the expansionist vast empires of west Africa.
Integrated within the vast social landscape, the city of Jenne would have a profound influence on west Africa's cultural history. Jenne’s commercial significance, its craftsmen's architectural styles and its scholars' literary production would leave a remarkable legacy in African history.
This article outlines the complete history of Jenne; including a summary of the city's political history, its scholarly traditions and its architectural styles.
_**Map of west Africa’s empires showing the location of Jenne[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-1-106417543)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!gGWw!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb8181837-71fe-41d5-9cc0-152902deed97_840x590.png)
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* * *
**Origins of Jenne: the urban settlement at jenne-jeno (250BC-1400AD)**
The city of Jenne is built on a large river island in the Bani tributary of the Niger river. The original settlement of Jenne was established at the neolithic site of jenne jeno about 2-3km away, which was occupied from the 3rd century BC to the 15th century AD. Jenne-jeno has revealed the site of a complex society that developed into a considerable regional center, and is one of west Africa’s oldest urban settlements. Surrounded by over 69 satellite towns, the population of the whole exceeded 42,000 in the mid-1st millennium.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-2-106417543)
The settlement at Jenne-jeno, and its urban cluster was part of a broader Neolithic tradition that arose in the region of Mema near Mali’s border with Mauritania, which included the ancient settlement of Dia and several small nucleated settlements of related dates in the 1st millennium BC. The Mema tradition was itself linked to the ancient Neolithic sites of Dhar Tichitt in southern Mauritania where arose a vast number of proto-urban sites during the 3rd millennium BC.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-3-106417543)
By 800 Jenne-jeno had developed into as a full and heterogeneous agglomeration inhabited by a population of various specialists, with a surrounding wall 2 kilometers in circumference surrounded by a sprawling urban cluster of satellite settlements.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-4-106417543) The present settlement at Jenne was itself established during the last phase of jenne-jeno's occupation around the 12th-13th century, and its oldest settlement has recently been dated to between 1297–1409.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-5-106417543)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!FBPM!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe43059fd-bc33-4448-96cb-9e4735f42ddb_1800x1198.png)
_**Reclining figure. ca. 12th–14th century**_, Jenne-jeno, Musée National du Mali
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!w6Ui!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F397d875d-5c6f-4fae-9bbe-0568f230cff0_575x462.png)
_**Jenne-jeno urban cluster**_, map by R. McIntosh
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!FkGF!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F73814512-52fd-434b-b70c-51a6bd7effc2_627x446.png)
_**Map of Jenne-Jeno in relation to the Neolithic sites of Dia and Dhar Tichitt**_, map by K.C. MacDonald
* * *
**The history of Jenne under the empires of Mali and Songhai (13th-16th century)**
From the 9th-13th century, the hinterland of Jenne fell under the political control of the empires of Ghana and Mali, the latter of which was the first to exercise any real control over the city. Jenne's status under Mali was rather ambiguous. Its immediate hinterland which included the provinces of; Bindugu (along the Bani river between Jenne and Segu); as well as Kala and Sibiridugu (both between the Bani and Niger rivers) were under Malian control by the 13th century. A 14th century account about the Mali emperor Mansa Musa and the 17th century Timbuktu chronicle; tarikh al fattash, both mention that the Mali empire conquered hundreds to cities and towns, _**“each with its surrounding district with villages and estates”.**_ With Jenne being one of the cities under Mali.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-6-106417543)
However, the city may have maintained a significant degree of autonomy throughout the entire period of Mali empire. According to the 17th century chronicle; Tarikh al-Sudan _**"At the height of their power the Malians sought to subject the people of Jenne, but the latter refused to submit. The Malians made numerous expeditions against them, and many terrible, hard-fought encounters took place-a total of some ninety-nine, in each of which the people of Jenne were victorious."**_ While embellished, this story indicates that Jenne didn't willingly submit to Mali's rule if it ever did.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-7-106417543)
The city first appears in external accounts in a description of west Africa by the Genoese traveler Antonio Malfante in 1447 while he was in the southern Sahara region. He mentions the cities of the middle Niger basin then under the (brief) control of the Tuaregs, among which was Jenne (“Geni”). But by the time of the Portuguese account of Alvise Cadamosto who was on the west african coast by 1456, Jenne's ruler was reportedly at war with Sulaymān Dāma, the first Songhai ruler.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-8-106417543)
Sunni Ali, the successor of Sulaymān, besieged Jenne in between the years 1470-1473 using a flotilla of 400 boats to surround it with his armies. Daily pitched battles ensued for the next 6 months until the city eventually capitulated, allowing Sunni Ali to establish his residence east of the Great Mosque. This siege must have represented a significant political event, since the Tarik al-sudan noted that _**"with the exception of Sunni "Ali, no ruler had ever defeated the people of Jenne since the town was founded"**_. Jenne's independence ended with this conquest as successive empires vied for its control. Fatefully, this same conquer of Jenne is reported to have died during another siege of Jenne around 1487-8 and his death would initiate a series of events that led to the coup of Askiya Muḥammad.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-9-106417543)
The city would then remain under the Songhai administration through the dual administrative offices of the Jenne-koi (traditional ruler) and Jenne-mondio (governor). The Jenne-koi retained some form of symbolic importance and was reportedly exempt from the practice of pouring sand on the head when approaching the Askiya, as a sign of submission, but even this symbolic autonomy could only go so far, since the princes of Jenne-koi were sent to Gao to be tutored by the Songhai rulers.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-10-106417543) However, Jenne's neighboring provinces of Kala and Bindugu remained independent, wedged between the expansionist Songhay and the declining Mali empire.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-11-106417543)
Jenne became more prosperous during the Songhai era. According to the tarikh al-sudan, most of jenne's wealth was derived from its connection to the 'gold mine' of Begho, and it was the gold dust from the latter that Jenne exported through Timbuktu to the Mediterranean[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-12-106417543). Leo Africanus’ account written in 1550, mentions that the city's merchants made _**“considerable profit from the trade in cotton cloth which they carry on with the Barbary merchants”.**_ its residents _**"are very well dressed. They wear a large swathe of cotton, black or blue, with which they cover even the head, though the priests and doctors wear a white one"**_ and use “_**bald gold coins**_” as currency.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-13-106417543)
Writing in 1506-1508 based on secondary accounts, Duarte Pereira describes _**"the city of Jany, inhabited by negroes and surrounded by a stone wall, where there is great wealth of gold; tin and copper are greatly prized there, likewise red and blue cloths and salt, all except the cloth being sold by weight.. The commerce of this land is very great; every year a million gold ducats go from this country to Tunis, Tripoli of Soria [Syria] and Tripoli of Barbary and to the kingdom of Boje [Bougie] and Fez and other parts"**_[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-14-106417543)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Aa4I!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F655c4320-56d5-42b2-a5f4-cdd3e2b4865d_1200x757.jpeg)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!at84!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0508cd26-ead1-4bb6-851c-34b07134d6e0_2185x1376.jpeg)
Aerial view of Jenne, and street scene from 1905/6
* * *
**The scholars of Jenne.**
Djenne was home to one of the earliest scholarly communities in west Africa. According to the tarikh-al sudan, Jenne's king Kunburu (ca. 1250) assembled 4,200 scholars under his domain, made three grants regarding the city's status as a place for refugee, scholarship and trade, and pulled down his palace to build the now-famous congressional mosque.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-15-106417543) The city was within the nucleus of the Wangara diaspora prior to their dispersion which spread their Suwarian philosophy and building style across parts of west Africa.
[African History Extra Foundations of Trade and Education in medieval west Africa: the Wangara diaspora. As the earliest documented group of west African scholars and merchants, the Wangara occupy a unique position in African historiography, from the of accounts of medieval geographers in Muslim Spain to the archives of historians in Mamluk Egypt, the name Wangara was synonymous with gold trade from west Africa, the merchants who brought the gold, and the … Read more 3 years ago · 10 likes · 6 comments · isaac Samuel](https://isaacsamuel.substack.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education?utm_source=substack&utm_campaign=post_embed&utm_medium=web)
The Wangara/Dyula were an important class of Soninke-speaking merchant-scholars associated with the ancient urban settlements of the middle Niger region (eg Dia and Kabara), that carried out gold trade with north Africa and established scholarly communities across vast swathes of west Africa from the Senegambia to the Hausalands and the Volta basin. Most of the scholars of Jenne were derived from this group as shown by their nisbas; "al-Wangari", "Diakhate", "al-Kabari", and their soninke/Mande clan names etc. The Wangara scholars were also important in the northern scholarly center of Timbuktu as well.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-16-106417543)
Among the prominent scholars in Jenne during the Songhai era was al-faqīh Muḥammad Sānū al-Wangarī who was originally born in the town of Bitu (Begho in today's northern Ghana). Al-Wangarī’s life spanned the period before Sunni ‘Alī’s takeover of Jenne to that of Askiya Muḥammad, who appointed him qāḍī of Jenne after the recommendation of Maḥmūd Aqīt of Timbuktu's Sankore mosque.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-17-106417543)His appointment in the novel office of qāḍī at Jenne represented a maturation of Islamic scholarship under state patronage and his burial site in the congregational mosque’s courtyard became a site of veneration. He would be succeeded in the office of qadi at Jenne by another Wangara scholar named al-Abbas Kibi, who died in 1552 and was buried next to the Jenne mosque.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-18-106417543)
Another leading scholar of Jenne was Maḥmūd Baghayughu, who had a rather adversarial relationship with the Songhai emperor Askiya Isḥāq Bēr. When the Askiya requested that the residents of Jenne name the person who had been oppressing them so he may be punished, Baghayughu said it was the Askiya himself and his overreaching laws —in a bold reproach of his ruler. But shortly after the passing of al-Abbas Kibi (the previous qadi of Jenne), the Askiya coolly repaid Baghayughu's insolence by appointing him as qadi, the overwhelming irony of his unfortunately compromising position drove Baghayughu to his deathbed.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-19-106417543)
Jenne’s scholarly tradition continued long after Songhai’s collapse, as the city became a cosmopolitan center of education. Jenne’s learning system was personalized as in most of west Africa, with day-to-day teaching occurring scholar's houses using their own private libraries[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-20-106417543), while the mosques served as the locus for teaching classes on an adhoc basis. However, the theocratic rulers of Masina would establish a institutionalized public school system in the early 19th century.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-21-106417543)
A recent digitization project catalogued about half of the 4,000 manuscripts they found dating back to 1394. but , these constituted only a small fraction of the total number of manuscripts. Many were composed and copied in Jenne by local scholars in various languages including Arabic, Songhai, Bozo, Fulfulde and Bamabara, These manuscripts include copies of west African classics such as the the tarikh al-sudan, but also various works on theology, poetry, history and astronomy.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-22-106417543)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Lfns!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa2b24731-a414-479b-8100-ffeb0ae797f2_1224x647.png)
_**Kitāb jāmi‘ al-aḥkām (book of Jamia Al-Ahkam)**_, a work on astronomy and astrology written by Sidiki son of Ibrahim Torofo, ca. 1723-1844, Sekou Toure Family collection.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-23-106417543)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!1XlW!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F273e173a-243c-43bd-a8f6-c15c14535981_1222x600.png)
_**Commentary on the "Mukhtasar of Khalil"**_, written by a Jenne scholar in 1723, Sekou Toure Family collection.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-24-106417543)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Omvh!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F37871b33-b828-490f-9b9b-336ee3594cfc_781x595.png)
_**The Old mosque of Jenne more than two decades before its reconstruction**_, ca. 1895 by A. Lainé, quai branly
* * *
**Jenne through the Moroccan era and the Timbuktu Pashalik (1591-1618-1767)**
There was a general state of insecurity after the collapse of Songhai to the Saadian army in March 1591 and Jenne was caught in the maelstrom. The tarikh al-sudan mentions that the _**"the land of Jenne was most brutally ravaged, north, south, east, and west, by the Bambara".**_ Jenne's governor sent his oath of allegiance to the Saadian representative (Pasha) in Timbuktu in December 1591. The Timbuktu pasha then sent 17 musketeers (Arma) to install a new Jenne-koi after the previous one had passed away. After putting down a brief rebellion in Jenne led by a former Songhai officer, a garrison of 40 musketeers under the authority of Ali al-Ajam as the first Arma governor of Jenne, alongside the two pre-existing offices.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-25-106417543)
Saadian control of Jenne remained weak for most of the time, and the last Pasha was appointed in 1618, after which the rump state based at Timbuktu was largely independent of direct Moroccan control[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-26-106417543). Jenne's immediate hinterland remained largely independent, especially the town of Kala which had several chiefs including Sha Makay, who had briefly submitted to the Arma's authority but later renounced his submission almost immediately after assessing their strength and invaded Jenne. The Arma governor of Jenne sent their forces to attack Kala but were defeated and Makay continued launching attacks against Jenne with his forces, among whom were 'non-Muslim' soldiers. (most likely Bambara).[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-27-106417543)
Jenne also remained a target of the Mali's rulers. In a major attempt at retaking lost territory, the ruler of Mali; Mahmud invaded Jenne in 1599 with a coalition that included the ruler of Masina; Hammad Amina. But Mali's forces were driven back by a coalition of forces led by the Arma and the Jenne-koi as well as a ruler of Kala, the last of whom spared the Mali ruler’s life. Shortly after this battle, Hammad Amina of Masina would later raise an army that included Bambara forces and decisively defeat the Arma and their Jenne allies at the battle of Tiya in the same year.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-28-106417543)
Describing contemporary circumstances in the 1650s, the tarikh al-sudan writes that _**"The Sultan of Jenne has twelve army commanders in the west, in the land of Sana. Their task is to be on the alert for expeditions sent by the Malli-koi (ruler of Mali), and to engage his army in such cases, without first seeking the sultan's authority."**_[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-29-106417543) Besides the continued threat from Mali, Jenne itself rebelled several times between 1604 and 1617, often with the support of the deposed Askiyas, who were trying to re-take the former Songhai territories from their new base at Dendi (along the Benin/Niger border).[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-30-106417543)
By 1632, the local Arma garrison was itself rebelling against their overlords in Timbuktu and they were soon joined by the Jenne elite in several successive rebellions in 1643 and 1653 before each Arma garrison (at Jenne and Gao) became effectively independent . More rebellions by the Arma of Jenne against the Pashas at Timbuktu were recorded in 1713, 1732 and 1748, during which time, Jenne was gradually falling under the political sphere of the growing Bambara empire of Segu and the Masina kingdom.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-31-106417543)
The Bambara in the regions of Kala and Bindugu had always been a significant military threat in Djenne's hinterland during the Songhai era when they had remained independent of the Askiyas. During his routine visits to Jenne in the year 1559, the Askiya Dawud chastised his Jenne-mondio al-Amin for not campaigning against the Bambara forces that had repeatedly invaded the city.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-32-106417543) After Songhai's collapse, they always formed part of the forces of the independent rulers in Jenne's hinterland the chiefs at Kala who launched attacks against the Arma garrisons in the city. It's within the regions of Kala and Bindugu that the nucleus of the Segu empire developed.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-33-106417543)
The kingdom of Masina also featured in Jenne's political history during the Songhai era and in the succeeding Pashalik period. Armies from the Masina ruler Fondoko Bubu Maryam reportedly attacked the Askiya’s royal barge in 1582, just as it was leaving Jenne with a consignment destined for Gao, and this attack invited a devastating retaliation from Songhai's armies. In the period following Songhai’s collapse, the rulers of Masina and Segu would in 1739 form a coalition that defeated a planned invasion of Jenne by the king of Kong.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-34-106417543)
While Jenne remained under the nominal suzerainty of the Timbuktu Pashalik until around 1767[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-35-106417543), it formally came under the rapidly expanding empire of Segu during the reign of N'golo Diara (1766-1795). The latter’s reign coincided with the decline of the Pashalik after a series of invasions by the Tuareg forces between the 1730s to 1770s.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-36-106417543)
By the time of Diara’s successor king Mansong (d. 1808), Jenne and Timbuktu were both under the control of the Segu empire. Describing this empire’s rapid expansion in 1796 the explorer Mungo Park observed that Jenne _**"was nominally a part of the king of Bambara's dominions"**_ with a governor appointed by Mansong. The kingdom of Masina also paid _**"an annual tribute to the king of Bambara, for the lands which they occupy"**_. And the same source in 1800 writes that; _**"The king of Bambara proceeded from Sego to Timbuktu with a numerous army, and took the government entirely into his own hands"**_. [37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-37-106417543)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Osfe!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9f587375-1a00-45da-a192-b1c684ae6703_1083x692.png)
_**Convoy of porters, Djenne**_, early 20th century, National Museum of Ethnology Leiden
* * *
**Jenne through the empires of Segu (1767-1821), Masina (1821-1861) and Tukulor (1861-1893)**
Like its previous conquerors, Segu's control over Jenne was never completely firm[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-38-106417543). The city was sacked and occupied by the southern kingdom of Yatenga during the 1790s, and their forces only left after Segu's ruler, King Mansong, had paid a fine for having led an earlier attack on Yatenga.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-39-106417543)
The city also exerted a significant influence on the court of Segu. The scholars of Jenne reportedly took N'golo Diara in as one of their students, and although he'd maintain his traditional beliefs once installed as king, traders and clerics from Jenne would acquire a special position in the Segu empire. They were often called to intervene as arbiters in political matters and their trading interests along the Niger river were protected by the State.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-40-106417543)
The reciprocal relationship between the Jenne elite, the rulers of Segu, and the (subordinate) rulers of Masina, created an unfavorable social and political condition for the Masinanke clerical groups within Masina. By the late 1810s the rising discontent around this unfavorable situation led a large number of followers to rally around a scholar named Ahmadu Lobbo. These forces of Ahmad Lobbo would later invade Jenne after two successful sieges of the city in 1819 and 1821, and Lobbo would occupy it by 1830, after the rulers of Segu had retreated to their capital.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-41-106417543)
Prior to his conquest of Jenne, Lobbo had composed a treatise titled _Kitab al-Idirar_ that admonished the scholars of Jenne for failing to act as good spiritual guides for the local community. In this text which constituted a political dialectic of legitimization and delegitimization, he directed his criticism against many of the city's institutions as well as the organization of the old mosque. Having earlier clashed with Jenne's elites on numerous occasions at the mosque for occupying seats reserved for the traditional rulers, his criticism was levied against these elites, against the burying of scholars near the mosque, against mosque's columns and against the mosque's height. Lobbo would then allow the old mosque to be destroyed by rain once in power, and it wouldn't be restored until 1907.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-42-106417543)
Like most of their predecessors, Masina's control over Jenne wasn't firm, neither was its control over the southern frontier where the Futanke leader Umar Tal emerged, nor over the northern frontier where the Kunta group remained a threat. Umar Tal founded his Tukulor empire in the 1840s along the same pretexts as Ahmad Lobbo, and eventually opposed the alliance between preexisting elites of Segu, and the now established Masina rulers who claimed to be theocratic governors.[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-43-106417543)A series of wars were fought between the three forces but the Tukulor armies under Umar Tal often emerged victorious, from the conquest of Segu in 1860-1 which became Umar Tal's new capital, followed by the surrender of Jenne and the conquest of Hamdullahi in 1862.[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-44-106417543)
The fluid political landscape and warfare had further reduced the fortunes of Jenne in the 19th century, as its merchants moved to the emerging cities of Nyamina and Sinsani. But the city nevertheless retained some commercial significance by the time of Rene Caillie’s visit in 1829, who described it as _**"full of bustle and animation ; every day numerous caravans of merchants are arriving and departing with all kinds of useful productions"**_, its fixed population of just under 10,000 resided in large two-story houses.[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-45-106417543)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!fQ0z!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdc26c55d-8c89-4210-836d-0ebcec92edea_982x618.png)
_**Ruins of the old Mosque, photo by Edmond in 1905/6 about a year before its reconstruction.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!XLh4!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd169a75e-7dcb-46e6-8212-f91091d242ab_1024x681.png)
_**The Palace of Amadu Tal in Segou, late 19th century illustration after it was taken by the French**_
* * *
**The architecture of Jenne**
The architectural tradition of Jenne begun at Jenne-jeno where the signature cylindrical mud bricks first appear in the 8th century, followed not long after by rectilinear buildings with an upper story by the 11th century.[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-46-106417543) Given the need for constant repairs and reconstructions, the oldest multi-story structures in Jenne are difficult to determine, but recent archeological excavations in the old town have dated one to the late 18th century.[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-47-106417543)
The architectural style of Jenne is characterized by tall, multistory, terraced buildings, with massive pilasters flanking portals that rise vertically along the height of the façade. The tops of the buildings feature modeled earthen cones, which add to the overall monumentality, the building itself reflecting the owner's status and their ability to hire specialist masons.[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-48-106417543)
The largest buildings in Jenne were constructed by a specialist guild of masons which is still renowned throughout west Africa. These masons are hired widely for their skill in building mosques and palatial residences, with the occupation itself reportedly dating back to the eras of imperial Mali and Songhai. The Askiyas are said to have employed 500 masons from Jenne in the construction of their provincial capital at Tendirma, and the rulers of Segu employed masons from Jenne to construct their palaces (such as the one shown in the photo above).[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-49-106417543)
While the building’s construction plans are determined by the its functions, the exterior designs of the buildings often carry a more symbolic purpose. The basic design of traditional façade and portal of Jenne's houses and mosques consists of large buttresses (_**sarafa**_) on which were placed a component surmounted by conical pinnacles decorated with projecting beams _**(toron**_). The whole was modeled after the traditional 'ancestral shrines' and their phallic pillars seen among the Bozo. Jenne’s two main exterior designs; _**Façade Toucouleur**_ (with a sheltered portal called _**gum hu**_) and _**Façade Marocaine**_ (with an open portal) are based on recent traditions rather than on stylistic introductions of the Tukolor or Arma era, especially considering that the _**Façade Toucouleur**_ is infact the older of the two; being popular until the 1910s.[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-50-106417543)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!9su3!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6a10cb8e-3922-468d-a7f4-6b0356cb5b02_800x503.jpeg)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!uRe7!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Feb9e97f0-8088-4651-bf49-4f2f0336a54d_779x622.png)
_**Houses with**_ _**Façade Toucouleur, ca. 1905/6,**_ Edmond Fortier and Quai branly. The second house is the ‘Maiga House’ the 19th cent. home of the chief of the Songhay quarter of the city during the reign of Amadu Lobbo.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!lQwy!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa383d893-5fce-4019-9bc8-42936dd49c97_358x610.png)
**House with**_**Façade Marocaine**_ in 1909 _**,**_ BNF Paris _**.**_ This type was rare before the 20th century but its the common type today.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!CNYj!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc47948c4-e133-4c33-bdf2-3ac185cf1d95_1000x618.jpeg)
_**Street scene from 1905/6 showing Jenne houses with other façade types.**_
The mosque of Jenne is the most recognizable architectural monument built by the city’s masons guild. After a century of destruction, it was rebuilt by the masons in 1907 under the direction of their chief, Ismaila Traoré, and its architectural features reproduce many of those found on Jenné’s extant multi-story houses from the 18th-19th century[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-51-106417543). Its foreboding walls are buttressed by rhythmically spaced sarafar and pierced by hundreds of protruding torons, with three towers along the qibla wall containing a deep mihrāb niche.[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-52-106417543) The emphasis on the height of the mihrab, the front of which used to contain the mausoleums of prominent scholars/saints, exemplifies Jenne's architectural and cultural syncretism and may explain why Jenne-style mosques in west Africa pay special attention to the mihrab rather than the minaret.[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-53-106417543)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ROmz!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7766ae90-82d3-463c-b46c-a7ce910d927b_675x1061.png)
_**East elevation and floor plan of the Jenné Mosque by Pierre Maas and Geert Mommersteeg**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!zW5M!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Faf0814b2-729e-42a8-ad63-d2e530b57e6b_1024x657.jpeg)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!sjRE!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa1dd7361-d68d-4dfe-9321-98bd80f55ccf_1024x641.jpeg)
The main construction material was the Djenné-Ferey bricks and palm wood. The bricks were made from a mixture of mud, rice husks, and powders from the fruit of the Boabab and Néré trees, these were mixed, moulded and dried in the sun.[54](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-54-106417543) The specialist knowledge of construction was passed on through apprenticeship, The houses' vestibule, inner courtyard, rooms, kitchen, toilet shaft, inner staircase, terrace and ceilings of both floors are built according to the skill of each mason. The roof structure is built on the ground and then lifted and placed on the house, its open space is filled perpendicular with timber beams in a convex structure that drains rainwater into clay pipes on the sides.[55](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-55-106417543)
Jenne's masons also preserve aspects of the city's pre-Islamic past, their profession being rooted in traditional cultural practices. Among their customs are syncretic rites which performed after construction inorder to protect the houses, which utilize both amulets and grains that are buried in the foundations.[56](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-56-106417543)craftspeople like masons invoke powerful trade “secrets” (sirri) that blend Qur’anic knowledge (bey-koray) with traditional knowledge (bey-bibi), and many people don protective devices beneath clothing and wear blessed korbo rings on their fingers to defend against malevolent djinn.[57](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-57-106417543)
* * *
**The decline of Jenne**
The Tukulor state's control over Jenne was as weak as its control over most of its provinces, especially following the death of Umar Tal and the resurgence of the Masinanke and Kunta attacks and their unsuccessful a 6-month siege of jenne in 1866.[58](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-58-106417543) Jenne fell under the one half of the Tukulor empire led by Amadu Tal at his capital Segu, while the other half led by Tijani Tal was based in Bandiagara. During this time, the office of the Jenne ruler was occupied by Ismaïl Maïga (d. 1888) whose family was previously chief of the Songhai quarter during the Masina era, he would be succeeded by his brother Hasey Ahmadou who would remain in power during the transition from the Tukulor to the French.[59](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-59-106417543)
In 1893, Jenne fell to the French forces of Archinard after three days of bombardment and vicious street fighting.[60](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-60-106417543)Under their aegis, the bulk of Djenne's trade was transferred to the rising urban commune of Mopti, and Djenné’s prominence slowly waned, transforming a once-thriving center into a marginal town, albeit one of important historical significance.
* * *
Like many of the old cities of west Africa, **Jenne owed much of its success to the Niger river which provided a navigable waterway where massive cargo barges moved people and their merchandise from as far as Guniea to the southern coast of Nigeria.**
read about the history of the world’s longest navigable river
[CIVILIZATION ON AFRICA'S SECOND NILE](https://www.patreon.com/posts/79454230?pr=true)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-1-106417543)
Taken from Alisa LaGamma "Sahel: Art and Empires on the Shores of the Sahara
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-2-106417543)
Exchange and Urban Trajectories. Middle Niger and Middle Senegal by Susan Keech McIntosh pg 527-536, Africa's Urban Past By R. J. A R. Rathbone pg 19-26
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-3-106417543)
Betwixt Tichitt and the IND: the pottery of the Faïta Facies, Tichitt Tradition by K.C. MacDonald
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-4-106417543)
African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa by Michael A. Gomez pg 17-18)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-5-106417543)
Urbanisation and State Formation in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond by D. Mattingly pg 533, Africa's Urban Past By R. J. A R. Rathbone pg 26.
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-6-106417543)
African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa by Michael A. Gomez pg 127, 137)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-7-106417543)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 16)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-8-106417543)
African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa by Michael A. Gomez pg 151-153).
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-9-106417543)
African dominion by Michael A. Gomez pg 187-188, 205, Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 20)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-10-106417543)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg xli,xlviii. African dominion by Michael A. Gomez pg 265)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-11-106417543)
The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 4 pg 171)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-12-106417543)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 18-19
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-13-106417543)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 277-278)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-14-106417543)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 17, n2)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-15-106417543)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 18-19, The History of the Great Mosques of Djenné by Jean-Louis Bourgeois pg 54
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-16-106417543)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg xxviii-xxix)
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-17-106417543)
African dominion by Michael A. Gomez pg 213-214, Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 24-26)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-18-106417543)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 26)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-19-106417543)
African dominion by Michael A. Gomez pg 273-275)
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-20-106417543)
In the shadow of Timbuktu: the manuscripts of Djenné by Sophie Sarin pg 176
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-21-106417543)
Travels through Central Africa to Timbuctoo by René Caillié pg 461
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-22-106417543)
From Dust to Digital: Ten Years of the Endangered Archives Programme, 2015, pg 173-188
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-23-106417543)
[link](https://eap.bl.uk/archive-file/EAP690-20-8)
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-24-106417543)
[link](https://eap.bl.uk/archive-file/EAP690-20-10)
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-25-106417543)
The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 4 pg 161, Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 193, 207-214)
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-26-106417543)
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century by Unesco pg 157
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-27-106417543)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 231-232)
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-28-106417543)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 234-236)
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-29-106417543)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 20)
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-30-106417543)
Muslim traders, Songhai warriors, and the Arma pg 76-77, Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 250-256)
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-31-106417543)
The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 4 pg 162, sultan caliph pg 8-9.)
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-32-106417543)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 149)
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-33-106417543)
The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 4 pg 171-174)
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-34-106417543)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 158, The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 4 pg 184)
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-35-106417543)
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century by Unesco pg 158
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-36-106417543)
Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 128)
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-37-106417543)
The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 4 pg 177-178)
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-38-106417543)
Warriors, Merchants, and Slaves by Richard L. Roberts pg 42
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-39-106417543)
The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 4 pg 186)
[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-40-106417543)
Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 129)
[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-41-106417543)
Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 9-11, 161, 140, The Bandiagara emirate by Joseph M. Bradshaw pg 42)
[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-42-106417543)
Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 137-141)
[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-43-106417543)
The Bandiagara emirate by Joseph M. Bradshaw pg 37-39, 47-49,)
[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-44-106417543)
Warriors, Merchants, and Slaves by Richard L. Roberts pg 83
[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-45-106417543)
Travels through Central Africa to Timbuctoo by René Caillié pg 459, 454.
[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-46-106417543)
Excavations at Jenné-Jeno, Hambarketolo, and Kaniana by S.Mcintosh pg 65)
[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-47-106417543)
Ancient Middle Niger by Roderick J. McIntosh pg 158, Tobacco pipes from excavations at the Museum site by S. Mcintosh pg 178)
[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-48-106417543)
Butabu: Adobe Architecture of West Africa By James Morris, Suzanne Preston Blier 196, The Masons of Djenné by Trevor Hugh James Marchand pg 16)
[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-49-106417543)
Historic mosques in Sub saharan by Stéphane Pradines pg 101, Butabu: Adobe Architecture of West Africa By James Morris, Suzanne Preston Blier pg 194)
[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-50-106417543)
Historic mosques in Sub saharan by Stéphane Pradines pg 101, The Masons of Djenné by Trevor Hugh James Marchand pg 88)
[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-51-106417543)
The History of the Great Mosques of Djenné by Jean-Louis Bourgeois
[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-52-106417543)
Religious architecture: anthropological perspectives by Oskar Verkaaik pg 124-127
[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-53-106417543)
Historic mosques in Sub saharan by Stéphane Pradines pg 102
[54](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-54-106417543)
The Politics of heritage management in Mali by CL Joy pg 59-60
[55](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-55-106417543)
Negotiating Licence and Limits by THJ Marchand pg 74-75, Masons of djenne by THJ Marchand pg 219)
[56](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-56-106417543)
Masons of djenne by THJ Marchand pg 8, 90-91, 152-153, 168, 171, 288-289, Negotiating Licence and Limits by THJ Marchand pg 78-79)
[57](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-57-106417543)
Religious architecture: anthropological perspectives by Oskar Verkaaik pg 121
[58](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-58-106417543)
The Bandiagara emirate by Joseph M. Bradshaw pg 77,
[59](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-59-106417543)
Djenné: d'hier à demain by J. Brunet-Jailly pg 9-41
[60](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc#footnote-anchor-60-106417543)
Conflicts of Colonialism By Richard L. Roberts pg 110)
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Published Time: 2023-08-13T14:31:08+00:00
A complete history of Madagascar and the island kingdom of Merina.
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A complete history of Madagascar and the island kingdom of Merina.
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### State and society on Africa's largest island.
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Lying about 400km off the coast of east Africa, the island of Madagascar has a remarkable history of human settlement and state formation. A few centuries after the beginning of the common era, a syncretized Afro-Asian society emerged on Madagascar, populating the island with plants and animals from both east Africa and south-east Asia, and creating its first centralized states.
From a cluster of small chiefdoms centered on hilltop fortresses, the powerful kingdom of Merina emerged at the end of the 18th century after developing and strengthening its social and political institutions. The Merina state succeeded in establishing its hegemony over the neighboring states, creating a vast empire which united most of the island.
This article outlines the history of Madagascar and the Merina kingdom, from the island's earliest settlement to the fall of the Merina kingdom in the late 19th century.
_**the nineteenth century Merina empire**_, map by G. Campbell.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!petQ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd79a7aba-f6c6-4952-97f1-601fc19327f7_480x633.png)
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**Background on the human settlement of Madagascar.**
The island of Madagascar is likely to have been first settled intermittently by groups of foragers from the African mainland who reached the northern coast during the 2nd to 1st millennium BC.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-1-135963873) Permanent settlement on Madagascar first appears in archeological record during the second half of the 1st millennium, and was associated with the simultaneous expansion of the Bantu-speaking groups from the mainland east Africa and its offshore islands, as well as the arrival of Austonesian-speaking groups from south-east Asia.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-2-135963873)
Linguistic evidence suggests that nearly all domesticates on Madagascar were primarily introduced from the African mainland, while crops came from both Africa and south-east Asia.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-3-135963873) There were significant exchanges between the northern coastal settlements of Madagascar and the Comoros archipelago, with chlorite schist vessels and rice from the former being exchanged for imported ceramics and glass-beads from the latter. These exchanges were associated with the expansion of the Swahili world along the east African coast and the Comoros islands, of which northern Madagascar was included, especially the city-state of Mahilaka in the 9th-16th century. Other significant towns emerged all along the island's coast at Vohemar, Talaky, Ambodisiny, and in the Anosy region, although these were not as engaged in maritime trade as Mahilaka.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-4-135963873)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!yvv9!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F55f7cfc7-1a32-4dd3-9c18-6b1c09278af5_826x491.png)
_**the peopling of Madagascar,**_ map by P Beaujard
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!SAEM!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9cccf223-0627-4ecd-b4f8-15a44543c991_820x613.jpeg)
_**Ruins of the city wall of Mahilaka in north-western Madagascar**_, the Swahili town had a population of over 10,000 at its height in the early 2nd millennium
It was during this early period of permanent settlement that the Malagasy culture emerged with its combined Austronesian and Bantu influences. The Malagasy language belongs to the South-East Barito subgroup of Austronesian languages in Borneo but its vocabulary contains a significant percentage of loanwords from the Sabaki subgroup of Bantu languages (primarily Comorian and Swahili) as well as other languages such as other Austronesian languages like Malay and Javanese.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-5-135963873) Genetically, the modern coastal populations of Madagascar have about about 65% east-African ancestry with the rest coming from groups closely related to modern Cambodians, while the highland populations have about 47% east-African ancestry with a similar ancestral source in south-east Asia as the coastal groups.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-6-135963873)
More significantly however, is that this Bantu-Austronesian admixture occurred more the 600-960 years ago at its most recent, and most scholars suggest that the admixture occurred much earlier during the 1st millennium, with some postulating that it occurred on the Comoros archipelago before the already admixed group migrated to Madagascar.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-7-135963873) This combined evidence indicates that the population of Madagascar was thoroughly admixed well before the emergence of the earliest states in the interior and the dispersion of the dialects which make up the modern Malagasy language such as the Merina, Sakalava, Betsileo, etc.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-8-135963873) The creation of ethnonyms such as “Merina” is itself a very recent phenomenon associated with their kingdom’s 18th-19th century expansion.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-9-135963873)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!FD4q!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F19008c56-b675-4e49-b08f-489fdf7d363b_776x573.jpeg)
_**rice cultivation**_, 1896, madagascar , quai branly
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!pqcs!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffec3b523-7469-4789-b57e-74ec15d48387_836x573.jpeg)
_**Sculpture of a Zebu cow**_. 1935, Antananarivo, quai branly
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!IaFO!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F42f8301b-9973-4f4f-b96d-083fa8783a9e_568x848.png)
_**Madagascar in the late 1st millennium, ancient sites and ‘ethnic’ groups.**_ Map by G. Campbell
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[Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share)
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**The emergence of kingdoms in Madagascar and the early Merina state from the 16th to the 18th century.**
The first settlements in the interior highlands appear in the 12th-13th century at the archeological sites of Ambohimanga and Ankadivory. Similar sites appear across the island, they are characterized by fortified hilltop settlements of stone enclosures, within which were wooden houses and tombs, with inhabitants practicing rice farming and stock-breeding. Their material culture is predominantly local and unique to the island but also included a significant share of imported wares similar to those imported on the Swahili coast and the Comoros archipelago. These early settlements flourished thanks to the emergence of social hierarchies, continued migration and the island's increasing insertion into regional and international maritime trade.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-10-135963873)
The history of the early Merina polity first appears in external accounts from the 17th century, that are later supplemented by internal traditions recorded later. Prominent among these traditions is Raminia, a person of purportedly Islamized/Indianized Austronesian origin with connections to Arabia and the Swahili coast, whose descendants (the _**Zafiraminia**_) settled at the eastern coast of the island. Among these was a woman named Andriandrakova who moved inland and married an autochtonous _**vazimba**_ chief to produce the royal lineage of merina (_**Andriana**_).[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-11-135963873) These traditions were initially interpreted by colonial scholars to have been literal migrations of distinct groups, but such interpretations have since been discredited in research which instead regards the traditions to be personifications of elite interactions between various hybridized groups with syncretic cultures, some of whom had been established on the island while others were recent immigrants.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-12-135963873)
From the 16th century to the early 17th century, Madagascar was a political honeycomb of small polities. The central part of the highlands comprised several chiefdoms divided between the Merina and Betsileo groups, all centered at fortified hilltop sites. Intermittent conflicts between the small polities were resolved with warfare, alliances and diplomacy mediated by local lineage heads and ritual specialists. One of the more significant hilltop centers was Ampandrana, village southwest of the later capital Antananarivo. The elite of at Ampandrana gradually assumed a position of leadership from which came the future dynasty of _Andriana_, with its first (semi-legendary) rulers being; king Andriamanelo and his sucessor; king Ralambo. These rulers are credited with several political and cultural institutions of the early Merina state and establishing their authority over the clan heads through warfare and marital alliances. Ralambo's sucessor Andrianjaka would later found Antananarivo as the capital of the Merina state in the early 17th century. [13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-13-135963873)
Merina then appears in external accounts as the kingdom (s) of the Hova/Hoves/Uva/Vua, and was closely related to the export trade in commodities (mostly cattle and rice) and captives passing through the northwestern port of Mazalagem Nova that ultimately led to the Comoros archipelago, the Swahili coast and Arabian peninsula.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-14-135963873) The term ‘Hova’ is however not restricted to the Merina and is unlikely to have represented a single state as it was a social rank for the majority of highland Malagasy.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-15-135963873) Neverthless, its appearance sheds some light on the existence of hierachical polities in the interior.
One Portuguese account from 1613 mentions that **“Some Buki [**Malagasy**] slaves are led from the kingdom of Uva, which is located in the interior of the island, and they are sold at Mazalagem to Moors from the Malindi coast [**Swahili**]”**. It later describes these captives from Uva as resembling the **"the palest half-breeds"**, but adds that some had curly hair, some straight hair, and some had dark skin. Mazalagem depended on the Merina state more than the reverse, as one account from 1620 **"When I asked a negro from Mazalagem if his fellow-countrymen used to go and trade at Vua, he replied that the people from Mazalagem no longer go there since the people of Vua, who are very wicked, had stripped them of their wares and their silver and had killed a great number of their people"**. Neverthless, trade continued as one account from the late 17th century describes 'Hoves' coming to Mazalagem Nova with **"10,000 head of cattle and 2 or 3,000 slaves”.**[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-16-135963873)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!-qcS!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9022c5b9-ad83-40fc-aa6e-cb52c778eb77_820x547.jpeg)
_**Ruins of Mazalagem Nova**_, the 17th century town displaced the earlier town of Lagany as the main entreport for overland trade. While Mazalagem’s prosperity was largely tied to its virtual monopoly over the trade from the interior, it was only one of about 40 towns along the northern coast, most of which weren’t economically dependent on trade from the interior.
**Read more about the history of the Swahili city-states of Madagascar here**:
[STONE CITIES OF MADAGASCAR](https://www.patreon.com/posts/african-of-stone-77497948)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!QRxR!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3acb9b43-41aa-49c9-aa97-09c87c71a382_791x573.jpeg)
_**street scene in Mahajanga (Majunga) in 1945**_, quai branly. This town suceeded Mazalagem in the 18th century and remained Merina’s principal port in the west until the kingdom’s collapse.
These accounts don't reveal much about the internal processes of the Merina state, save for corroborating internal traditions about the processes of the kingdom's expansion, its agro-pastoral economy and its gradual integration into maritime trade in the 17th and 18th century. The population growth in central Merina compelled its rulers to expand the irrigated areas, which were mostly farmed by common subjects, while the royal estates were worked by a combination of corvee labour and captives from neighboring states. The most significant ruler of this period was king Andriamasinavalona (ca. 1675-1710) who expanded the borders of the kingdom, created more political institutions and increased both regional and coastal trade. He later divided his realm into four parts under the control of one of his sons, but the kingdom fragmented after his death, descending into a ruinous civil war that lasted until the late 18th century.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-17-135963873)
In 1783, the ruler of the most powerful among the four divided kingdoms was Andrianampoinimerina . He negotiated a brief truce of with the other kings, fortified his dependencies, purchased more firearms from the coastal cities, and created more offices of counsellors in his government.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-18-135963873) In 1796 he recaptured Antananarivo, and after several campaigns, he had seized control of rest of the divided kingdoms, creating a sizeable unified state about 8,000 sqkm in size. It was under the reign of his sucessor Radama (r. 1810-1828) that the kingdom greatly expanded to cover nearly 2/3rds of the island (about 350,000-400,000 sqkm) through a complex process of diplomacy and warfare, conquering the Betsileo states by 1822, the Antsihanaka states in 1823, the sakalava kingdom of Iboina in 1823, and the coastal town of Majunga in 1824.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-19-135963873)
Radama's rapid expansion brought Merina into close contact with the imperial powers of the western Indian ocean, primarily the French in the Mascarene islands (Mauritius & Reunion), and the British who ships often stopped by Nzwani island[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-20-135963873). The intersection of Radama's expansionist interests and British commercial and abolitionist intrests led to the two signing treaties banning the export of slaves from regions under Merina control in exchange for British military and commercial support. Slaves from Madagascar comprised the bulk of captives sent to the Mascarene plantations in the 18th and early 19th century, some of whom would have come from Merina along with the kingdom's staple exports of cattle, rice and other commodities.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-21-135963873)
However, competing imperial interests between the Merina, British and French compelled Radama to adopt autarkic policies meant to decrease his empire's reliance on imported weaponry and shore up his domestic economy. His policies were greatly expanded under his sucessor, Queen Ranavalona (1828-1861) and it was during their respective reigns that Merina was at the height of its power.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-22-135963873)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!1LxO!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6754f61a-6302-4cf9-baf8-901138a66a82_413x573.jpeg)
_**one of the residences of King Andrianampoinimerina within the Rova of Antananarivo, built in the traditional style.**_ photo ca. 1895, quai branly
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Zyyv!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F96bb5e4d-46fc-412e-b6d7-600d76672eaa_799x573.jpeg)
_**The seven tombs where the remains of king AndrianJaka and his descendants lie**_, Antananarivo, Madagascar. photo ca. 1945, quai branly. Originally built in the 17th/18th century, reconstruction was undertaken in the mid 19th century.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!sFcY!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2c991dec-95c0-47cf-a97f-87a68ed483d8_820x595.png)
_**Expansion of the Merina kingdom in the early 19th century.**_ Maps by G. Campbell
* * *
**State and Society in early 19th century Merina: Politics, Military and the industrial economy.**
The government in Merina was headed by the king/Queen, who was assisted by a council of seventy which represented every collective within the kingdom, the most powerful councilor being the prime minister. Merina's social hierachy was built over the cultural institutions that pre-existed the kingdom such as castes and clan groups, with the noble castes (_**andriana**_) ruling over the commoner clans (_**foko**_) and their composite subjects (_**Hova**_), as well as the slaves (_**andevo**_). The kinsmen of the King received fiefs (_**menakely**_) from which was derived tribute for the capital and labour attached to the court. The subjects often came together in assemblies (_**fokonolona**_) to enact regulations, and effect works in common such as embankments and other public constructions, and to mediate disputes.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-23-135963873)
Both the Merina nobility and the subjects attached great importance to their ancestral lands (_**tanindrazana**_) controlled by clan founders (_**tompontany**_). Links between the ancestral lands and clan are maintained by continued burial within the solidly constructed tombs that are centrally located in the ancestral villages and towns, including the royal capital where the Merina court and King's tombs have a permanent fixture since the 17th century. Additionally, the clan founders and/or elders were appointed as local representatives of the Merina monarchy, in charge of remitting tribute and organizing corvee labour (_**fanompoana**_) for public works as well as for the military.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-24-135963873)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ht1m!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbf51ad23-b154-4713-89e3-0e63a783b9d4_790x573.jpeg)
the Tranovola of Radama I, built in the hybridized architectural style that gradually influenced the royal architecture of Merina. photo ca. 1945, quai branly
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!yRBY!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F368ba68d-b5e7-4bc3-aef4-de4ddfed686f_409x573.jpeg)
_**the Manjakamiadana palace of Ranavalona built by Jean Laborde in 1840, and encased in stone by Ranavalona II.**_ photo ca. 1895, quai branly.
Merina armies initially consisted of large units drawn from ancestral land groups and commanded by the clan elders. when assembled, they were led by a commander in chief appointed by the king. After 1820 Radama succeeded in forming a standing army using the _**fanompoana**_ system, who were supplied with the latest weaponry and stationed in garrisons across the kingdom. Radama's standing force and the traditional army units controlled by elders were both allowed to be engaged in the export trade, sharing their profits with the imperial court and enforcing Merina control over newly conquered regions. Radama's syncretism of Merina and European cultural institutions encouraged the settlement of Christian missionaries and the establishment of a school system whose students were initially drawn from the nobility and military, but later included artisans and other subjects.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-25-135963873)
Merina's economy was predominantly based on intensive riziculture and pastoralism, supplemented by the various handicraft industries such as cloth manufacture, and metal smithing. Merina was at the center of a long-distance trade network of exchanges that fostered regional specialization, each province had regulated markets, and exchanges utilized imported silver, and commodity currencies. After the breakdown in relations between Merina and the Europeans, which included several wars where the French were expelled from Fort Daughin in 1824, and Tamatave in 1829, king Radama embarked on an ambitious program of industrialization that was subsquently expanded by Queen Ranavalona. Merina's local factories which were staffed by skilled artisans and funded by both the state and foreign entrepenuers (such as Jean Laborde), they produced a broad range of local manufactures including firearms, swords, ammunition, glass, cloth, tiles, processed sugar, soap and tanned leather.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!NPhF!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcc69d76f-22c5-4f66-a8fc-cc1184b4365f_820x526.png)
_**Factory building in Mantasoa, Madagascar ca. 1900**_, the town of Mantasoa was the largest of several industrial settlements and plantations set up during the first half of the 19th century in one of the most ambitious attempts at industrialization in the non-western world.
**read more about it here:**
[EARLY INDUSTRIALIZATION IN MERINA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/87234164?pr=true)
* * *
**The Merina state in the late 19th century: stagnation, transformation and collapse.**
During Queen Ranavalona's reign, increasing conflicts between the court and the religious factions in the capital led to the expulsion of the few remaining missionaries and the expansion of the _**tangena**_ judicial system to check political and religious rivaries. Ranavalona's reign was characterized by increased Merina campiagns into outlying regions, the corvee labour system which supplied the industrial workforce and military, and the transformation of domestic labour with war captives from neighboring states, as well as imported captives from the Mozambique channel[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-26-135963873). Merina retained its position as the most powerful state on the island thanks in part to the growing power of the prime minister Rainiharo, its armies managed to repel a major Franco-British attack on Tamatave in 1845, and to expel French agents from Ambavatobe in 1855. Rebellions in outlying provinces were crushed, but significant resistance persisted and Merina expansion effectively ground to a halt.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-27-135963873)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!JMZl!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe7837eb5-0dee-4437-81e1-1b8ee9098c1c_827x573.jpeg)
_**Tomb of Rainiharo constructed by Jean Laborde,**_ photo ca. 1945 quai branly
After Ranavalona's death in 1861, she was suceeded by Radama II, her chosen heir who undid many of her autarkic policies and re-established contacts with the Europeans and missionaries who regained their positions in the capital. But internal power struggles between the Merina nobility undermined Radama's ability to maintain his authority, and he was killed in a rebellion led by his prime minister Rainivoninahitriniony in 1863. The later had Radama's widow, Rasoherina (r. 1863-1868), proclaimed as Queen, who inturn replaced him with the commander in chief Rainilaiarivony as prime minister in 1864. From then, effective government passed on to Rainilaiarivony, who occupied two powerful offices at once, reduced the Queen's executive authority and succeeded in ruling Merina until 1895, in the name of three queens that suceeded Rasoherina as figureheads; Ranavalona II (1868-1883), and Ranavalona III (1883-1897). [28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-28-135963873)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!a4m2!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0e4c39a2-3086-4690-b16c-f8a2ea2b48fb_541x617.png)
_**View of Antsahatsiroa,**_ Antananarivo,Madagascar, 1862-1865
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!y7-K!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1806228c-1812-45dd-b2c7-cab90d2d9857_796x573.jpeg)
_**Tombs of King Radama I and Queen Rasoherina at the Rova of Antananarivo,**_ photo ca. 1945, quai branly
Rainilaiarivony radically transformed Merina's political and cultural institutions, accelerating the innovations of the preceeding sovereigns. Merina's administration was restructured with more ministers/councilors under the office of the prime minister rather than the Queen, a code of laws was introduced to reform the Judicial system in 1868 and later in 1881, the military was rapidly modernized, and the collection of tribute became more formalized. Christianity became the court religion, mission schools were centralized, with more than 30,000 students in protestant mission schools alone by 1875.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-29-135963873)
The increasing syncretism of Merina and European culture could be seen in the adoption of brick architecture in place of timber and stone houses, the uniformed military and the replacement of the sorabe script (an Arabo-Malagasy writing system) with the latin script as printing presses became ubiquitous. However, the evolution of Merina society was largely determined by internal processes, the court remained at Antananarivo which was the largest city with about 75,000 inhabitants, but besides a few coastal towns like Majunga and Tamatave, most Merina subjects lived in relatively small agricultural settlements under the authority of the clans and feudatories.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-30-135963873)
Regionally, some of the political changes in Merina occurred in the background of the Anglo-French rivary in the western Indian ocean, which in Merina also played out between the rival Protestant and Catholic missions. As Rainilaiarivony leaned towards the British against the French, the latter were compelled to invade Merina and formally declare it a protectorate. In 1883, an French expedition force attacked Majunga and occupied Tamatave but its advance was checked in the interior forcing it to withdraw. A lengthy period of negotiations between the Merina and the French followed, but would prove futile as the French invaded again in December 1894. Their advance into the interior was stalled by the expedition's poor planning, only one major engagement was fought with the Merina army as the kingdom had erupted in rebellion. The Merina capital was taken by French forces in September 1895 and the kingdom formally ceased to exist as an independent state in the following month.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-31-135963873)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!D-gV!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8d4a3e4b-7160-4b2e-8fa0-f82dbce24607_777x573.jpeg)
_**Palace of prime minister Rainilaiarivony**_, photo ca. 1895, quai branly
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!E3X2!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3f075aeb-0941-4736-b3d9-c7178b274158_834x573.jpeg)
_**Antananarivo**_, ca. 1900, quai branly
* * *
In the early 19th century when the **Merina state was home to one of the most remarkable examples of proto-industrialization in Africa.**
read more about it on Patreon:
[EARLY INDUSTRIALIZATION IN MERINA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/87234164?pr=true)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!MyAi!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbb781c61-2c51-400d-8b1f-e4003fd3534b_624x1078.png)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-1-135963873)
Early Exchange Between Africa and the Wider Indian Ocean World by G Campbell pg 195-204, A critical review of radiocarbon dates clarifies the human settlement of Madagascar by Kristina Douglass et al.
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-2-135963873)
Early Exchange Between Africa and the Wider Indian Ocean World by G Campbell pg 206-214, Settling Madagascar: When Did People First Colonize the World’s Largest Island? by Peter Mitchell- and response: Evidence for Early Human Arrival in Madagascar is Robust: A Response to Mitchell by James P. Hansford et al.
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-3-135963873)
The Austronesians in Madagascar and Their Interaction with the Bantu of the East African Coast by Roger Blench, The first migrants to Madagascar and their introduction of plants by Philippe Beaujard pg 174-185)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-4-135963873)
Early Exchange Between Africa and the Wider Indian Ocean World by G Campbell pg 213-220, The Worlds of the Indian Ocean Vol. 2 by Philippe Beaujard pg 374-378)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-5-135963873)
loanwords in Malagasy by Alexander Adelaar.
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-6-135963873)
Early Exchange Between Africa and the Wider Indian Ocean World by G Campbell pg 244-250)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-7-135963873)
The Mobility Imperative: A Global Evolutionary Perspective of Human Migration By Augustin Holl pg 83-85, On the Origins and Admixture of Malagasy by Sergio Tofanelli et al pg 2120-2121, Malagasy Phonological History and Bantu Influence by Alexander Adelaar pg 145-146)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-8-135963873)
The first migrants to Madagascar and their introduction of plants by Philippe Beaujard pg 172-174, The Worlds of the Indian Ocean Vol. 2 by Philippe Beaujard pg 372-373
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-9-135963873)
Desperately Seeking 'the Merina' (Central Madagascar) by Pier M. Larson pg 547-560
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-10-135963873)
Early State Formation in Central Madagascar by Henry T. Wright et al pg 104-111, The Worlds of the Indian Ocean Vol. 2 by Philippe Beaujard pg 385-391
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-11-135963873)
The Worlds of the Indian Ocean Vol. 2 by Philippe Beaujard pg 402-412)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-12-135963873)
The Myth of Racial Strife and Merina Kinglists: The Transformation of Texts by Gerald M. Berg pg 1-30, The Worlds of the Indian Ocean Vol. 2 by Philippe Beaujard pg 414-421
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-13-135963873)
Unesco General history of Africa vol 5 pg 875-876, Early State Formation in Central Madagascar by Henry T. Wright et al pg 3)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-14-135963873)
Unesco General history of Africa vol 5 pg 862-866)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-15-135963873)
Desperately Seeking 'the Merina' (Central Madagascar) by Pier M. Larson pg 522-554
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-16-135963873)
The Worlds of the Indian Ocean Vol. 2 by Philippe Beaujard of 560-561,615)
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-17-135963873)
Unesco General history of Africa vol 5 877)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-18-135963873)
Sacred Acquisition: Andrianampoinimerina at Ambohimanga, 1777-1790 by Gerald M. Berg pg 191-211
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-19-135963873)
Africa and the Indian Ocean World from Early Times to Circa 1900 by G. Campbell, pg 215 Unesco General history of Africa vol 5 pg 878
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-20-135963873)
[An African island at the nexus of global trade: The Comoros island of Nzwani from 750-1889AD --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of)
[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/profile/44604452-isaac-samuel)
·
July 10, 2022
[](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of)
In the 17th century, a small island off the coast of East Africa became a cosmopolitan locus of economic and cultural interchanges in the Indian ocean world that stitched together the continents of Africa, Asia, Europe, and the Americas. Surrounded by wealthier and more powerful neighbors, Nzwani forged economic and political alliances with distant marit…
[Read full story](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-21-135963873)
Slave trade and slavery on the Swahili coast by T Vernet , Madagascar and the Slave Trade by G Campbell
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-22-135963873)
The Adoption of Autarky in Imperial Madagascar by G Campbell
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-23-135963873)
The Cambridge History of Africa - Volume 5 pg 397)
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-24-135963873)
Early State Formation in Central Madagascar by Henry T. Wright et al pg 12-14, Ancestors, Power, and History in Madagascar edited by Karen Middleton pg 259-265)
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-25-135963873)
Radama's Smile: Domestic Challenges to Royal Ideology in Early Nineteenth-Century Imerina by Gerald M. Berg pg 86-91)
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-26-135963873)
Of the 500,000 slaves on the eve of colonialism in Madagascar in 1896, more than 90% were Malagasy, while about 48,000 were Makuas from Mozambique; see: The African Diaspora in the Indian Ocean edited by Shihan de S. Jayasuriya, pg 96
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-27-135963873)
The Cambridge History of Africa - Volume 5 pg 407-412, Africa and the Indian Ocean World from Early Times to Circa 1900 by G. Campbell pg 215-216)
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-28-135963873)
The Cambridge History of Africa - Volume 5 pg 413-414
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-29-135963873)
The Cambridge History of Africa - Volume 5 pg 413-417
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-30-135963873)
Unesco general history of africa- Volume 6 pg 436-441)
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-madagascar#footnote-anchor-31-135963873)
An Economic History of Imperial Madagascar by G. Campbell pg 322-339)
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Published Time: 2025-03-09T15:10:31+00:00
A complete history of Mogadishu (ca. 1100-1892)
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A complete history of Mogadishu (ca. 1100-1892)
===============================================
### Journal of African cities: chapter 16.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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Medieval Mogadishu was the northernmost city in the chain of urban settlements which extended about 2,000 miles along the East African coast from Somalia to Madagascar.
Centuries before it became the capital of modern Somalia, the old city of Mogadishu was a thriving entrepôt and a cosmopolitan emporium inhabited by a diversity of trade diasporas whose complex social history reflects its importance in the ancient links between Africa and the Indian Ocean world.
This article outlines the history of Mogadishu, exploring the main historical events and social groups that shaped its history.
_**Mogadishu in the Indian Ocean world**_, map by S. Pradines.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Gos_!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff7e6769f-6758-4e46-b386-ce052b050b42_646x705.png)
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**Mogadishu during the Middle Ages: (12th to 15th century)**
The early history of Mogadishu is associated with the emergence of numerous urban settlements along the coast of East Africa extending from [the city of Barawa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=publication-search) about 200km south of Mogadishu, to [the coast of Sofala](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal?utm_source=publication-search) in Mozambique and [the Antalaotra coast](https://www.patreon.com/posts/african-of-stone-77497948) of northern Madagascar. While much older entrepots emerged along the northern and central coast of Somalia in antiquity, the archaeological record of Mogadishu indicates that the settlement was established during the 12th century, not long before it first appeared in external sources.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-1-158655393)
Mogadishu is briefly mentioned by a few authors in the 12th century, including Omar b. 'Ali b. Samura of Yemen, who mentions the arrival in Ibb of a scholar named _**“Ahmad ibn Al-Mazakban from the island of Maqdisu**_(Mogadishu)_**in the land of the Blacks.”**_[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-2-158655393)
The city was more extensively described by Yaqut (d. 1220) in the early 13th century, although the interpretation of his account is disputed since he didn’t visit it:
_**“Maqdishi is a city at the beginning of the country of the Zanj to the south of Yemen on the mainland of the Barbar in the midst of their country. These Barbar are not the Barbar who live in the Maghrib for these are blacks resembling the Zunij, a type intermediary between the Habash and the Zunij. It (Maqdishi) is a city on the seacoast. Its inhabitants are all foreigners (ghuraba’), not blacks. They have no king but their affairs are regulated by elders (mutagaddimin) according to their customs. When a merchant goes to them he must stay with one of them who will sponsor him in his dealings. From there is exported sandalwood, ebony, ambergris, and ivory—these forming the bulk of their merchandise—which they exchange for other kinds of imports.”**_[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-3-158655393)
The account of Al-Dimashqi in the second half of the 13th century also comes from an author who did not visit the city but was based on information collected from merchants. In his section on the _**“Zanj people,”**_ he writes: _**“Their capital is Maqdashou**_[Mogadishu]_**where the merchants of different regions come together, and it belongs to the coast called of Zanzibar.”**_ Al-Dimashqi also mentions _**“Muqdishū of the Zanj”**_ in connection with trade via the Diba (Laccadive and Maldive) islands; it is the only place on the East African coast so mentioned. The ‘land of the Zanj’ in medieval Arab geographyy located south of the land of the Barbar, and most scholars regard it to be synonymous with the Swahili coast of East Africa.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-4-158655393)
A more detailed account comes from Ibn Battuta who visited the city around 1331 and described it as _**“a large town.”**_ Battuta notes that the _**“Sultan of Mogadishu is called Shaikh by his subjects. His name is Abu Bakr ibn Shaikh Omar, and by race he is a Barbar. He talks in the dialect of Maqdishī, but knows Arabic.”**_ The historians Trimingham and Freeman-Grenville argue that the Barbar were Somali-speaking groups while _**Maqdishī**_ was a proto-Swahili Bantu language, likely related to the Chimmini-Swahili dialect spoken in the southern city of Barawa.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-5-158655393)
Combining these three main sources, historians argue that medieval Mogadishu was a cosmopolitan city inhabited not just by foreigners, but also by Somali-speaking and Swahili-speaking groups, similar to most of the coastal settlements that emerged along the coast, especially between the Juuba and Tana rivers. According to Lee Cassanelli, Randall Pouwels, and James de Vere Allen, the region between these two rivers was, during the Middle Ages, home to diverse communities of farmers, pastoralists, and traders with varied social and economic relationships. Their interactions resulted in the creation of complex societies with different political structures, including hierarchical systems of clientage with both autochthons and immigrants that linked the interior of southern Somalia with the Indian Ocean world.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-6-158655393)
The above interpretation is corroborated by archaeological research on the early history of medieval Mogadishu. The old city consists of two distinct sections known locally as Shangani and Hamar-Weyne; the former of which is thought to be the older section. The excavations reveal that the extent of the medieval town was likely much larger than these two sections as indicated by the presence of the abandoned site known as Hama Jajab, as well as the location of the oldest mosques at the edges of both settlements.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-7-158655393)
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_**Mogadishu: surviving portions of the old town**_. Drawing by N. Chittick.
Excavations near the Shangani mosque revealed a long occupation sequence since the 11th/12th century and large quantities of local pottery were found including a mosque built in three phases beginning around 1200 CE. [8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-8-158655393) The oldest levels (layers 7 to 8) contained pottery styles, labeled ‘_category 5_’ which are similar to those found in the 13th-century levels of the Swahili cities of Kilwa and Manda, while the later levels (layers 1-6) contained two distinct pottery styles; one of which was unique to the city, labeled ‘_category 4_’ and the other of which was similar to that found in other Swahili sites, labeled ‘_category 6_.’Excavations at both HamarWeyne and at Shangani also recovered small quantities of imported wares, with the earliest levels containing _sgraffiato_ made in Aden and dated to the 13th century, while later levels contained Chinese porcelain.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-9-158655393)
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_“Mogadiscio – Panorama del Quartiere di Amarnini”_ in the HamarWeyne section, early 20th century postcard.
The above archaeological record indicates that the early town of Mogadishu was mostly comprised of a predominantly local population with links to the cities of the rest of the East African coast, as well as southern Yemen.
Evidence for the presence of communities from the wider Indian Ocean world is indicated by the names provided on the inscriptions recovered from across the early town, mostly in Shangani. Of the 23 inscriptions dated between 1200 and 1365 CE, at least 13 can be read fully, and most of their _nisbas_ (an adjective indicating the person's place of origin) indicate origins from Arabia in 10 of them, eg; al-Khazraji (from the Hejaz), al-Hadrami (from Hadramaut), and al-Madani (from Medina), with only 2 originating from the Persian Gulf. The most notable of the latter is the inscription in the mihrab of the mosque of Arba'a Rukun, commemorating its erection and naming Khusraw b. Muhammad al-Shirazi, ca. 1268-9 CE.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-10-158655393)
The abovementioned inscription is the only epigraphic evidence of the Shirazi on the medieval East African coast,[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-11-158655393) despite their prominence in the historical traditions of the region that has since been corroborated by Archaeogenetic research. The apparent rarity of these Persian inscriptions compared to the more numerous Arabic inscriptions, and the overwhelmingly local pottery recovered from Mogadishu and in virtually all Swahili cities undermines any literalist interpretations about the city's founding by immigrants.
[**See my previous article on ‘[Persian myths and realities on the Swahili coast](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the)’**]
13th century Mogadishu was home to three main mosques, the oldest of which is the Jami' Friday mosque at Hamar Weyne, whose construction began in 1238 CE according to an inscription in its mihrab that also mentions Kalulah b. Muhammad b. 'Abd el-Aziz. Much of the present mosque only dates back to the 1930s when it was rebuilt and its size was significantly reduced, leaving the minaret cylindrical minaret and the inscription as the only original parts of the old mosque. Its construction was followed not long after by Muhammad al-Shiraz's mosque of Arba' Rukn in 1269, and the mosque of Fakhr al-Din in Hamar Weyne, also built in the same year by Hajji b. Muhamed b. 'Abdallah.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-12-158655393)
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_**The Mosque of Abdul Aziz and the Mnara tower in Mogadishu,**_ ca. 1882.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-13-158655393)_‘The tower of Abdul-Aziz must be the minaret of an ancient mosque, on the ruins of which stands today another small mosque of more recent date and completely abandoned.’_[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-14-158655393)
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_**Jami Mosque of Kalulah in ḤamarWeyne**_, circa 1882. _‘the lighthouse towers of Barawa and Mogadishu are the most striking evidence of the civilization of these earlier centuries. From their situation and design there seems to be no doubt that these towers, which are about 12-25 metres high, did actually serve as navigational marks.’_[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-15-158655393)
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_**mosque of Fakhr al-Din**_, ca. 1822. _Stéphane Pradines describes its plan and covering as rather atypical of East African mosque architecture including those in Mogadishu itself, linking it to Seljuk mosques_.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-16-158655393)
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_**(left) Inscription at the entrance to the Fakhr al-Din mosque (right) entrance to a mosque in Mogadishu, Somalia,**_ 1933, Library of Congress.
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The three 13th-century mosques were associated with specific scholars, which corroborates the descriptions of Mogadishu as an important intellectual center in external accounts. The account of Ibn Battuta for example mentions the presence of ‘qadis, lawyers, Sharifs, holy men, shaikhs and Hajjis’ in the city. In his travels across western India, he visited the town of Hila where he encountered _**“a pious jurist from Maqdashaw [Mogadishu] called Sa‘īd,”**_ who had studied at Mecca and Madina, and had traveled in India and China.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-17-158655393)
During the early 14th century, Mogadishu transitioned from a republic ruled by an assembly of patricians to a sultanate/kingdom ruled by a sultan. This transition was already underway by the time Ibn Battuta visited the city, and found a ruler (called a ‘sheikh’ rather than a ‘sultan’), who was assisted by a constitutional council of wazirs, amirs, and court officials.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-18-158655393) In 1322, the rulers of Mogadishu began issuing copper-alloy coins starting with Abū Bakr ibn Muhammad, who didn’t use the title of sultan. He was then followed by a series of rulers whose inscriptions contain the title of sultan, with honorifics referring to waging war. A few foreign coins, including those from the 15th-century Swahili city of Kilwa, and Ming-dynasty China were also found.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-19-158655393)
Mogadishu emerged as a major commercial power on the East African coast during the 13th and 14th centuries. Ibn Battuta's account mentions the city's vibrant cloth-making industry, he notes that _**“In this place are manufactured the woven fabrics called after it, which are unequalled and exported from it to Egypt and elsewhere.”**_[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-20-158655393) Corroborating Al-Dimashqi earlier account, he also mentions links between Mogadishu and the Maldives archipelago: _**“After ten days I reached the Maldive islands and landed in Kannalus. Its governor, Abd al-’Aziz of Maqdashaw, treated me with honour.”**_[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-21-158655393) An earlier account from the 13th century lists ‘Mogadishans’ among the inhabitants of the city of Aden (Yemen) alongside those from Ethiopia, East Africa, and the city of Zeila.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-22-158655393)
The 16th-century Chronicle of [the Swahili city of Kilwa in Tanzania](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/kilwa-the-complete-chronological?utm_source=publication-search) also mentions that Mogadishu controlled the gold trade of the Sofala coast before it was supplanted by Kilwa during the early 14th century.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-23-158655393) The chronicle also refers to the arrival of groups from al-Ahsa who came to Mogadishu during its early history, and that Kilwa’s purported founder avoided the city because he was of African and Persian ancestry.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-24-158655393) The city is also mentioned in the _Mashafa Milad_, a work by the Ethiopian ruler Zara Ya’kob (r. 1434–1468), who refers to a battle fought against him at Gomut, or Gomit, Dawaro by the Muslims on December 25, 1445.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-25-158655393)
Accounts from Rasūlid-Yemen written in the 13th and 14th centuries mention the presence of vessels from Mogadishu visiting the southern port cities of Yemen. ‘According to al-Ašraf 'Umar, the ships of the Maqdišī left in the month of June/_ḥazirān_ for Aden and left during the autumn. The ships of Maqdišū also went annually to al-Šiḥr and to the two small neighboring ports, Raydat al-Mišqāṣ and Ḥīyrīğ.’ They exported cotton fabrics with ornamented edges (_ğawāzī quṭn muḥaššā_) called _**“Maqdišū”**_; they also exported captives that were different from those obtained from the Zanj coast; and they sold commodities such as ebony (_abanūs_), amber (_'anbar_) and ivory (_'āğ_) that were actually re-exported from the southern Swahili cities through the port of Barawa where _**“There is an anchorage (marsā) sought after by the boats (ḫawāṭif ) from India and from every small city of the Sawāḥil.”**_[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-26-158655393)
Curiously, while these Rasulid accounts include parts of Abyssinia (Ethiopia), Ḥiğāz (Western Arabia) and the Gulf in the list of all those who had pledged allegiance to the Yemeni sultan al-Muẓaffar Yūsuf (r. 1249–1295), Mogadishu and the rest of the East African coastal cities never entered the orbit of Rasūlid ambitions and interests. None of the accounts mentions any travel to the ‘_Bilād al-Zanğ_’ save for a few movements of scholars to this region. This indicates that contrary to the local claims of ties to Yemen by [the dynasties of 13th century Kilwa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/kilwa-the-complete-chronological?utm_source=publication-search#footnote-anchor-12-70620060) and post-1500 Mogadishu (see below), this region was considered peripheral to Yemeni chroniclers.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-27-158655393)
Mogadishu was one of the East African cities visited by the Chinese admiral Zheng He during his fourth (1413-1415) and fifth expedition (c. 1417–1419). Envoys sent from the city travelled with gifts which included zebras and lions that were taken to the Ming-dynasty capital in 1416 and returned home on the 5th expedition. The chronicler Fei Xin, who accompanied the third, fifth, and seventh expeditions of Zheng He as a soldier described the stone houses of Mogadishu, which were four or five stories high. _**“The native products are frankincense, gold coins, leopards, and ambergris. The goods used in trading**_[by the Chinese]_**are gold, silver, coloured satins, sandal-wood, rice, china-ware, and colored taffetas. The rich people turn to seafaring and trading with distant places.”**_ Mogadishu had been mentioned in a number of Chinese texts since the 12th century, using information from secondary sources, and after Zheng He’s trip, it subsequently appeared more accurately on later Chinese maps.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-28-158655393)
[ see my previous essay on [‘Historical contacts between Africa and China from 100AD to 1877’](https://www.patreon.com/posts/80113224?pr=true)]
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_**Pre-colonial port remains**_, ca. 1882. ‘_In Mogadishu there is a remarkable memorial of work, which must have been undertaken for the public good, to be seen in the remains of an old harbour installation, almost a dry dock. Behind a small promontory, against which the surf constantly pounds, a basin about 30 metres square has been dug out of the solid coral; at the sides the rock has been hollowed out to allow small vessels to be drawn up; from these hollowed-out caves, a spiral staircase about eight metres deep has been bored through the rock, connecting the installation with the upper level. At ebb tide the whole basin is almost dry, but it appears that there was originally provision for sealing it off from the sea altogether, for the flood enters only through one narrow channel. On the other hand the difficulty of entry from the sea side makes it somewhat doubtful whether this dock could have been in constant and general use. Possibly it served as a refuge for a fortress on the rocky promontory, and as an emergency channel for ships in time of war. Whatever its uses it remains astonishing evidence of the creative activity of these earlier times.’_[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-29-158655393)_[a slightly similar form of [maritime architecture was constructed at Kilwa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/kilwa-the-complete-chronological?utm\_source=publication-search#footnote-anchor-26-70620060) in the 13th-16th century]_
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**Mogadishu during the 16th and 17th centuries: The Muzaffarid dynasty, the Portuguese, and the Ajuran empire.**
The 16th century in Mogadishu was a period of political upheaval and economic growth, marked by the ascendancy of the Muzaffarid dynasty in the city, the [Portuguese colonization of the Swahili coast](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-portuguese-and-the-swahili-from?utm_source=publication-search), and the expansion of [the Ajuran empire](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african) from the mainland of Southern Somalia.
Vasco Da Gama reached the city in 1499, and his description of Mogadishu mentions its muti-storey buildings and ‘lighthouse towers’ (actually minarets of mosques).[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-30-158655393) On his return from his first voyage to India, Vasco da Gama bombarded the town, and despite repeated Portuguese claims that Mogadishu was amongst its vassals, this vassalage was never conceded. Attempts by the Portuguese to sack the city failed repeatedly in 1506, 1509, and 1541; the city at times mustered a cavalry force in some of these engagements.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-31-158655393) Mogadishu later appears in the list of East African cities whose merchants were encountered in Malacca by the Portuguese envoy Tome Pires in 1505.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-32-158655393)
The description of the East African coast by the chronicler Joao De Barros in 1517 also includes a brief account of the city and its inhabitants:
_**“Proceeding coastwise towards the Red Sea there is a very great Moorish town called Magadoxo; it has a king over it; the place has much trade in divers kinds, by reason where of many ships come hither from the great kingdom of Cambaya, bringing great plenty of cloths of many sorts, and divers other wares, also spices; and in the same way they come from Aden. And they carry away much gold, ivory, wax and many other things, whereby they make exceedingly great profits in their dealings. In this country is found flesh-meat in great plenty, wheat, barley, horses and fruit of divers kinds so that it is a place of great wealth. They speak Arabic. The men are for the most part brown and black, but a few are fair. They have but few weapons, yet they use herbs on their arrows to defend themselves against their enemies.”**_[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-33-158655393)
Copper coins issued by the first ruler of the Muzaffarid dynasty of Mogadishu are thought to have been first struck around the year 1500, with the inscription: “_**The Sultan 'Umar, the King of the Muzaffar**_.” At least 7 of his successors would issue their own coins until the fall of the dynasty during the late 17th century. While many of these coins, which are undated, were found in the vicinity of Mogadishu where they circulated, a few were found in Barawa and as far south as Kisimani Mafia in Tanzania. The large number of coins issued by at least one of the Muzzafarid rulers —5,965 pieces belonging to Sultan Ali ibn Yusuf— point to a period of economic prosperity in Mogadishu driven by trade between its hinterland and the Indian Ocean world.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-34-158655393)
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_**copper-alloy coins of Ali Ibn Yusuf**_. Mogadishu, Somalia, British Museum.
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photo captioned: _**‘Ruins known as “Mudhaffar Palace, with cross vault (13th century), during the excavation campaign’**_[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-35-158655393) ca. 1926-1928,
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!UJ85!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3ff4e8f4-438b-47ed-8d6e-00c071cda423_904x322.jpeg)
caption: _**‘Picture from the early 1900s: the “Palace on the beach” is still buried and the area around it seems to have been an assembly point for the shipping of livestock’**_[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-36-158655393) The old ruins are no longer visible.
Historical traditions regarding [the Ajuran empire of southern Somalia](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african) indicate that Mogadishu fell within its political orbit, although it largely remained under the control of the Muzaffarids.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-37-158655393) The empire controlled much of the hinterland of Mogadishu as well as the interior trade routes and meeting points such as Afgooye. It was thus able to control considerable amounts of agricultural and pastoral wealth that were exported through Mogadishu, hence the appearance of interior commodities such as ivory, wax, and grain in 16th-century Portuguese descriptions of Mogadishu’s exports, as well as the presence of horsemen in the description of its armies, quite unlike [the southern cities where horses were rare](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern?utm_source=publication-search).[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-38-158655393)
In the late 16th century, Mogadishu became embroiled in the Ottoman-Portuguese conflict over the control of the western Indian Ocean, when the city welcomed the Turkish corsair Amir 'Ali Bey twice in 1585-6 and 1588. According to Portuguese accounts, Ali Bey would have pretended to impose himself that a great fleet dispatched by the Sultan himself would succeed him to subjugate the whole of the coast, rewarding the cities having made an act of allegiance and punishing the others. For fear that the city would be looted, Mogadishu's leaders submitted by offering tribute, and then accompanied Ali Bey in local boats, motivated by the promise of loot from the Portuguese colonies.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-39-158655393)
After the defeat of Ali Bey's forces near Mombasa, the Ottomans quickly abandoned their interests in the region. Traditions from the southern cities such as Faza mention the continued presence of dynastic clans known as Stambul (or Stambuli ie: ‘from Istanbul’) who were said to be of Turkish origin and were originally settled in Mogadishu, from which they were expelled before settling in Barawa and then on the Bajun Islands. One such ‘Stambuli’ had been installed at Faza shortly after Ali Bey’s first expedition but he was killed during the massacre of the city’s inhabitants by the Portuguese.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-40-158655393)
While the Portuguese re-established their control over the southern half of the East African coast, most of the northern half extending from Pate to Mogadishu remained under local authority. Mogadishu occasionally paid tribute to quieten the Portuguese but the town enjoyed virtual self-government. An account from 1624 notes that while the two northmost cities of Barawa and Mogadishu were at peace with the Portuguese, they did not accept their ships.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-41-158655393)
The city of Pate was the largest along the northern half of the coast and was the center of a major commercial and intellectual renascence that was driven in part by the invitation of [scholarly families from southern Yemen](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-21-99448062).
[see my previous article on [‘An intellectual revolution on the East African coast (17th-20th century)’](https://www.patreon.com/posts/74519541)]
These migrant families also appear in the epigraphic record at Mogadishu, represented by an epitaph from a tomb in the HamarWeyne quarter with the name Abu al-Din al-Qahtani, dated November 1607, and another on a wooden door with inlaid decoration from a house in Mogadishu, which names a one Sayyid Alawi and his family dated June 1736.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-42-158655393) According to traditions, the Qahtani Wa’il of Mogadishu were experts in judicial and religious matters and became the qadis of Mogadishu and khatibs of the mosque.[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-43-158655393)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!f1JI!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4d45d665-4b62-435f-9a88-b3bf7f29aee2_755x395.png)
_**Masjid Fakhr al-Din, ca. 1927-1929. ‘the twin ogival and pyramidal vaulted roof is its distinctive feature.’**_[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-44-158655393)
* * *
**Mogadishu between the mid-17th century and late 18th century.**
Beginning in the first half of the 17th century, the Muzaffarid dynasty of Mogadishu was gradually ousted by a new line of imams from the Abgaal sub-clan of the Hawiye clan family. The Abgaal imams and their allies mostly resided in the Shangani quarter of Mogadishu, but their power base remained in the interior. Members of the imam's lineage, which was known as Yaaquub, intermarried with the merchant families of the _BaFadel_ and _Abdi Semed_ and soon became renowned as _abbaans_ (brokers) in the trade between the coast and interior. The Abgaal didn’t overrun the city but shared governance with the town’s ruling families.[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-45-158655393)
Later chronicles from Mogadishu occasionally reflect the intrusion into town life of various groups of Hawiye pastoralists who inhabited the hinterland. Gradually, the clans of the town changed their Arabic names for Somali appellatives. The ‘Akabi became rer-Shekh, the Djid’ati the Shanshiya, the ‘Afifi the Gudmana, and even the Mukri (Qhahtani) changed their name to rer-Fakih. [46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-46-158655393)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!lQhU!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9f313a0e-2700-4e35-b60a-42f7a957a539_859x597.png)
_**‘La grand Lab de Moguedouchou’**_ ca. 1885, image from ‘Mogadishu: Images from the Past’
Accounts from the mid-17th century mention that Mogadishu and the neighbouring towns of Merka and Barawa traded independently with small vessels from Yemen and India.[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-47-158655393) Mogadishu traded with the shortlived sultanate of Suqutra in Yemen between 1600 to 1630, mainly exporting rice, mire (perfume), and captives from Madagascar., some of which were reexported to India, specifically to Dabhol and Surat. But this trade did not last long, as while Surat frequently received ships from Mogadishu in the 1650s, this direct shipping completely disappeared by 1680, and trade with the Swahili coast was confined to a few ships coming from Pate annually.[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-48-158655393)
In the later period, however, Mogadishu lost its commercial importance and fell into decline. There are a few fragmentary accounts about the now reduced town during this period, such as one by a French captain based at Kilwa in 1750-1760 who reported that Mogadishu and the rest of the coast were still visited by a few Arab vessels.[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-49-158655393) Portuguese accounts that refer to the coast between Mogadishu and Berbera as _“a costa de Mocha”_ (named after the Yemeni city) mention that the towns were visited by 4-5 ships annually from the Indian cities of Goga and Purbandar.[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-50-158655393)
A Dutch vessel arriving at Barawa from Zanzibar in 1776 refers to a message from Mogadishu to the King of Pate that informs the latter of a European shipwreck near Mogadishu, adding that the Swahili pilots of the Dutch ship recommended that they should avoid the town:
_**“Two vessels with white people had come to the shore but the water was so rough by the beach that both the barge and the boat were wrecked. All the whites were captured by the natives and murdered, with the exception of a black slave who had been with them and whose life was granted by the barbarians. Then they had pulled the vessels up and burned them, after taking out the cash, flintlocks, and other goods which were to be found in them, and then fled. Therefore we asked the natives and our pilots whether such evil and murderous peoples lived in Mogadiscu or further along the coast, and how the anchorages and water were in this wind! To this they unanimously answered that Mogadiscu was now inhabited by Arabs and a gathering of evil natives, and that no Moorish, let alone European, ships came there."**_[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-51-158655393)
According to the historian Edward Alpers, the Abgaal domination of Shangani left the older elite of HamarWeyne without significant allies in the interior. In the late 18th century, a man of the _reer Faaqi_ (rer-Fakih) family in the HamarWeyne section established the interior town of Luuq inorder to link Mogadishu directly with the trade routes that extended into southern Ethiopia. This initiative may also reflect the general growth of trade at Zanzibar, which dates to the domination of the Busa’idi dynasty of Oman from 1785.[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-52-158655393)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!f5OH!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6159d6c8-18c3-45bb-8124-5d609d4b5aa0_858x601.png)
_**‘Our dhow in the harbor of Moguedouchou’**_ ca. 1885. image from ‘Mogadishu: Images from the Past’
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!SH0f!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F91ce5921-2040-465f-aaf1-58e7a587bf6f_763x600.png)
_**Mosque in the HamarWeyne section of Mogadishu**_, Somalia, ca. 1909, Archivio fotografico Società Geografica, Italy.
* * *
**Mogadishu in the 19th century.**
By the early 19th century Mogadishu and the two other principal towns of the Benaadir coast, Merka and Barawa, were trading small quantities of ivory, cattle, captives, and ambergris with boats plying the maritime routes between India, Arabia, Lamu, and Zanzibar. According to the account of Captain Thomas Smee obtained from two Somali informants in 1811, the town of Mogadishu _**“is not very considerable, may contain 150 to 200 [stone] houses, and has but little trade.”**_ He was also informed that it was governed by '“a Soomaulee Chief named Mahomed Bacahmeen” who was probably the reigning Abgaal imam.[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-53-158655393)
The account of the British captain W. F. W. Owen about a decade later describes Mogadishu as an abandoned city well past its heyday:
_**“Mukdeesha, the only town of any importance upon the coast is the mistress of a considerable territory. . . At a distance the town has rather an imposing appearance, the buildings being of some magnitude and composed of stone. The eye is at first attracted by four minarets of considerable height, towering above the town, and giving it an air of stilly grandeur, but a nearer approach soon convinces the spectator that these massive buildings are principally the residences of the dead, while the living inhabit the low thatched huts by which these costly sepulchres are surrounded. It is divided into two distinct towns, one called Umarween, and the other Chamgany, the latter of which may with justice be called 'the city of the dead', being entirely composed of tombs. Umarween has nearly one hundred and fifty stone houses, built in the Spanish style, so as to enclose a large area. Most of the Arab dows visit this place in their coast navigation, to exchange sugar, molasses, dates, salt fish, arms, and slaves, for ivory, gums, and a particular cloth of their own manufacture, which is much valued by the people of the interior.”**_[54](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-54-158655393)
Owen's account provides the most detailed description of Mogadishu's two moieties, its local cloth industry, and the internal demand for imported captives which anteceded the rapid expansion of its commodities trade during the later half of the 19th century.
[see my previous article on [‘Economic growth and social transformation in 19th century Somalia’](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation) ]
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!7DcM!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F32d7e5ea-8e52-47ae-b313-bd616f90079f_638x484.png)
_**The Market Place in Mogadishu**_, ca. 1882
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!oD4m!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F802f2322-7ab1-4341-9280-2b5a62f03866_720x505.png)
_**‘Spinning, sizing, and unwinding cotton at Moguedouchou’**_. ca. 1882.
Mogadishu soon attracted the attention of the Busaidi sultan of Zanzibar, Said, who bombarded the city into submission in 1828. This was followed by a period of social upheaval marked by a series of natural disasters and the rise of the _Baardheere jamaaca_ movement in the interior which disrupted trade to the coast from 1836 until its defeat by the combined forces of the Geledi sultanate and its allies in mid-1843.[55](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-55-158655393)
A succession crisis in Mogadishu that pitted the Shangani and HamarWeyne moeties was briefly resolved by the Geledi sultan who controlled the hinterland. The sultan appointed a leader of the town and compelled the other to move inland, but the delicate truce quickly fell apart as the two moeties separated themselves physically by constructing a wall and gate, and building separate mosques. In the same year, Sultan Seyyid Said of Zanzibar appointed a local Somali governor over the town but tensions in the city forced him to quickly abandon his duties and flee for the interior.[56](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-56-158655393)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!cSRB!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4340417b-0848-4b7d-bdd5-67df00508845_1215x584.png)
_**‘The fort (Garessa) of Mogadishu, with Fakr ad-Din Mosque and HamarWeyne on the left and Shangani on the right.**_’ image and caption by ‘Mogadishu: Images from the Past’
Visitors in 1843 described Mogadishu as a modest town of 3,000-5,000 inhabitants which was in a state of ruin. Its fortunes would soon be revived in the later decades driven by the growth of agricultural exports, and the Benaadir coast was referred to as ‘the grain coast of Southern Arabia.’
In the mid-1840s Seyyid Said replaced his first, ineffectual governor with a customs officer who was under the Indian merchant-house of Jairam Sewji. Later Zanzibari governors established themselves at a small fort built in the 1870s near the HamarWeyne section at the expense of the Shangani section, and formed an alliance with the Geledi sultan, allowing the Zanzibar sultan to exercise significant commercial influence on Mogadishu. This resulted in the expansion of credit into the ivory trade of the interior during the late 19th century, as well as the displacement of smaller local merchants with larger merchant houses from Zanzibar.[57](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-57-158655393)
At the close of the century, the competition between HamarWeyne and Shangani was further intensified during the colonial scramble. Zanzibar's sultan Khalifa had "ceded" the coastal towns to Italy in 1892, even though they were hardly his to cede. The Italians found little support in HamarWeyne but were less distrusted in Shangani, where a residence was built for the Italian governor in 1897. The coastal towns thereafter remained under the administration of a series of ‘Benaadir Company’ officials supported by a small contingent of Italian military officers, before the whole region was formally brought under effective control in 1905, marking the end of Mogadishu’s pre-colonial history and the beginning of its status as the capital of modern Somalia.[58](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-58-158655393)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Zk8J!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F55bdcbfa-9348-4f54-87d2-7b9df8907007_820x562.jpeg)
_**The Jama’a mosque in 1910**_, image from Istituto Nazionale di Archeologia e Storia dell'Arte
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Ln6f!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff9536156-bc37-401c-a8a2-df69759e7212_922x604.png)
_**Looking from Shangani to HamarWeyne**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Cqe9!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F46120960-e618-4bb1-9485-36c250cf968b_715x488.png)
* * *
Like Mogadishu, the 19th century city of Zanzibar was a multicultural meltingpot, whose population was colorfully described by one visitor as “a teeming throng of life, industry, and idleness.”
**The social history of Zanzibar and the origins of its diverse population are the subject of my latest Patreon article, please subscribe to read more about it here:**
[A SOCIAL HISTORY OF ZANZIBAR](https://www.patreon.com/posts/123415402)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!5lsV!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fee75791b-1d58-4ead-b086-3ba48f72714f_464x1278.png)
* * *
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-1-158655393)
_“ceramic collections from the excavations at the Shangani mosque do not challenge the central assertion by Chittick that there is no evidence for the existence of a town at Mogadishu before the late 12th century. On the contrary, the Shangani sequence as it now stands appears to extend back only to the 13th century.”_ The Origins and Development of Mogadishu AD 1000 to 1850: A Study of the Urban Growth Along the Benadir Coast of Southern Somalia by AD Jama pg 136
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-2-158655393)
Medieval Authors about East Africa: Mogadishu, By Pieter Derideaux
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-3-158655393)
Islam in East Africa by John Spencer Trimingham pg 5-6
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-4-158655393)
Medieval Mogadishu by H.N. Chittick pg 50. _‘To the tribes of the Negroes belong also the Zendj or the Zaghouah, called after Zagou, son of Qofth b. Micr b. Kham; they are divided in two tribes, the Qabliet and the Kendjewiat, the first name means ants, the second dogs. Their capital is Maqdashou, where the merchants of all countries go. It owns the coast called Zenjebar, which has several kingdoms._’ _quote from_: Medieval Authors about East Africa: Al-Dimashqi, By Pieter Derideaux:
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-5-158655393)
The East African Coast: Select Documents from the First to the Earlier Nineteenth Century by Greville Stewart Parker Freeman-Grenville pg 28, Islam in East Africa by John Spencer Trimingham pg 6)
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-6-158655393)
The Benaadir Past: Essays in Southern Somali History by Lee Cassanelli pg 1-7, Horn and Crescent: Cultural Change and Traditional Islam on the East African Coast, 800-1900 by Randall L. Pouwels, pg 7-15, Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture & the Shungwaya Phenomenon By James De Vere Allen pg 44-52)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-7-158655393)
_Excavations at Hamar Jajab unfortunately yielded little material culture that could be dated_: The Origins and Development of Mogadishu AD 1000 to 1850: A Study of the Urban Growth Along the Benadir Coast of Southern Somalia by AD Jama pg 71-73, Medieval Mogadishu by H.N. Chittick pg 48-49
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-8-158655393)
_‘The ceramics found show, in some cases a very wide chronological span . A dating of the different rebuilding phases will be based on the youngest dateable sherds in the filling under the floor level. This means that the (oldest Shagani) mosque was erected …. after the year 1200 A.D. At the same time it can be noted that the oldest sherds of imported Arabic / Persian goods from (the Shagani) Mosque site seem to be dated to the eleventh century , and that these mainly appear in the fillings of the oldest layers.’_
_Taken from_: Pottery from the 1986 Rescue Excavations at the Shangani Mosque in Mogadishu By Paul J. J, Sinclair. _quote from_: Medieval Authors about East Africa: Mogadishu, By Pieter Derideaux
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-9-158655393)
The Origins and Development of Mogadishu AD 1000 to 1850: A Study of the Urban Growth Along the Benadir Coast of Southern Somalia by AD Jama pg 62- 120-137, Medieval Mogadishu by H.N. Chittick pg 54-60)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-10-158655393)
A Preliminary Handlist of the Arabic Inscriptions of the East African Coast by GSP Freeman-Grenville pg 102-104
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-11-158655393)
The "Shirazi" problem in East African coastal history by James De Vere Allen pg 9-10)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-12-158655393)
Medieval Mogadishu by H.N. Chittick pg 53-54
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-13-158655393)
_This and other illustrations from 1882 are taken from_ “Voyage Chez Les Benadirs, Les Comalis et les Bayouns, par M.G. Revoil en 1882 et 1883”
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-14-158655393)
M.G. Revoil, 1882, _quote from_: Medieval Authors about East Africa: Mogadishu, By Pieter Derideaux
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-15-158655393)
The Portuguese Period in East Africa by Justus Strandes, edited by James S.. Kirkman, pg 78.
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-16-158655393)
Historic Mosques in Sub-Saharan Africa: From Timbuktu to Zanzibar By Stéphane Pradines pg 233-234
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-17-158655393)
The Travels of Ibn Battuta, A.D. 1325-1354: Volume II, trans./ed . by H.A.R. Gibb, pg 378, The Travels of Ibn Battuta, AD 1325-1354, Volume IV, trans./ed. by H.A.R. Gibb and C. F. Beckingham, pg 809
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-18-158655393)
The Swahili: The Social Landscape of a Mercantile Society by Mark Horton, John Middleton pg 172)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-19-158655393)
Coins From Mogadishu, c.1300 to c. 1700 By GSP Freeman-Grenville
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-20-158655393)
The Travels of Ibn Battuta, A.D. 1325-1354: Volume II, trans./ed . by H.A.R. Gibb, pg 374,
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-21-158655393)
The Travels of Ibn Battuta, AD 1325-1354, Volume IV, trans./ed. by H.A.R. Gibb and C. F. Beckingham pg 865
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-22-158655393)
A Traveller in Thirteenth-century Arabia: Ibn Al-Mujāwir's Tārīkh Al-mustabṣir by Yūsuf ibn Yaʻqūb Ibn al-Mujāwir
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-23-158655393)
The Swahili: The Social Landscape of a Mercantile Society by Mark Horton, John Middleton pg 81-82
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-24-158655393)
The Portuguese Period in East Africa by Justus Strandes, edited by James S. Kirkman, pg 73
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-25-158655393)
The Scramble in the Horn of Africa; History of Somalia (1827-1977). by Mohamed Osman Omar pg 17-18
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-26-158655393)
L'Arabie marchande: État et commerce sous les sultans rasulides du Yémen (626-858/1229-1454). By Éric Vallet, Chapitre 9, p. 541-623, Prg 28-31.
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-27-158655393)
L'Arabie marchande: État et commerce sous les sultans rasulides du Yémen (626-858/1229-1454). By Éric Vallet, Chapitre 9, p. 541-623, Prg 33, The Worlds of the Indian Ocean: Volume 2, From the Seventh Century to the Fifteenth Century CE: A Global History by Philippe Beaujard pg 352-353
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-28-158655393)
The Worlds of the Indian Ocean: Volume 2, From the Seventh Century to the Fifteenth Century CE: A Global History by Philippe Beaujard pg 462-467, China and East Africa by Chapurukha M. Kusimba pg 53-54, 109)
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-29-158655393)
The Portuguese Period in East Africa by Justus Strandes, edited by James S. Kirkman, pg 73
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-30-158655393)
The Portuguese Period in East Africa by Justus Strandes, edited by James S. Kirkman, pg 299
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-31-158655393)
The Portuguese Period in East Africa by Justus Strandes, edited by James S. Kirkman, pg 27, 69, 98-99, 111-112
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-32-158655393)
The East African Coast: Select Documents from the First to the Earlier Nineteenth Century by Greville Stewart Parker Freeman-Grenville pg 126)
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-33-158655393)
The Book of Duarte Barbosa: An Account of the Countries Bordering on the Indian Ocean and Their Inhabitants, Issue 49, by Duarte Barbosa, Fernão de Magalhães, pg 31
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-34-158655393)
Coins From Mogadishu, c.1300 to c. 1700 By GSP Freeman-Grenville pg 180-183, 186-195
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-35-158655393)
Mogadishu and its urban development through history by Khalid Mao Abdulkadir, Gabriella Restaino, Maria Spina pg 33
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-36-158655393)
Exploring the Old Stone Town of Mogadishu by Nuredin Hagi Scikei pg 47
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-37-158655393)
The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 104
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-38-158655393)
The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 112-113, The Origins and Development of Mogadishu AD 1000 to 1850 by Ahmed Dualeh Jama pg 88-89, The Benaadir Past By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 27-8
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-39-158655393)
The Portuguese Period in East Africa by Justus Strandes, edited by James S. Kirkman, pg 128-134. Les cités-États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu, 1585-1810: dynamiques endogènes, dynamiques exogènes by Thomas Vernet pg 99, 108)
[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-40-158655393)
Les cités-États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu, 1585-1810: dynamiques endogènes, dynamiques exogènes by Thomas Vernet pg 101, n. 19, The Portuguese Period in East Africa by Justus Strandes, edited by James S. Kirkman, pg 131-132
[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-41-158655393)
Les cités-États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu, 1585-1810: dynamiques endogènes, dynamiques exogènes by Thomas Vernet pg 122, n. 107, Coins From Mogadishu, c.1300 to c. 1700 By GSP Freeman-Grenville pg 182)
[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-42-158655393)
A Preliminary Handlist of the Arabic Inscriptions of the East African Coast by GSP Freeman-Grenville pg 105
[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-43-158655393)
The Swahili: The Social Landscape of a Mercantile Society by Mark Horton, John Middleton pg 69)
[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-44-158655393)
Mogadishu and its urban development through history by Khalid Mao Abdulkadir, Gabriella Restaino, Maria Spina pg 44
[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-45-158655393)
The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 73-74, 93,
[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-46-158655393)
The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 100-101, The Scramble in the Horn of Africa; History of Somalia (1827-1977). by Mohamed Osman Omar pg 19
[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-47-158655393)
Muqdisho in the Nineteenth Century: A Regional Perspective by EA Alpers pg 442)
[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-48-158655393)
Arabian Seas: the Indian Ocean world of the seventeenth century By R. J. Barendse pg 34-35, 58, 215, 259
[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-49-158655393)
The French at Kilwa Island: An Episode in Eighteenth-century East African History by Greville Stewart Parker Freeman-Grenville pg 142
[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-50-158655393)
Arabian Seas, 1700-1763 by R. J. Barendse pg 325
[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-51-158655393)
The Dutch on the Swahili Coast, 1776-1778: Two Slaving Journals. by R Ross pg 344)
[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-52-158655393)
Muqdisho in the Nineteenth Century: A Regional Perspective by EA Alpers 442)
[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-53-158655393)
Muqdisho in the Nineteenth Century: A Regional Perspective by EA Alpers pg 444)
[54](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-54-158655393)
Muqdisho in the Nineteenth Century: A Regional Perspective by EA Alpers pg 444-445)
[55](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-55-158655393)
The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 137-146
[56](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-56-158655393)
Muqdisho in the Nineteenth Century: A Regional Perspective by EA Alpers 445)
[57](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-57-158655393)
Muqdisho in the Nineteenth Century: A Regional Perspective by EA Alpers pg 446-454, The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 175-176
[58](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mogadishu-ca#footnote-anchor-58-158655393)
Muqdisho in the Nineteenth Century: A Regional Perspective by EA Alpers pg 456, The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 198-199, 201-205, The Scramble in the Horn of Africa; History of Somalia (1827-1977). by Mohamed Osman Omar pg 20, 246-247
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Published Time: 2024-09-08T16:15:58+00:00
a complete history of Mombasa ca. 600-1895.
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a complete history of Mombasa ca. 600-1895.
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### Journal of African cities: chapter 13
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The island of Mombasa is home to one of the oldest cities on the East African coast and is today the largest seaport in the region.
Mombasa’s strategic position on the Swahili Coast and its excellent harbours were key factors in its emergence as a prosperous city-state linking the East African mainland to the Indian Ocean world.
Its cosmopolitan community of interrelated social groups played a significant role in the region's history from the classical period of Swahili history to the era of the Portuguese and Oman suzerainty, contributing to the intellectual and cultural heritage of the East African coast.
This article outlines the history of Mombasa, exploring the main historical events and social groups that shaped its history.
_**Map of Mombasa and the Swahili coast.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!8dOE!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4588e6bb-242c-4f3a-b945-cff55fd44aa8_894x591.png)
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**The early history of Mombasa: 6th-16th century.**
The island of Mombasa was home to one of the oldest Swahili settlements on the East African coast. Excavations on Mombasa Island reveal that it was settled as early as the 6th-9th century by ironworking groups who used ‘TT’/’TIW’ ceramics characteristic of other Swahili settlements. An extensive settlement dating from 1000CE to the early 16th century was uncovered at Ras Kiberamni and the Hospital site to its south, with the latter site containing more imported pottery and the earliest coral-stone constructions dated to the early 13th century.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-1-148613286)
The first documentary reference to Mombasa comes from the 12th-century geographer Al-Idrisi, who notes that it was located two days sailing from Malindi, and adds that _**“It is a small town of the Zanj and its inhabitants are engaged in the extraction of iron from their mines… in this town is the residence of the king of the Zanj.”**_ The globe-trotter Ibn Battuta, who visited Mombasa in 1332, described it as a large island inhabited by Muslim Zanj, among whom were pious Sunni Muslims who built well-constructed mosques, and that it obtained much of its grain from the mainland.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-2-148613286)
The 19th-century chronicle of Mombasa and other contemporary accounts divide its early history into two periods associated with two dynasties and old towns. It notes that the original site known as Kongowea was a pre-Islamic town ruled by Queen Mwana Mkisi. She/her dynasty was succeeded by Shehe Mvita, a Muslim ‘shirazi’ at the town of Mvita which overlapped with Kongowea and was more engaged in the Indian Ocean trade. Such traditions compress a complex history of political evolution, alliances, and conflicts between the various social groups of Mombasa which mirrors similar accounts of the [evolution of the Swahili's social history](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the?utm_source=publication-search).[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-3-148613286)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!on8n!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1c3d2ade-b2a5-45ef-902c-42b13ea6e296_600x516.webp)
_**street in Mombasa Kenya showing the 16th-century Mandhry Mosque**_, ca. 1940, Mary Evans Picture Library.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!eLhc!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7b84443b-18a8-49a3-976e-532e34bae306_1134x579.png)
_**types of ‘Souahheili’ from Zanzibar, Lamu, Mombasa, Pate**_; ca. 1846-48, Lithograph by A. Bayot & Charles Guillain. “_**Highbred Swahili” in Mombasa**_, Kenya, ca.1900-1914, USC Libraries. _**Street in Mombasa**_, Kenya, ca.1900-1914.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!0iOD!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F585831e0-4cdc-4e27-9411-5a5a23f05b2e_1345x596.png)
_**Sections of Old town Mombasa and other streets**_, ca. 1927-1940, Mary Evans Picture Library.
Like most Swahili cities, Mombasa was governed like a "republic" led by a tamim (erroneously translated as King or Sultan) chosen by a council of sheikhs and elders (wazee). Between the 15th and 17th century, Mombasa’s residents gradually began forming into two confederations (_**Miji**_), consisting of twelve clans/tribes (_**Taifa**_) that included pre-existing social groups and others from the Swahili coast and mainland. One of the confederations that came to be known as _**Tissia Taifa**_ (nine clans[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-4-148613286)) occupied the site of Mvita, and were affiliated with groups from [the Lamu archipelago.](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city) The second confederation had three clans[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-5-148613286), _**Thelatha Taifa**_, and is associated with the sites of Kilindini and Tuaca.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-6-148613286)
Archeological surveys at the site of Tuaca revealed remains of coral walls with two phases of construction, as well as local pottery and imported wares from the Islamic world and China. A gravestone possibly associated with a ruined mosque in the town bore the inscription ‘1462’. Other features of Tuaca include a demolished ruin of the Kilindini mosque, also known as _Mskiti wa Thelatha Taita_ (Mosque of the Three Tribes); the remains of the town wall and a concentration of baobab trees.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-7-148613286)
Later accounts and maps from the 17th century identify ‘Tuaca’ as a large forested settlement with a harbor known as _‘Barra de Tuaca’_, next to a pillar locally known as Mbaraki. Excavations at the mosque next to the Mbaraki pillar indicate that the mosque was built in the 15th century before it was turned into a site for veneration in the 16th century, with the pillar being constructed by 1700.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-8-148613286) A much older pillar which is noted in the earliest Portuguese account of Mombasa may have been the minaret of the Basheikh mosque.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-9-148613286)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!n6Lz!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1c48aa44-6b76-47ad-a4de-a85f3a584e0c_1118x594.png)
_**The Basheikh Mosque and Minaret**_, ca. 1910, _**The Mbaraki Pillar**_, ca. 1909-1921, Mary Evans Picture Library.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!DoDF!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F60a973f1-cb39-4451-8b4a-43fef6774f6f_690x597.png)
Mombasa, ca. 1572 by Georg Braun and Frans Hogenberg
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!aWTZ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbc6b6f9d-ddbe-4dbd-bd47-abb77047de36_439x510.png)
_**1462 epitaph of 'Mwana wa Bwana binti mwidani', from the Tuaca town in Mombasa**_, Kenya, Fort Jesus Museum[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-10-148613286)
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[Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share)
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**Mombasa during the 16th century: Conflict with Portugal and the ascendancy of Malindi.**
In April 1498 Vasco da Gama arrived at Mombasa but the encounter quickly turned violent once Mombasa’s rulers became aware of his actions on Mozambique island, so his crew were forced to sail to Malindi. This encounter soured relations between Mombasa and the Portuguese, and the latter’s alliance with Malindi would result in three major invasions of the city in 1505, 1526, 1589, and define much of the early [Luso-Swahili history](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-portuguese-and-the-swahili-from?utm_source=publication-search).
At the time of the Portuguese encounter, Mombasa was described as the biggest of the three main Swahili city-states; the other two being Kilwa and Malindi. It had an estimated population of 10,000 who lived in stone houses some up to three stories high with balconies and flat roofs, interspaced between these were houses of wood and narrow streets with stone seats (_baraza_). Mombasa was considered to be the finest Swahili town, importing silk and gold from Cambay and Sofala.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-11-148613286)
According to Duarte Barbosa the king of Mombasa was _**"the richest and most powerful"**_ of the entire coast, with rights over the coastal towns between Kilifi and Mutondwe. A later account from the 1580s notes that the chief of Kilifi was a "relative" of the king of Mombasa. Barbosa also mentions that _**"Mombasa is a place of great traffic and a good harbour where small crafts and great ships were moored, bound to Sofala, Cambay, Malindi and other ports."**_[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-12-148613286)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!wqFy!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F36a10b21-27e1-4cfa-9a6a-cbaded6c7773_954x633.png)
_**the 15th-century ruins of Mnarani, one of the three towns that formed the city of Kilifi**_.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-13-148613286)
An account from 1507 notes the presence of merchants from Mombasa as far south as the Kerimba archipelago off the coast of Mozambique. They formed a large community that was supported by the local population and even had a kind of factory where ivory was stored. Another account from 1515 mentions Mombasa among the list of Swahili cities whose ships were sighted in the Malaysian port city of Malacca, along with ships from Mogadishu, Malindi, and Kilwa.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-14-148613286)
The rulers of Mombasa and [the city-state of Kilwa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/kilwa-the-complete-chronological?utm_source=publication-search) maintained links through intermarriage and the former may have been recognized as the suzerain of Zanzibar (stone-town). The power of Mombasa and the city-state's conflict with Malindi over the region of Kilifi compelled the Malindi sultan to ally with the Portuguese and break the power of Mombasa and its southern allies. Malindi thus contributed forces to the sack of Mombasa in 1505, and again in 1528-1529 when a coalition of forces that included Pemba and Zanzibar attacked Mombasa and its allies in the Kerimba islands.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-15-148613286)
Despite the extent of the damage suffered during the two assaults, the city retained its power as most of its population often retreated during the invasions. It was rebuilt in a few years and even further fortified enough to withstand a failed attack in 1541. Tensions between Mombasa and the Portuguese subsided as the latter became commercial allies, but the appearance of Ottomans in the southern read sea during this period provided the Swahili a powerful ally against the Portuguese.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-16-148613286)
Around 1585, the Ottoman captain Ali Bey sailed down the coast from Aden and managed to obtain an alliance with many Swahili cities, with Mombasa and Kilifi sending their envoys in 1586 just before he went back to Aden. Informed by Malindi on the actions of Ali Bey, the Portuguese retaliated by attacking Mombasa in 1587 and forcing its ruler to submit. When Ali Bey's second fleet returned in 1589, it occupied Mombasa and fortified it.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-17-148613286)
Shortly after Ali Bey's occupation of Mombasa, the Zimba, an enigmatic group from the mainland that had fought the Portuguese at Tete in Mozambique, arrived at Mombasa and besieged the city. In the ensuing chaos, the Zimba killed the Mombasa sultan and Ottomans surrendered to the Portuguese, before the Zimba proceeded to attack Malindi but were repelled by the Segeju, a mainland group allied to Malindi. In 1589 the Segeju attacked both Kilifi and Mombasa, and handed over the latter to the Sultan Mohammed of Malindi. The Portuguese then made Mombasa the seat of the East African possessions in 1593, completed Fort Jesus in 1597, and granted the Malindi sultan 1/3rd of its customs.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-18-148613286)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!BhI6!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdccd37fc-35f9-487c-a885-e6f8efe4cb46_1119x616.png)
_**Fort Jesus & Mombasa Harbour**_, Northwestern University Libraries, ca. 1890-1939.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!nCPM!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe248a829-d981-489d-8313-9ece7a2bb4df_630x488.jpeg)
_**The Horse-shoe fort and the ruin of the Portuguese Chapel at the left**_, ca. 1910.
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**Mombasa during the Portuguese period: 1593-1698.**
The Portuguese established a settler colony populated with about 100 Portuguese adults and their families at the site known as Gavana. These colonists included a few officers, priests who ran mission churches, soldiers garrisoned in the fort, and _**casados**_ (men with families). The Swahili and Portuguese of Mombasa were engaged in ivory and rice trade with the mainland communities of the Mijikenda (who appear in Portuguese documents as the "Nyika" or as the "mozungulos"), which they exchanged for textiles with Indian merchants from Gujarat and Goa, with some wealthy Swahili from Mombasa such as Mwinyi Zago even visiting Goa in 1661.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-19-148613286)
Relations between the Malindi sultans and the Portuguese became strained in the early 17th century due to succession disputes and regulation of trade and taxes, in a complex pattern of events that involved the Mijikenda who acted as military allies of some factions and the primary supplier of ivory from the mainland.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-20-148613286) This state of affairs culminated in the rebellion of Prince Yusuf Hasan (formerly Dom Jeronimo Chingulia) who assassinated the captain of Mombasa and decimated the entire colony by 1631. His reign was shortlived, as the Portuguese returned to the city by 1632, forcing Yusuf to flee to the red sea region, marking the end of the Malindi dynasty at Mombasa.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-21-148613286)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ZSya!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F70d5af8c-6483-4de8-8793-6909923932af_1000x635.png)
_**Old Mombasa Harbour**_, ca. 1890-1939, Northwestern University.
Near the close of the 17th century however, the Portuguese mismanagement of the ivory trade from the mainland forced a section of the Swahili of Mombasa to request military aid from Oman. Contemporary accounts identify a wealthy Swahili merchant named Bwana Gogo of the _**Tisa Taifa**_ faction associated with Lamu, and his Mijikenda suppliers led by 'king' Mwana Dzombo, as the leaders of the uprising, while most of the _**Thelatha Taifa**_ and other groups from Faza and Zanzibar allied with the Portuguese.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-22-148613286)
A coalition of Swahili and Omani forces who'd been attacking Portuguese stations along the coast eventually besieged Mombasa in 1696. After 33 months, the Fort was breached and the Portuguese were expelled. The Omani sultans placed garrisons in Mombasa, appointing the Mazrui as local administrators.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-23-148613286)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Uduv!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbf993770-c19c-4aea-90ba-910a3665b6cb_930x630.png)
_**Plan of the fort of Monbaco**_, _**ca. 1646, [British Library.](https://imagesonline.bl.uk/asset/5734/) showing Tuaca (above Fort Jesus), the forested section of Kilindi in the middle, the Portuguese colony (Gavana) next to Fort jesus, and Mvita/‘Old Town’ next to it.**_
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**Mombasa during the Mazrui era (1735-1837)**
Conflicts between the Swahili and Omanis in Pate and Mombasa eventually compelled the former to request Portuguese aid in 1727 to expel the Omanis. By March of 1729, the Portuguese had reoccupied Fort Jesus with support from Mwinyi Ahmed of Mombasa and the Mijikenda. However, the Portuguese clashed with their erstwhile allies over the ivory and textile trade, prompting Mwinyi Ahmed and the Mijikenda to expel them by November 1729. He then sent a delegation to Muscat with the Mijikenda leader Mwana Jombo to invite the Yarubi sultan of Oman back to Mombasa. The Yarubi Omanis thereafter appointed Mohammed bin Othman al-Mazrui as governor (_**liwali**_) in 1730, but a civil war in Oman brought the Busaidi into power and the Mazrui refused to recognize their new suzerains and continued to rule Mombasa autonomously.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-24-148613286)
During the Mazrui period, most of the population was concentrated at Mvita and Kilindini while Gavana and Tuaca were largely abandoned. The Mazrui family integrated into Swahili society but, aside from arbitrating disputes, their power was quite limited and they governed with the consent of the main Swahili lineages. For example in 1745 after the Busaidi and their allies among the _**Tisa Taifa**_ assassinated and replaced the Mazrui governor of Mombasa, sections of the _**Thelatha Taifa**_ and a section of the Mijikenda executed the briefly-installed Busaidi governor and restored the Mazrui.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-25-148613286)
Persistent rivalries between the governing Mazrui and the _**Tisa Taifa**_ forced the Mazrui to get into alot of debt to honour the multiple gifts required by their status. Some of the Mazrui governors competed with the sultans of Pate, who thus allied with the _**Tisa Taifa**_ against the _**Thelatha Taifa**_. Both sides installed and deposed favorable rulers in Mombasa and Pate, fought for control over the island of Pemba, and leveraged alliances with the diverse communities of the Mijikenda.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-26-148613286)
Mombasa continued to expand its links with the Mijikenda, who provided grain to the city in exchange for textiles and an annual custom/tribute that in the 1630s constituted a third of the revenue from the customs of Fort Jesus. The Mijikenda also provided the bulk of Mombasa's army, and the city's rulers were often heavily dependent on them, allowing the Mijikenda to exert significant influence over Mombasa's politics and social life, especially during the 18th century when they played kingmaker between rival governors and also haboured belligerents. Some of them, eg the Duruma, settled in Pemba where they acted as clients of the Mazrui.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-27-148613286)
Some of the earliest Swahili-origin traditions were recorded in Mombasa in 1847 and 1848, they refer to the migration of the Swahili from the city/region of Shungwaya (which appears in 16th-17th century Portuguese accounts and corresponds to the site of Bur Gao on the Kenya/Somalia border) after it was overrun by Oromo-speaking herders allied with Pate. These Swahili then moved to Malindi, Kilifi, and finally to Mombasa, revealing the extent of interactions between the mainland and the island and the fluidity of Mombasa’s social groups. At least four of the clans of Mombasa, especially among the _**Thelatha Taifa**_ claim to have been settled on the Kenyan mainland before moving to the island.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-28-148613286)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!hW7n!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F715cc636-09d6-40b0-8256-7038e77bdcc3_1103x624.png)
_**Mombasa and environs in the 19th century**_. **Mvita**: TisaTaifa settlement. **Kilindini**: Thelatha Taifa settlement. **Likoni**: Kilindini clan of Thelatha Taifa; **Mtongwe**: Tangana clan of Thelatha Taifa; **Ngare**: Changamwe clan of Thelatha Taifa;**Jomvu kwa Shehe, Maunguja,**and **Junda**: Jomvu clan of Tisa Taifa.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-29-148613286)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!uG6x!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F99f056d2-bcda-4950-9960-10cced490658_933x611.png)
Mombasa, ca. 1903, OldEastAfricaPostcards.
Mombasa under the Mazrui expanded its control from Tanga to the Bajun islands and increased its agricultural tribute from Pemba, which in the 16th-17th century period amounted to over 600 _**makanda**_ of rice, among other items, (compared to just 20 _makanda_ from the Mijikenda).[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-30-148613286) This led to a period of economic prosperity that was expressed in contemporary works by Mombasa’s scholars. Internal trade utilized silver coins (thalers) as well as bronze coins that were minted during the governorship of Salim ibn Ahmad al-Mazrui (1826–1835).[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-31-148613286)
In the late 18th century, Mombasa's external trade continued to be dominated by ivory and other commodities like rice, that were exported to south Arabian ports. However, Mombasa's outbound trade was less than that carried out by Kilwa, Pemba, and Zanzibar, whose trade was directed to the Omans of Muscat, who were hostile to the Mazrui. Mombasa also prohibited trade with the French who wanted captives for their colony in the Mascarenes, as they were allied with the Portuguese, leaving only the English who purchased most of Mombasa's ivory for their possessions in India.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-32-148613286)
The city was part of the intellectual currents and wealth of the 18th century and early 19th century, which contributed to a [Swahili ‘renaissance,’ that marked the apex of classical Swahili poetry](https://www.patreon.com/posts/74519541) with scholars from Pate and Mombasa such as Seyyid Ali bin Nassir (1720–1820), Mwana Kupona (d. 1865) and Muyaka bin Haji (1776–1840), some of whose writings preserve elements of Mombasa’s early history[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-33-148613286)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!7j2D!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa0d1d711-b0c7-49f8-99fd-7a1ccd90b97e_1146x529.png)
_**Hamziyya, copied by Abī Bakr bin Sulṭān Aḥmad in 1894 CE**_, with annotations in Swahili and Arabic. Private collection of Sayyid Ahmad Badawy al-Hussainy (1932-2012) and Bi Tume Shee, Mombasa. _**The Mombasa chronicle, written by Khamis al-Mambasi in the 19th century**_. SOAS library.
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**Mombasa in the 19th century: from Mazrui to the Busaid era (1837-1895)**
At the start of the 19th century, internal and regional rivalries between the elites of Mombasa, Pate, and Lamu, supported by various groups on the mainland culminated in a series of battles between 1807 and 1813, in which Lamu emerged as the victor, and invited the Busaidi sultan of Oman, Seyyid Said as their protector, who later moved his capital from Muscat to Zanzibar.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-34-148613286)
Internecine conflicts among the Mazrui resulted in a breakup of their alliance with the _**Thelatha Taifa**_, some of whom shifted their alliance to the Zanzibar sultan Sayyid Said, culminating in the latter’s invasion of Mombasa in 1837, and the burning of Kilindini town. The _**Thelatha Taifa**_ then established their own area in _Mvita_ known as Kibokoni, adjacent to the Mjua Kale of the _**Tissa Taifa**_ to form what is now the ‘Old Town’ section of the city.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-35-148613286)
Under the rule of the Zanzibar sultans, the Swahili of Mombasa retained most of their political autonomy. They elected their own leaders, had their own courts that settled most disputes within the section, and they only paid some of the port taxes and tariffs to Zanzibar.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-36-148613286)
By the late 19th century, the expansion of British colonialism on the East African coast eroded the Zanzibar sultan’s authority, with Mombasa eventually becoming part of the British protectorate in 1895. Economic and political changes as well as the arrival of new groups from India, Yemen, and the Kenyan mainland during the colonial period would profoundly alter the social mosaic of the cosmopolitan city, transforming it into modern Kenya’s second-largest city.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-37-148613286)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!-d6V!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1d199177-b10d-4f81-8290-4f5992adafb4_930x599.png)
Mombasa, Kenya, ca. 1890, Northwestern University
**Mombasa derived part of its wealth from re-exporting the gold of Sofala, which was ultimately obtained from Great Zimbabwe and the other stone-walled capitals of Southeast Africa**
**Please subscribe to read about the history of the Gold trade of Sofala and the internal dynamics of gold demand within Southeast Africa and the Swahili coast here:**
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-1-148613286)
The Swahili World, edited by Stephanie Wynne-Jones, Adria LaViolette pg 621, Excavations at the Site of Early Mombasa by Hamo Sassoon.
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-2-148613286)
Excavations at the Site of Early Mombasa by Hamo Sassoon pg 3-5
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-3-148613286)
Oral Historiography and the Shirazi of the East African Coast by Randall L. Pouwels pg 252-253, The Swahili World, edited by Stephanie Wynne-Jones, Adria LaViolette pg 52)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-4-148613286)
These are the; Mvita, Jomvu, Kilifi, Mtwapa, Pate, Shaka, Paza, Bajun, and Katwa.
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-5-148613286)
These are the Kilindini, Changamwe, and Tangana.
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-6-148613286)
The Way the World Is: Cultural Processes and Social Relations Among the Mombasa Swahili by Marc J. Swartz pg 30-33, The Swahili World, edited by Stephanie Wynne-Jones, Adria LaViolette pg 621, 76)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-7-148613286)
The Swahili World, edited by Stephanie Wynne-Jones, Adria LaViolette pg 621-622)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-8-148613286)
The Swahili World, edited by Stephanie Wynne-Jones, Adria LaViolette pg 622, Mbaraki Pillar & Related Ruins of Mombasa Island by Hamo Sassoon
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-9-148613286)
Excavations at the Site of Early Mombasa by Hamo Sassoon pg 7
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-10-148613286)
Mombasa Island: A Maritime Perspective by Rosemary McConkey and Thomas McErlean pg 109
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-11-148613286)
Excavations at the Site of Early Mombasa by Hamo Sassoon pg 7
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-12-148613286)
Les cités-États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu, 1585-1810: dynamiques endogènes, dynamiques exogènes by Thomas Vernet pg 60-61, 331, The Swahili World, edited by Stephanie Wynne-Jones, Adria LaViolette pg 620)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-13-148613286)
Mnarani of Kilifi: The Mosques and Tombs by James Kirkman
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-14-148613286)
East Africa and the Indian Ocean by Edward A. Alpers pg 9, Les cités-États swahili de l'archipel de Lamuby Thomas Vernet pg 75, 83)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-15-148613286)
The Medieval Foundations of East African Islam by Randall L. Pouwels pg 404-406, Les cités-États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu, 1585-1810 by Thomas Vernet pg 64-65, 83-84)
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-16-148613286)
Les cités-États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu, 1585-1810 by Thomas Vernet pg 85-86, 89, 97)
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-17-148613286)
Global politics of the 1580s by G Casale pg 269-273, Les cités-États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu, 1585-1810 by Thomas Vernet pg 100-108)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-18-148613286)
Les cités-États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu, 1585-1810 by Thomas Vernet pg 109- 125)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-19-148613286)
Les cités-États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu, 1585-1810 by Thomas Vernet pg 127-140, 150, 152, 225-227, Mombasa Island: A Maritime Perspective by Rosemary McConkey and Thomas McErlean pg 111-113.
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-20-148613286)
Les cités-États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu, 1585-1810 by Thomas Vernet pg 414-416)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-21-148613286)
Empires of the Monsoon by Richard Seymour Hall pg 266-274.
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-22-148613286)
Les cités-États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu, 1585-1810 by Thomas Vernet pg 365-373)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-23-148613286)
The Swahili World, edited by Stephanie Wynne-Jones, Adria LaViolette pg 522-523)
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-24-148613286)
Les cités-États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu, 1585-1810 by Thomas Vernet pg 434-460)
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-25-148613286)
Mombasa, the Swahili, and the making of the Mijikenda by Justin Willis pg 59-60, The Swahili community of Mombasa by J. Berg pg 50-52
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-26-148613286)
Oral Historiography and the Shirazi of the East African Coast by Randall L. Pouwels pg 253, Les cités-États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu, 1585-1810 by Thomas Vernet pg 266, 469-472, The Way the World Is: Cultural Processes and Social Relations Among the Mombasa Swahili by Marc J. Swartz pg 34.
_**by the 20th century, the Mijikenda were divided into nine groups; Giriama, Digo, Rabai, Chonyi, Jibana, Ribe, Kambe, Kauma and Duruma, some of whom, such as the Duruma and Rabai appear in much earlier sources.**_
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-27-148613286)
Les cités-États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu, 1585-1810 by Thomas Vernet pg 261-264, 413-415, 528-529)
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-28-148613286)
Les cités-États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu, 1585-1810 by Thomas Vernet pg 229-231, 231-235, 315-316, The Swahili community of Mombasa by J. Berg pg 46-49.
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-29-148613286)
The Swahili community of Mombasa by J. Berg pg 49
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-30-148613286)
Les cités-États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu, 1585-1810 by Thomas Vernet pg 336-338)
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-31-148613286)
The Swahili World, edited by Stephanie Wynne-Jones, Adria LaViolette pg 454-455, The Swahili community of Mombasa by J. Berg 52
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-32-148613286)
Les cités-États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu, 1585-1810 by Thomas Vernet pg 476-481, The Swahili World, edited by Stephanie Wynne-Jones, Adria LaViolette pg 386)
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-33-148613286)
The Swahili World, edited by Stephanie Wynne-Jones, Adria LaViolette pg 524)
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-34-148613286)
The battle of Shela by RL Pouwels
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-35-148613286)
The Swahili community of Mombasa by J. Berg pg 52-53, The Way the World Is: Cultural Processes and Social Relations Among the Mombasa Swahili by Marc J. Swartz pg 35.
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-36-148613286)
The Swahili community of Mombasa by J. Berg pg 53-55
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca#footnote-anchor-37-148613286)
The Way the World Is: Cultural Processes and Social Relations Among the Mombasa Swahili by Marc J. Swartz pg 36-40.
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Well done and thank you for another great article, I'm fascinated by the Wa Zimba, their terrifying martial practices, meant to shock ,intimidate and show utter contempt by reportedly cannibalizing their foes, which remind me of the later Imbangala , where did these people came from, and why were they so aggressive were they working on the behalf of another power, perhaps a great inland empire ?
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Published Time: 2024-07-14T15:29:04+00:00
A complete history of the old city of Gao ca. 700-1898.
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A complete history of the old city of Gao ca. 700-1898.
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### Journal of African cities: chapter 12
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Located in northeastern Mali along the bend of the Niger River, the old city of Gao was the first urban settlement in West Africa to appear in external accounts as the capital of a large kingdom which rivaled the Ghana empire.
For many centuries, the city of Gao commanded a strategic position within the complex political and cultural landscape of West Africa, as a cosmopolitan center populated by a diverse collection of merchants, scholars, and warrior-elites from across the region. The city served as the capital of the medieval kingdom of Gao from the 9th to the 13th century and re-emerged as the imperial capital of Songhay during the 16th century, before its later decline.
This article explores the history of Gao from the 8th to the 19th century, focusing on the political history of the ancient West african capital.
_**Map of west Africa’s empires showing the location of Gao[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-1-146576105)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!7b-e!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffd9c3a07-5184-436b-944d-f3801131b2ed_683x536.png)
* * *
**The early history of Gao and its kingdom: 8th century to 13th century.**
The eastern arc of the Niger River in modern Mali, which extends from Timbuktu to Gao to Bentiya (see map above), has been home to many sedentary iron age communities since the start of the Common Era. The material culture of the early settlements found at Tombouze near Timbuktu and Koima near Gao indicate that the region was settled by small communities of agro-pastoralists between 100-650CE, while surveys at the sites around Bentiya have revealed a similar settlement sequence.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-2-146576105)
Settlements at Gao appear in the documentary and archeological record about the same time in the 8th century. The first external writer to provide some information on Gao was the Abbasid geographer Al-Yaqubi in 872, who described the kingdom of Gao as the _**"greatest of the reals of the Sudan**_[west Africa]_**, the most important and powerful. All the kingdoms obey their king. Kawkaw**_[Gao] _**is the name of the town. Besides this there are a number of kingdoms whose rulers pay allegiance to him and acknowledge his sovereignty, although they are kings in their own lands**_.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-3-146576105)
About a century later, Gao appears in the work of the Fatimid Geographer Al-Muhallabi (d. 990) who writes:_**“KawKaw is the name of a people and country in the Sudan …**_ _**their king pretends before his subjects to be a Muslim and most of them pretend to be Muslims too."**_ He adds that the King's royal town was located on the western bank of the river, while the merchant town called Sarnāh was on the eastern bank. He also mentions that the King's subjects were Muslims, had horses and their wealth included livestock and salt.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-4-146576105)
Excavations undertaken within and near the modern city of Gao by the archeologists Timothy Insoll[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-5-146576105) and Mamadou Cissé at the sites of Gao Ancien and Gao Saney during the 1990s and early 2000s uncovered the remains of many structures including two large buildings and several residential structures at both sites built with brick and stone, as well as elite cemeteries containing over a hundred inscribed stele dating from the late 11th to the mid-14th century. Additionally, a substantial quantity of materials including pottery, and iron, objects of copper and gold with their associated crucibles, and a cache of ivory.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-6-146576105)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!4p-G!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa12958f0-d15d-4ed4-aa14-cadd4d8e911f_866x569.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!LzE-!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa7859545-d424-41ef-b11e-c5159fb16708_838x561.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!u4zL!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F37801195-0839-4423-81c8-a508e7c2251e_552x534.png)
_**remains of the ‘Long house’ and the ‘Pillar house’ Gao Ancien**_. The latter was initially thought to be a mosque, but it has no _mirhab_, which may indicate that it was an elite residence/palace like the former.
The bulk of the pottery recovered from excavations at Gao is part of a broader stylistic tradition called the _Niger Bend Eastern Polychrome zone_, which extends from Timbuktu to Gao to Bentiya, and is associated with Songhay speakers.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-7-146576105) Radiocarbon dates obtained from Gao-Saney and Gao Ancien indicate that the sites were occupied between 700-1100 CE with the largest building complexes being constructed between the 9th and 10th centuries, especially the ‘pillar house’ Gao-Ancien that is dated to between 900-1000 CE.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-8-146576105)
The relative abundance of imported items at Gao (mostly glass beads, a few earthen lamps, fragments of glass vessels, and window-glass) as well as export items like gold and ivory, indicates that the city had established long-distance trade contacts with the Saharan town of Essouk-Tadmekka in the north[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-9-146576105), which was itself connected to the city of Tahert in Algeria which was dominated by Ibadi merchants[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-10-146576105). Many inscribed stele were also discovered at Gao Saney and Gao Ancien, most of which are dated to between the late 11th and mid-14th century and mention the names of several Kings and Queen-regnants who ruled the kingdom.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!CcfS!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F921ab51e-d10c-4452-a295-26455bd29358_1129x553.png)
12th-century funerary stela from Gao-Saney[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-11-146576105), a Commemorative stele for a Queen ‘M.s.r’ dated 1119[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-12-146576105), and a funerary inscription from Bentiya.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!vJHd!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fafa0bc8e-0f0c-401d-88f4-c649d2b3c61e_661x476.png)
_Stele from Gao of a woman named W.y.b.y. daughter of K.y.b.w, and another of a woman named K.rä daughter Adam_. Moraes Farias suggests that her name was Waybiya (or Weybuy) daughter of Kaybu, and the second was Kara or Kiray, all of which are associated with Songhai names, titles, and honorifs, including those used by the daughters of the Askiyas who appear in the 17th century Timbuktu chronicles (Tarikh al-Sudan, and Tarikh al-Fattash).[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-13-146576105)
* * *
[Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share)
* * *
Before the recent archeological digs provided accurate radiocarbon dates for the establishment of Gao Saney and Ancien, earlier estimates were derived from the inscribed stele of both sites. Based on these, the historians Dierk Lange and John Hunwick proposed two separate origins for the rulers of Gao, by matching the names appearing on the stele with the kinglist of the enigmatic 'Za'/'Zuwa' dynasty that appears in the 17th century Timbuktu chronicles. Lange argued Gao’s rulers were Mande-speakers before they were displaced by the Songhay in the 15th century, while Hunwick argued that they were predominantly Songhay-speakers from the Bentiya-Kukiya region who founded Gao to control trade with the north and, save for a brief irruption of Ibadi-berbers allied with the Almoravids at Gao-Saney in the late 11th century, continued to rule until the end of the Songhai empire.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-14-146576105)
However, most of these claims are largely conjectural and have since been contradicted by recent research. The names of the rulers (titled: _Muluk_ for Kings or _Malika_ for Queens) inscribed on the stele don't include easily recognizable ethnonyms (such as _nisba_ s) that can be ascribed to particular groups, and their continued production across four centuries across multiple sites (_Gao-Saney from 1042 to 1299; Gao Ancien from 1130 to 1364; Bentiya from 1182 to 1489_[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-15-146576105)) suggests that such attributions may be simplistic. The historian Moraes Farias, who has analyzed all of the stele of the Gao and the Niger Bend region in greater detail[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-16-146576105), argues the rulers of the kingdom inaugurated a new system of government where kingship was circulated among several powerful groups in the area, and that the capital of Gao may have shifted multiple times.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-17-146576105)
Furthermore, the archeological record from Gao-Saney in particular contradicts the claim of a Berber irruption during the late 11th century, as the site significantly predates the Almoravid period (ca. 1062–1150), having flourished in the 9th-10th century. Additionally, the pottery found at Gao Saney was different from the Berber site of Essouk-Tadmekka and North African sites, (and also the Mande site of Jenne-Jeno) but was similar to that found in the predominantly Songhay regions of the Niger Bend from Bentiya to Timbuktu, and is stylistically homogenous throughout the entire occupation period of both Gao Saney and Gao Ancien, thus providing strong evidence that the city's inhabitants were mostly local in origin.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-18-146576105)
While the archeological record at the twin settlements of Gao ends at the turn of the 11th century, the city of Gao and its surrounding kingdom continue to appear in the historical record, perhaps indicating that there are other sites yet to be discovered within its vicinity (as suggested by many archeologists). The Andalusian geographer Al-Bakri, writing in 1068, describes Gao as consisting of two towns ruled by a Muslim king whose subjects weren't Muslim. He adds that _**"the people of the region of Kawkaw trade with Salt which serves as their currency"**_ which he mentions is obtained from Tadmekka.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-19-146576105)
A later account by al-Zuhri (d. 1154) indicates that the Ghana empire had extended as far as Tadmekka, in an apparent alliance with the Almoravids, but he says little about Gao[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-20-146576105). The account of al-Idrisi from 1154 notes that the _**"town of Kawkaw is large and is widely famed in the land of the Sudan"**_. Adding that its king is _**"an independent ruler, who has the sermon at the Friday communal prayers delivered in his own name. He has many servants and a large retinue, captains, soldiers, excellent apparel and beautiful ornaments." His warriors ride horses and camels; they are brave and superior in might to all the nations who are their neighbours around their land.**_[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-21-146576105)
* * *
**Gao under the Mali empire: 14th to 15th century**
During the mid-13th century, the kingdoms of Gao (as well as Ghana and Tadmekka) were gradually subsumed under the Mali empire. According to Ibn Khaldun, Mansa Sakura (who went on pilgrimage between 1299-1309) _**"conquered the land of Kawkaw and brought it within the rule of the people of Mali."**_[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-22-146576105)
This process likely involved the retention of local rulers under a Mali governor, as was the case for most provinces across the empire. According to the Timbuktu chronicles, the rulers of Gao revolted under the leadership of Ali Kulun around the 14th century. Ali Kulun is credited in some accounts with founding the Sunni dynasty of Songhay, while others indicate that the Sunni dynasty were deputies of Mali at Bentiya.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-23-146576105) Interestingly, the title of Askiya appeared at Gao as early as 1234 CE, instead of the title of Sunni, showing that some information about early Gao wasn’t readily available to the chroniclers of the Tarikhs.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-24-146576105)
However, the hegemony of the empire of Mali in the Gao Region would continue well into the 1430s, as indicated by Mansa Musa's sojourning in the city upon his return from his famous pilgrimage of 1324. The Tarikh al-Sudan adds that Mansa Musa built a mosque in Gao, _**"which is still there to this day"**_[ie: in 1655], something that is frequently recalled in Gao’s oral traditions and was once wrongly thought to be the ruined building found at Gao-Ancien.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-25-146576105)
When the globetrotter Ibn Batuta visited Gao in 1353, he mentioned that it was _**"one of the most beautiful, biggest and richest towns of Sudan, and the best supplied with provisions. Its inhabitants transact business, buying and selling, with cowries, as do the people of Mali"**_ He adds that Mali’s hegemony extended a certain distance downstream from Gao, to a place called Mūlī, which may have been the name for Bentiya and a diasporic settlement of Mande elites and merchants. [26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-26-146576105)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!_j5x!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F873c0a23-8535-445e-beca-895bbd215efd_735x540.png)
_**Gao on the long-distance trade routes**_, map by Paulo Fernando de Moraes Farias
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!0VeU!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa0c2453e-efec-4121-bded-175a5586e5bb_1020x639.jpeg)
_**astronomical manuscript titled "Kitâb fî al-Falak" (on the knowledge of the stars)**_, ca. 1731, Gao, Mamma Haidara Library, Mali.
* * *
**Gao as the imperial capital of Songhai from the 15th-16th century**
Mali withdrew from the Niger Bend around 1434, and by the mid-15th century, the Suuni dynasty under Sulaymān Dāma had established its independence, his armies occupied Gao and campaigned as far as the Mali heartland of Mema by 1464. His successor, Sunni Ali Ber (r. 1464-1492) established Gao as the capital of his new empire of Songhai but maintained palaces across the region. Sunni Ali was succeeded by Askiya Muhammad, who founded the Askiya dynasty of Songhay and retained the city of Gao as his capital and the location of the most important palace. The city’s population grew as a consequence of its importance to the Askiyas, and it became one of the most important commercial, administrative, and scholarly capitals of 16th-century West Africa.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-27-146576105)
The 1526 account of the maghrebian traveler Leo Africanus, who visited Gao during Askiya Muhammad’s reign noted that it was a _**“very large town"**_ and _**"very civilized compared to Timbuktu"**_, and that the houses of the king and his courtiers were of _**"very fine appearance"**_ in contrast to the rest. He mentions that _**"The king has a special palace”**_ and _**“a sizeable guard of horsemen and foot soldiers**_”, adding that _**"between the public and private gates of his palace there is a large courtyard surrounded by a wall. On each side of this courtyard a loggia serves as an audience chamber. Although the king personally handles all his affairs, he is assisted by numerous functionaries, such as secretaries, counsellors, captains, and stewards.”**_[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-28-146576105)
The various Songhay officers at Gao mentioned by Leo Africanus also appear extensively in the Tarikh al-Sudan, which also mentions that the Askiyas established "special quarters" in the city for specialist craftsmen of Mossi and Fulbe origin, that supplied the palace.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-29-146576105) According to the Tarikh al-Fattash, a ‘census’ of the compound houses in Gao during the reign of Askiya al-Hajj revealed a total of 7,626 such structures and numerous smaller houses. Given that each of these compound houses had about five to ten people, the population of the city's core was between 38,000 and 76,000, not including those living on the outskirts and the itinerant population of merchants, canoemen, soldiers, and other visitors.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-30-146576105)
The city's large population was supplied by an elaborate system of royal estates established by the Askiyas along the Niger River from Dendi (in northern Benin) to Lake Debo (near Timbuktu). The rice and other grains that were cultivated on these estates were transported on large river barges along the Niger to Gao. The Timbuktu chronicles note that as many as 4,000 _sunnu_ (600-750 tons) of grain were sent annually during the 16th century, carried by barges with a capacity of 20 tonnes.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-31-146576105)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!u6C7!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F62b07d88-a708-4f72-bf63-4374630378a2_756x484.png)
Gao, ca. 1935, ANOM.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!iHOc!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8326c338-d1a5-4332-927f-596db140ad9b_889x409.png)
Gao, late 20th century, Quai Branly
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!pQUK!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F30f893af-f886-4881-85d4-a3fc3c15b49b_797x532.png)
_**Map of Gao in 1951, showing Gao Ancien (broken outline), the old town, and the region of modern settlements (shaded).**_ Map by T. Insoll.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!eziN!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fff26d269-2975-4289-9f2b-8e22c7aeea48_600x434.jpeg)
_**The tomb of the Askiya**_, ca. 1920, ANOM.
* * *
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* * *
**Gao after the collapse of Songhay: 17th-19th century.**
After the Moroccan invasion of 1591, many of the residents of Gao fled the city by river, taking the over 2,000 barges docked at its river port of Goima to move south to the region of Dendi. _**"none of its [Gao's] inhabitants remained there except the khatib Mahmud Darami, and the scholars, and those merchants who were unable to flee."**_ This group opted to submit to the invaders, who subsequently appointed a puppet sultan named Sulayman son of Askiya Dawud, to ruler over Gao, while they chose Timbuktu as the capital of their Pashalik.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-32-146576105)
Unable to defeat the Askiyas of Dendi as well as the Bambara and Fulbe rulers in the hinterlands of Djenne, the remaining Moroccan soldiers, who were known as the Arma, garrisoned themselves in Djenne, Timbuktu, and Gao and appointed their own Pashas. According to multiple internal accounts, the cities of Timbuktu and Gao went into steep decline during the late 17th to mid-18th century, largely due to the continued attacks by the Tuareg confederations of Tadmekkat and Iwillimidden in the hinterlands of the cities, which drove away merchant traffic and scholars. After several raids, Gao was occupied by the Iwillimidden in 1770, who later occupied Timbuktu in 1787, deposed the Arma, and abolished the Pashalik.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-33-146576105)
Multiple accounts from the early 19th century indicate that Timbuktu and its surrounding hinterland were conquered by the Bambara empire of Segu around 1800, before the power was passed on to the Massina empire of Hamdullahi.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-34-146576105) However, few of the accounts describe the situation in Gao, which seems to have been largely neglected and doesn’t appear in internal accounts of the period.
It wasn't until the visit of the explorer Heinrich Barth in 1853 that Gao reappeared in historical records. However, the city was by then only a _**"desolate abode"**_ with a small population, a situation which he often contrasted to its much grander status as the _**“ancient capital of Songhay”**_. Barth makes note of the mosque and mausoleum of the Askiya, where he set up his camp next to some tent houses, he also describes Gao's old ruins and estimates that the old city had a circumference of 6 miles but its section was by then largely overgrown save for the homes of the estimated 7,000 inhabitants including the tent-houses of the Tuareg.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-35-146576105)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!NAup!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6352fe17-768a-4725-9b22-9c4bfa9782d3_1157x372.png)
Barth’s illustration of the Askiya’s tomb on the outskirts of Gao in 1854 as viewed from his camp next to the Tuareg tent-houses, and a photo from 1934 (ETH Zurich) showing the same tomb as seen from the Tuareg tents.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!V9pO!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fea766e46-3862-4052-8430-9df3a2ee85cd_1028x540.png)
_**Section of Gao showing the Tuareg tents within walled compounds.**_ ETH Zurich, 1934.
Barth notes that the Songhay residents of Gao and its hinterlands comprised a _**“district”**_ (ie: small kingdom) called “_**Abuba”,**_ that had _**"lost almost all their national independence, and are constantly exposed to all sorts of contributions"**_. According to local traditions collected a century later, the reigning _arma_ of Gao (title: _**Gao Alkaydo**_) at the time was Abuba son of Alkaydo Amatu, who gave the kingdom its name. This indicates that Gao was still under the rule of the local Arma, who were independent of the then-defunct pashalik of Timbuktu, and were culturally indistinguishable from their subjects after centuries of intermarriage. These few Arma elites continued to collect taxes from the Songhay and itinerant merchants throughout the late 19th century, despite the presence of the more numerous Iwellemmedan-Tuareg on the city's outskirts.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-36-146576105)
Gao was later occupied by the French in 1898, marking the start of its modern history[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-37-146576105), and it is today one of Mali’s largest cities.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!S4h5!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0ff218e4-44d9-4336-a5d2-378b973610e3_600x442.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!7viG!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8f627e0a-4871-4024-8875-ed3a46e37009_895x435.png)
_Gao in 1920, ANOM; 1934, ETH-Zurich._
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-1-146576105)
Taken from Alisa LaGamma "Sahel: Art and Empires on the Shores of the Sahara
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-2-146576105)
Excavations at Gao Saney: New Evidence for Settlement Growth, Trade, and Interaction on the Niger Bend in the First Millennium CE by Mamadou Cissé, Susan Keech McIntosh pg 31, Archaeological Investigations of Early Trade and Urbanism at Gao Saney by M. Cisse pg 43-44, Bentyia (Kukyia): a Songhay–Mande meeting point, and a “missing link” in the archaeology of the West African diasporas of traders, warriors, praise-singers, and clerics by Paulo Fernando de Moraes Farias prg 32-34
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-3-146576105)
Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 2)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-4-146576105)
Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 8)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-5-146576105)
Islam, Archaeology and History: Gao Region (Mali) ca. AD 900 - 1250 by Timothy Insoll
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-6-146576105)
Archaeological Investigations of Early Trade and Urbanism at Gao Saney by M. Cisse pg 47-57, 108, 120-138, 268-269)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-7-146576105)
Archaeological Investigations of Early Trade and Urbanism at Gao Saney by M. Cisse pg 63-265-267)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-8-146576105)
Archaeological Investigations of Early Trade and Urbanism at Gao Saney by M. Cisse pg 140, 270-271, Discovery of the earliest royal palace in Gao and its implications for the history of West Africa by Shoichiro Takezawa pg 10-11, 15-16)
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-9-146576105)
Essouk - Tadmekka: An Early Islamic Trans-Saharan Market Town pg 273-280
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-10-146576105)
Archaeological Investigations of Early Trade and Urbanism at Gao Saney by M. Cisse pg 22, 276-277)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-11-146576105)
Exposition al-Sahili by Musée National du Mali, 15-20 th March 2023.
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-12-146576105)
Sahel: Art and Empires on the Shores of the Sahara by Alisa. LaGamma pg 122
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-13-146576105)
Urbanism, Archaeology and Trade: Further Observations on the Gao Region (Mali), the 1996 Fieldseason Results by Timothy Insoll, Dorian Q. Fuller pg 156-159)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-14-146576105)
Excavations at Gao Saney: New Evidence for Settlement Growth, Trade, and Interaction on the Niger Bend in the First Millennium CE by Mamadou Cissé, Susan Keech McIntosh pg 12,
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-15-146576105)
Essouk - Tadmekka: An Early Islamic Trans-Saharan Market Town pg 42, n.2
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-16-146576105)
Arabic Medieval Inscriptions from the Republic of Mali: Epigraphy, Chronicles and Songhay-Tuareg History by P. F. de Moraes Farias
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-17-146576105)
Excavations at Gao Saney: New Evidence for Settlement Growth, Trade, and Interaction on the Niger Bend in the First Millennium CE by Mamadou Cissé, Susan Keech McIntosh pg 12)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-18-146576105)
Archaeological Investigations of Early Trade and Urbanism at Gao Saney by M. Cisse pg 31, 41, 265, Islam, Archaeology and History: Gao Region (Mali) ca. AD 900 - 1250 by Timothy Insoll pg 46-47, Excavations at Gao Saney: New Evidence for Settlement Growth, Trade, and Interaction on the Niger Bend in the First Millennium CE by Mamadou Cissé, Susan Keech McIntosh pg 19-24, 30-32, for pottery from Essuk, see: Essouk - Tadmekka: An Early Islamic Trans-Saharan Market Town pg 144-148
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-19-146576105)
Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 22)
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-20-146576105)
Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 25-26
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-21-146576105)
Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 35)
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-22-146576105)
Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 94)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-23-146576105)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Saʿdi's Taʾrīkh Al-Sūdān Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents by John O. Hunwick pg xxxvii, Bentyia (Kukyia): a Songhay–Mande meeting point, and a “missing link” in the archaeology of the West African diasporas of traders, warriors, praise-singers, and clerics by Paulo Fernando de Moraes Farias prg 84-87
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-24-146576105)
The Meanings of Timbuktu by Shamil Jeppie,pg 101-102
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-25-146576105)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Saʿdi's Taʾrīkh Al-Sūdān Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents by John O. Hunwick pg 10)
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-26-146576105)
The Travels of Ibn Battuta, AD 1325–1354: Volume IV by H.A.R. Gibb, C.F. Beckingham pg 971, Bentyia (Kukyia): a Songhay–Mande meeting point, and a “missing link” in the archaeology of the West African diasporas of traders, warriors, praise-singers, and clerics by Paulo Fernando de Moraes Farias prg 69-70
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-27-146576105)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Saʿdi's Taʾrīkh Al-Sūdān Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents by John O. Hunwick pg xxxviii
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-28-146576105)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Saʿdi's Taʾrīkh Al-Sūdān Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents by John O. Hunwick pg 283 )
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-29-146576105)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Saʿdi's Taʾrīkh Al-Sūdān Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents by John O. Hunwick pg 147-148)
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-30-146576105)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Saʿdi's Taʾrīkh Al-Sūdān Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents by John O. Hunwick pg xlix)
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-31-146576105)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Saʿdi's Taʾrīkh Al-Sūdān Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents by John O. Hunwick pg pg l-li)
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-32-146576105)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Saʿdi's Taʾrīkh Al-Sūdān Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents by John O. Hunwick pg 190-191, 202)
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-33-146576105)
The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 4 pg 168-170)
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-34-146576105)
The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 4 pg 178)
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-35-146576105)
Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa By Heinrich Barth, Vol. 5, London: 1858, pg 215-223)
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-36-146576105)
Les Touaregs Iwellemmedan, 1647-1896 : un ensemble politique de la boucle du Niger · C. Grémont pg 337-346)
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city#footnote-anchor-37-146576105)
Saharan Frontiers: Space and Mobility in Northwest Africa edited by James McDougall, Judith Scheele pg 137
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Published Time: 2025-01-12T19:05:43+00:00
A complete history of the Sudano-Sahelian architecture of west Africa: from antiquity to the 20th century
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A complete history of the Sudano-Sahelian architecture of west Africa: from antiquity to the 20th century
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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The westernmost region of Africa which forms the watershed of the great rivers of the Senegal, the Volta and the Niger, is home to one of the world's oldest surviving building traditions, called the ‘Sudano-Sahelian’ architecture.
Characterised by the use of bricks and timber, the Sudano-Sahelian architecture encompasses a wide range of building typologies. It features the use of buttressing, pinnacles and attached pillars, with a distinctive façade that is punctuated by wooden spikes and is often heavily ornamented with intricate carvings.
Many of the monuments constructed in this style, including Palaces, Mosques, and Fortresses, are vibrant works of art with their own distinct aesthetics. These structures captured the imagination of visitors to the region during the pre-colonial period, and became the hallmark of west-African architecture during the colonial and post-independence periods.
This article outlines the history of Sudano-Sahelian architecture from its foundations in antiquity, and includes many examples of some of the most notable historical monuments of west Africa.
_**Map showing the empires of pre-colonial west Africa**_
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**The earliest west African building traditions: from Neolithic Tichitt to Jenne-jeno.**
The earliest forms of West African architecture are to be found in the sandstone escarpments of Tichitt-Oualata in southeastern Mauritania, where a neolithic tradition emerged around 2200BC, marked by proto-urban drystone masonry settlements associated with burial monuments. During the classic Tichitt period, sites expanded westwards towards Dhar Tagant, southwards towards the Méma region of Mali, and further east to the Lakes region of Mali, where compounds constructed of drystone masonry and funeral pillars dating from this period have also been documented.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-1-154639584)
In the core of the Tichitt Tradition monumental funerary landscapes, the site of Dakhlet el Atrouss I (80 ha) became the main regional center of a multi-tiered settlement hierarchy. This proto-urban settlement is centered around two massive funerary monuments and features 540 stone-walled compounds with stone pillars, several homes, and cattle enclosures separated by pathways and massive walls. It is arranged in 26 compound clusters, perhaps relating to lineage quarters, with some large outlying walled areas. Its material culture indicates that it was occupied by proto-Soninke speakers.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-2-154639584)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!tiFy!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0e194512-e929-47ff-8478-63f9fef7ccef_768x512.jpeg)
_**Walled compounds of Akreijit**_, a Tichitt regional center in Mauritania.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!wWIL!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Faf67caf5-f540-4a4a-9a4d-84466526b319_567x376.jpeg)
_**Views of three parts of the agglomeration of Dakhlet el Atrouss I**_. image by R. Vernet.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!XlmA!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F06043855-3085-48cd-80dc-df1deb26eaf7_709x469.jpeg)
_**One of the two funerary monuments of Dakhlet el Atrouss 1, east of Akreijit**_. Image by R. Vernet.
Around 900 BC, a broad settlement transformation took place in the Mema region of Mali, as the pre-existing ephemeral camps were displaced by more permanent settlements with cereal agriculture.
These settlements begun at 10 ha site of Kolima Sud-Est, the 18ha site of Dia Shoma between 900-400BC, and the later site of Jenne-Jeno in the 3rd century BC. They all contain Tichitt-style pottery (called the Faıta Facies) in their earliest settlement phases, indicating a direct transfer/expansion of the Tichitt population to Mema. However, these settlements feature earthen architecture rather than dry-stone _*_, since the Mema region was (and remains) a floodplain, without native stone resources comparable to those of the Tichitt escarpment.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-3-154639584)
(*_dry-stone architecture continued in southern Mauritania [during the medieval period](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan)_)
This earthen architecture became especially prevalent during the Jenné-jeno Phase III (400–900 CE), when houses were built with distinctive cylindrical sundried mud-bricks called djeney-ferey, as well as its city wall. A recently discovered site of Tongo Maaré Diabal in Mali, a small nucleated settlement first occupied around 500CE and located about 250km northeast of Jenne-Jeno, contained the remains of curvilinear and rectilinear mud-brick structures built with ‘loaf-shaped’ rectangular bricks in its Horizon 2 phase (650-750CE).[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-4-154639584)
Rectilinear structures with drain pipes indicating a flat roof, possibly with an upper story, were constructed by the 11th century at both Jenne-jeno Phase IV (900-1400 CE) and Dia Horizon IV (1000 -1600 CE) where a city wall also appears during this period. Rectangular fired bricks used for reinforcement or for decorative effects appear in this phase at Jenne-jeno, while rectangular sun-dried bricks also appear at Dia during the same period.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-5-154639584)
Houses from both Jenne-Jeno and Dia during this period also include bedrests, attached ovens, as well as indoor bathing areas and latrines drained by long ceramic pipes. These houses at Jenne-jeno in particular contained many of Djenne’s iconic terracotta statuettes in wall niches, floors and shrines; the latter of which had pottery with serpentine imagery. More presence of domestic activity is indicated by spindle whorls and other material culture from earlier phases such as pottery and iron objects.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-6-154639584)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!IPet!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F086491b7-dfe2-4486-87fe-72b5b8a76245_723x453.png)
_**Excavated house at Unit C, Dia-Shoma (Horizon IV), showing rectilinear rooms and loaf shaped mud bricks visible in the wall section**_. image by N. Arazi.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!cN8t!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd318cf4e-d0b4-49db-a5bd-9c8732140456_1251x577.png)
(Left) _**Mudbrick walls and drainage pipe at Unit C, Dia-Shoma, (Horizon IV)**_, (right) _**Narrow streets of Dia flanked by compound walls and rectilinear mudbrick houses associated with drainage pipes.**_ images by N. Arazi
* * *
**Multiple pathways to west Africa’s architectural history.**
While the evolution of West African architecture from Tichitt to Jenne-Jeno and Dia can be traced with some certainty, the emergence of several nucleated settlements across West Africa from similarly old neolithic traditions complicates this seemingly linear sequence, as the example of Tongo Maaré Diabal shows. This singular chronological trajectory presupposes an exhaustive census of all the archeological sites and architectural monuments of the region in order to relate their various construction styles and inscribe each monument in time and space. However, such theoretical formulations are contradicted by other archeological discoveries.
For example, the Neolithic tradition that emerged near the Bandiagra cliffs of Mali at the site of Ounjougou, was also based on the cultivation of pearl millet like Tichitt and contains the ruins of walled compounds of drystone masonry dated 1900-1800 BC.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-7-154639584) Similary, the remains of rectangular houses measuring 7x3m and constructed with stone and daub, were discovered at multiple sites of the Kintampo neolithic culture (ca. 1900-1200BC) in northern Ghana, at the sites of Ntereso, Boyasi, Bonoase, and Mumute.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-8-154639584)
These two traditions are both contemporary with Tichitt and thus point to multiple origins of West Africa's architectural styles from vastly different ecological zones.
By the early 2nd millennium CE, mud-brick architecture is attested at several sites in [the Bandiagara escarpments](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-dogon-country) and surrounding valley during the so-called ‘Tellem period’, alongside much older structures made with coiled clay, some of which had orthogonal layouts and flat roofs and were part of an agglomerated compound.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-9-154639584) To the east of the Bandiagara cliffs, the recent excavations in the Niger Bend region at Kissi, Gao and Oursi, have also revealed a distinctive cultural tradition that was only tangentially linked to the sites of Jenne and Dia, with elite monuments that slightly predated those found at the latter sites.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!RefN!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F74396607-203b-454c-a146-55d725c83804_960x640.jpeg)
_**‘Tellem’ constructions of coiled clay and stone at Yougo Dogorou**_, Bandiagara, Mali.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!03v4!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7e3578a5-ce58-4321-8e02-1bb69ab5c249_1100x774.png)
_**Dogon constructions in the escarpment and surrounding plains of Bandiagara.**_
* * *
**The monumental architecture of the pre-Islamic west Africa:**
**Gao**
The settlement at Gao emerged during the second half of the 1st millennium CE, with occupation at the largest sites at Gao-Saney and Gao Ancien dated to 700-1050CE.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-10-154639584)Like at jenne-jeno and Dia, the main building material at Gao were mud-bricks, but most were rectangular* unlike those at the former sites. Gao Ancien contains the remains of numerous building constructions (foundations, columns and floors) built in dry-stone walling, mud brick and fired brick from the 9th-13th cent, with rectlinear houses from around 700CE.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-11-154639584)
(_*Gao isn’t the oldest site with rectangular mudbricks or rectilinear structures, but Tongo Maaré Diabal_)
Its at Gao Saney that we find two of the earliest identifiable Palaces in west Africa. These two structures, refered to as the 'Long House' and the 'Pillar House' were constructed around 900CE century and abandoned by 1100CE, based on radiocarbon dates obtained from both sites. The Long house is built in laterite and schist dry stone-walling, fired brick and mud brick, it has long narrow rectangular paved rooms and a monumental decorative gateway, indicating that it was an elite residence. The Pillar house was constructed using the same material, it features a central room with eight circular stone pillars, and its house floor was painted in red ochre and white lime powder.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-12-154639584)
The material culture of Gao indicates that it was occupied by a mostly local population of sedentary farmers, and all dated material indicates that it was abandoned by 1050CE, well before the appearence of the first Muslim ruler whose name is inscribed on the stele found in the cemetary of Gao-saney ca. 1088 CE. The polychrome pottery found at Gao is associated with the Songhai-speaking populations of the Niger Bend extending from Timbuktu to Bentiya. The pottery of the 1st millenium CE site of Oursi in particular, presents clear possibilities for regional antecedants of the Gao Saney assemblage.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-13-154639584)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!17wb!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F727afc51-0312-402e-a271-200c2ca33cf3_1313x496.png)
_**Ruins of the ‘Pillar House’ and the ‘Long House’ at Gao Ancien**_, constructed around 900 CE. Images by M. Cisse.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!B30N!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffc02a0b4-f1e8-4593-9523-b34555626611_695x456.png)
_**Bathroom of the small building in the pillar house at Gao-saney**_. image by Takezawa and Cisse
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!uYEG!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6e59fc2c-703f-47d1-9213-b57cfe2645c4_782x503.png)
_**Plan of the buildings at Gao-Ancien.**_ Takezawa and Cisse.
**Oursi**
The archaeological site of Oursi in north-eastern Burkina Faso is one of several pre-Islamic sites in the Niger-Bend region that contains early evidence for nucleated settlements in west Africa, with permanent occupation dating back to the late 1st millenium BC.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-14-154639584)
The site is dominated by the remains of a massive house complex called Oursi Hu-Beero, which was constructed between 1020 and 1070CE, according to dated material recovered from its interior. The house complex consists of 28 clustered rooms constructed in four phases with sun-dried rectangular mudbricks with a building size about 300m2. The units are not free-standing but are built adjacent to one another, sharing enclosing walls and separated by intermediate walls, and include both curvilinear and rectangular rooms.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-15-154639584)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!TOxw!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F595d2a91-144d-4e0c-aef8-cfc05ff6ae33_820x303.png)
_**The ruins of Oursi Hu-beero and the shelter built to protect them**_.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!3BEK!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdd4d00f5-772f-4308-bd48-e9c601bef370_543x414.png)
_**the massive square pillars of room 18, measuring about 1m on each side**_. images by Lucas Pieter Petit et al.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!kQAG!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F38252bf3-faaa-44bd-9b7a-90393a986f72_610x507.png)
_**Layout of the Oursi House**_ showing the walls and pillars (red) and the rooms (black). Room 20 is rectangular, its delimited by a wall (16) and three pillars (51, 52, 53).
The house had an upper storey supported by seventeen rectangular mudbrick pillars, sitting ontop of a roof made of wooden timbers. The upper floor was covered by a clay roof, and it was used for most domestic activities as indicated by the roof debris, which included weapons, copper bracelets, beads, and other jewellery, and grinding stones. The building complex and surrounding sites made up a village that was occupied by a few hundred people, estimates vary from 200 to 800 persons.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-13)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Iwc9!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F36cffe4e-64f6-478c-b35c-6c6335336bca_820x597.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!vRKl!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F64bf257f-877d-4ec1-a3a5-9dd8c4b9ea9e_820x331.png)
_**Reconstruction of Oursi Hu-beero**_ by Lucas Pieter Petit et al.
**Loropeni and the Lobi ruins.**
As mentioned above, the region of northern Ghana was for long home to multiple sedentary societies with nucleated settlements and distinctive architectural styles since the 2nd millenium BC, many of which included the remains of rectangular houses of stone and daub.
Much larger elite monuments with orthogonal (rectangular) layouts have also been at discovered in the 'Lobi ruins'; a 120-mile-by-60-mile cultural landscape spanning lands that cross the modern borders of Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, and Ghana. It contains hundreds of sites, [the largest of which are about a dozen walled settlements, mostly in Burkina Faso such as Loropeni](https://www.patreon.com/posts/119309609?pr=true&forSale=true), Obire, Karankasso, and Lakar. Their walls and the houses they enclosed were built with laterite stone and earth, with the earliest dates ranging from; 1040-1420CE.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-16-154639584)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!0ywD!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffe3af3f8-5652-467e-95a3-5f46654f9cf4_1319x516.png)
(left) _**Plans of enclosures at same approximate scale. Loropéni, Karankasso, 1km west of Obiré, Obiré village, Obiré ouest, Lakar, Olongo, Yérifoula and Loghi.**_ Image by Henry Hurst _**.**_ (right) _**Aerial view of Loropeni**_, east side.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!SnXC!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0d076540-1391-4256-975e-a0e55decbd08_820x616.png)
_**Partial view of a structure (Lor-sat 27) of Loropéni exposed in its northern and southern parts**_. Image by H. Farma.
**Old Buipe.**
Excavations at the 15th century site of Old Buipe in northern Ghana, have uncovered the ruins of several large multiroomed courtyard houses with an orthogonal design, and flat roofs —some of which had an upper storey. The largest structures were located in Fields; A, C and D, with a complex plan of juxtaposed rectangular rooms and courtyards, plastered cob walls (these are built with hardened silt, clay and gravel rather than brick), laterite floors, and a flat terrace-roof.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-17-154639584)
These finds indicate that the site was relatively large urban settlement of significant political importance prior to the emergence of [the kingdom of Gonja](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550), which was purpotedly founded by immigrants from Mali around 1550, ie: more than a century after these buildings were constructed.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!0neN!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe6ef516a-d895-4da1-8654-010d1de1bc29_804x543.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!3bUU!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa6910057-92dc-4386-9b01-f7d631cdd177_713x575.png)
_**Partially excavated ruins of a 15th century building complex at Field A, Old Buipe, Ghana**_ (photo by Denis Genequand, drawing Marion Berti)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Shee!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa7864eff-644b-494b-9460-fa8d7cbc7d55_944x631.png)
_**ruins of a 15th century building complex at Field C, Old Buipe, Ghana**_ (photo by Denis Genequand)
* * *
**The Palaces of the Sudano-Sahelian style.**
Documentary evidence indicates that several palaces were constructed by the rulers of Medieval Mali and Songhai in the sudano-sahelian architectural tradition, although archaeologists have yet to identify their location, save for a large _banco_ structure at Niani (Mali) dated to the 14th century, that may have been an elite residence or a mosque.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-18-154639584)
The rulers of Mali resided in a large, walled palace complex at the capital, described by Ibn Batutta in 1352, and the Askiyas of Songhai constructed their palaces in Gao as described by Leo Africanus in 1526. The 17th century Timbuktu chronicles also mention that the Sultan Kunburu, the ruler of Djenne in the 13th century (the medieval city near Jenne-Jeno), pulled down his old palace to build the large mosque of Djenne. He then constructed his new palace next to the mosque.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-19-154639584)
The rulers of Mali and Songhay also had palaces in outlying towns like Diala, and Mansa constructed a palace in Timbuktu after his return from pilgrimage in 1324. Descriptions by Ibn Battuta and Leo Africanus indicate that these palaces were walled complexes, with large courtyards, audience chambers and multiple rooms, enough to house the royals, their attendants, palace guards, and many palace officials (secretaries, counsellors, captains, and stewards).[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-20-154639584)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!L1BM!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7b0a681f-2e9b-4f7d-a072-154ed01d55e8_600x434.png)
_**Tomb and mosque of Askiya Muhammad of Songhai (r. 1493–1528),**_ Gao, Mali, ca. 1920. ANOM.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!u6C7!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F62b07d88-a708-4f72-bf63-4374630378a2_756x484.png)
_**Gao, Mali. ca. 1935**_, ANOM.
Similar, albeit smaller palaces from the later periods are better preserved much further south in northern Ghana, such as the Palace of the Wa-Na, which was built in the 19th century, following the distinctive architectural tradition that emerged in the region during the late middle ages, as seen in the elite houses of Buipe and the mosque of Larabanga.
A visitor to Wa in 1894 mentions that the _**“flat roofed buildings and date palms present it with an eastern appearance,”**_ and another in 1895 notes the presence of the palace, described as a _**“rambling flat-roofed building.”**_[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-21-154639584) The present structure is 'veritable labyrinth of courtyards' enclosed within white washed walls reinforced by thick buttresses with pinnacled tops and triangular perfolations.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-22-154639584)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!6Nk9!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7ae0279c-6d9c-403b-ad96-e944035e77d8_1000x667.jpeg)
_**The palace of Wa in northern Ghana**_
There are also multiple descriptions and images of the old palaces of Segou in Mali, which were constructed by the rulers of the Bambara empire and their sucessors —the rulers of the Tukulor empire.
The account of Mungo Park, who visited the city around 1796 but wasn't allowed to meet the King, describes its general architecture as such: _**“Sego, the capital of Bambarra, consists of four distinct towns ; two on the northern bank of the Niger, called Sego Korro, and Sego Boo ; and two on the southern bank, called Sego Soo Korro, and Sego See Korro. They are all surrounded with high mud walls ; the houses are built of clay, of a square form, with flat roofs ; some of them have two stories, and many of them are white-washed. Besides these buildings, Moorish mosques are Seen in every quarter ; and the streets, though narrow, are broad enough for every useful purpose.”**_[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-23-154639584)
The account of the French traveler Eugene Mage, who visited Segou around 1866 when it was ruled by the Tukulor leader Ahmadou Tal, contains a description of his palace, which he described as an _**“ornate house”**_ enclosed within _**“a real fortification six meters high, with towers at the corners and fronts in the middle, and in which two thousand defenders can be confined.”**_ He also visited Ségou-Koro (old Ségou), and described _**“the remains of a highly ornamented earthen palace, the ruined facades of which are still standing, first strike the eye amidst the half-collapsed and deserted walls”.**_[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-24-154639584)
While these monuments didn’t survive long enough to be photographed, there are a number of images of the palace of Mademba Sèye, who was the fama (ruler) of Sansanding (in Mali) who took control of the town after the collapse of Ahmadou Tal’s empire to the French in 1890. The palace of Mademba, called the _Diomfutu_, was a fortified residence composed of a series of grand courtyards which are divided by numerous buildings, all of which were enclosed by walls that were decorated with pilasters, sculptures and ornaments. The whole measured 150 by 100 meters and its walls were five meters high. It was constructed around 1891 by local masons recruited by Mademba, who also rebuilt the walls of the town.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-25-154639584)
The palace’s external appearence resembles the houses in the illustrations made by Eugene Mage, it also looks like the walled entrances to the compounds of elite houses in Nyamina and Segou, as well as the surviving buildings constructed by the Tukulor ruler Ahmadou (r. 1864-1893) at Segou such as the fortress and the ‘house of the sofas’, which were abandoned after the French invasion, and were photographed during the late 19th century.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!1BVW!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6b431a1a-6dfb-4715-8dbd-d1ef7be6fe71_1024x647.jpeg)
_**entrance to Ahmadou’s Palace in Segou**_. ca. 1868, illustration by Eugene Mage.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Wptc!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5e134fe4-e5ac-46cf-b0f1-0f6f2fead942_603x373.jpeg)
_**House of the daughter of Mansong Diarra (ruler of the Bambara Empire 1795 to 1808) in Yamina, Mali**_. ca. 1868, Engraving by Eugene Mage.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!NMuJ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcd11b4c5-afce-48a0-9f6e-d6b12a5508cd_598x371.jpeg)
_**The common house of the somonos of Ségou**_. ca. 1868, Engraving by Eugene Mage. the Somonos were part of the Bambara.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!311z!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb480b455-0cd7-4530-8ab9-fc369652e637_692x513.png)
_**walled entrance to the palace of Mademba, Sansanding**_, Mali ca. 1900, BnF, Paris
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!gnRn!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F65941b77-ce9e-440a-ae1b-c7da93808693_1000x631.jpeg)
_**House of the griot Soukoutou, in Ségou**_. ca. 1868, ilustration by M. Mage.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!KB95!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F34153057-8235-4184-be1f-41dfa8baa73b_759x573.png)
_**Photo of a house in Segou, ca. 1880-1889**_. Quai Branly. (_this could be the same house with a slightly altered facade_)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!yy0G!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbbf40f55-5b46-4aa2-bda0-43c0ec7ad844_784x573.png)
_**walled gate to a house in Nyamina, Mali. ca. 1880-1889**_, Quai branly
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!5JWT!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9fd52fd2-d11c-4dfc-889d-2160994dc851_780x573.jpeg)
_**Segou, the house of the Sofas (warriors)**_. ca. 1880-1889. Quai Branly
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!VxcH!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F46686847-8718-4a47-b77b-0ae1f0b235f5_789x573.jpeg)
_**View of Ahmadou's Tata (fort) in Segou**_. ca. 1880-1889. Quai Branly. (this structure maybe the same as the one above)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!WYwz!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F978111d2-2c63-49bb-9385-d0557c5ae6f7_1024x636.jpeg)
_**View of Ségou, taken from a terrace**_. ca. 1868, illustration by M. Mage.
Segou was invaded by the French in April of 1890, who converted the former palace of Ahmadou into a colonial station/residence. The extent to which this later structure retained the architectural style of the old building is a subject of debate, because its colonial residents were involved in its reconstruction, unlike the other contemporaneous monuments (like the Djenne mosque and Aguibu's palace at Bandiagara) where local masons were in charge of the entire construction.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-26-154639584)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Swsn!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F607bbf4f-7cd5-47bd-9548-709a3919b31b_768x573.png)
_**French station at Segou, Mali.**_ ca. 1880-1889. Quai Branly
The palace at Bandiagara was constructed around 1893 by the ‘renowned masons from Djenne’ for the Tukulor ruler Agibou Tal according to a near-contemporary account by Henri Gaden. The three story structure, whose facade is topped by serrated pointed columns, was built in the traditional style, respecting local methods of construction.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-27-154639584) A slightly similar, but smaller palace was also constructed in the same region and appears in a few photographs from the early 20th century.
The Djenne masons are credited with the construction of a number of elite structures such as the palace of the Kélétigui Kourouma in Sikasso (Mali), while their southern counterparts, the Dyula, constructed several monuments in the region, especially at Bondoukou and Bouna (in Cote d‘ivoire), as well as the palace of the Senoufu King Gbon Coulibaly (1860-1963) at Korhogo during the early 20th century.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-28-154639584)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!6FUp!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F56326649-8536-49dd-b49b-4fdb575d89a3_1001x631.jpeg)
Agibu’s palace at Bandiagara, Mali. image by Edmond Fortier, ca. 1906.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!0jN0!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F94c61ca4-5c3a-4347-85e5-1e945eaada9d_895x637.png)
_**Chief’s house, Bandiagara, Mali**_. ca. 1911. Ethnological Museum of Berlin.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!BH_W!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7f131b87-5b89-4d53-886c-0ecc99691427_1030x490.png)
_**Palace of the Senufu king Gbon Coulibaly at Korhogo**_, Cote d‘ivoire, ca. 1926, Quai Branly. The roof of the palace had been destroyed by the time this photo was taken, Gbon told a later visitor in 1932 that the cause of this destruction was a storm.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-29-154639584)
* * *
**Some of the architects of the Sudano-Sahelian style**
The specialist guild of masons of [the medieval city of Djenne](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-jenne-250bc) are renowned for constructing some of the most iconic palaces and mosques in the region. The mason guild was reportedly constituted during the heyday of imperial Mali and Songhai.
The 16th century Askiyas of Songhai employed 500 masons from Djenne at their provincial capital of Tendirma, the rulers of 19th century rulers of Segu and Massina employed masons from Djenne to construct their palaces and houses, long before they built the palace at Bandiagara and the iconic mosque of Djenne. The architectural style of Djenne city is characterized by tall, double or multi-story, terraced buildings, with massive pilasters flanking portals that rise vertically along the height of the façade.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-30-154639584)
Their style of construction is best demonstrated at the Maiga House of Djenne, which was the residence of the chief of the songhay quarter, an office in the Massina empire that was held by Hasseye Amadou Maïga in the 19th century and would continue under his descendants during the tukolor empire.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-31-154639584) The large structure includes the typical features of Djenne architecture including thick buttresses (sarafa), conical pinnacles decorated with projecting beams (toron), and the so-called _Façade Toucouleur_ (identified by its sheltered portal in contrast to the open portal of the more recent _Façade Marocaine_).[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-32-154639584)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!uRe7!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Feb9e97f0-8088-4651-bf49-4f2f0336a54d_779x622.png)
_**the ‘Maiga House’**_ of Djenne.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!9su3!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6a10cb8e-3922-468d-a7f4-6b0356cb5b02_800x503.jpeg)
_**An elite residence at Djenne with the Façade Toucouleur,**_ ca. 1906. image by Edmond Fortier.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!at84!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0508cd26-ead1-4bb6-851c-34b07134d6e0_2185x1376.jpeg)
_**street scene showing terraced houses with the Façade Toucouleur**_, Djenne, Mali. ca. 1906, image by Edmond Fortier.
The Djenne masons are drawn from multiple groups in the city’s cosmopolitan population, that includes not just the Muslim population (Soninke, Songhay, Fulani) but also predominatly non-Muslim groups like the Bozo and Bambara. The architecture of the Bambara for example, also features buttresses and panel facades that are decorated with deep niches and low reliefs. The parapet of the flat roof is capped by pinnacles. In Bozo architecture, the ubiquitous _saho_ were community houses for the youth, built with elements typical of the region's architecture including buttresses, pinnacles, corner pillars, portruding stakes (toron). All of these features can be seen at the Great Mosque of Djenne and other monuments.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-33-154639584)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Jb4v!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1e085e53-fd8d-4e8f-b64a-1538551fc6f2_761x599.jpeg)
_**Types of Bambara houses**_, ca. 1892, illustration by Louis Binger.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!vdGH!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fade02d75-b257-4bba-b254-fa43efc7b3cc_734x573.jpeg)
_**decorated facade of a 'Saho' (youth house) ca. 1907-1908**_, Nohou, Mopti, Mali. Quai Branly
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!g8bg!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8f082ec3-0e36-40ef-b476-c725a9d0b4e1_792x573.jpeg)
_**decorated facade of a 'Saho' (youth house)**_ ca. 1907-1908, Diafarabé, Mopti, Mali. Quai Branly
Also related to these is the Dogon architecture of the Bandiagara region, which incorporates multiple regional styles, and also preserved some of the regions' oldest structures as mentioned above. Its distinctive façades are often composed of niches with checkerboard patterns, the walls buttressed by pilasters leading upto flat roofs surmounted by multiple rounded pinnacles.
The elder of an extended family lives in a large house (ginna) that is surrounded by the house of family members. The ginna is a two storied building with a façade showing rows of superimposed niches, while the ancestor altar (Wagem) is in a sheltered structure that leads onto the roof terrace surmounted by ritual bowls.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-34-154639584)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!7085!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2b8bef46-53b3-4ac3-894c-917ace4c4de7_1168x585.png)
House of the Hogon of Arou, Bandiagara, Mali.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!iM6x!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4f949539-908d-49cc-893b-c947fa0ab0ea_957x568.png)
_**Façade of different ginna houses in Sanga**_, Bandiagara, Mali.
Another important community associated with the a distinctive regional architectural style are the Dyula/Juula. These were [a diasporic community of traders and scholars associated with the old cities of Djenne and Dia](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education), who expanded southwards into the regions of Burkina Faso, northern Ghana and Cote D'ivoire in the 14th and 15th centuries.
The Juula are associated with the founding of the old towns of Begho, Bouna and Bondoukou during the late middle ages. Later waves of Juula migrants such as the Saganogo clan, are credited with the construction of the distinctive style of mosque architecture found throughout the region especially at Kong and Bouna, which also influenced later palace architecture as seen at the Palace of Wa mentioned above. Their ordinary houses consisted of rectangular flat-roofed houses organised around an open, internal courtyard.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-35-154639584)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!L4mD!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F07fce605-a99e-4eb8-8de0-ac6267f09b3b_724x479.png)
_**section of Bondoukou near one of samory’s residences**_, photo from the early 1900s
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!rPcr!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F32196dfe-4b81-4826-bd29-20e7e5486a90_990x562.png)
_**View of the Dyula town of Bondoukuo with one of its mosques.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!XU7L!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6e16778a-aba6-49c8-85cd-bb8968a48e9c_600x485.jpeg)
_**Street scene in the Marabassou quarter of Kong**_, ca. 1892, ANOM.
* * *
**The Mosque architecture**
The Great Mosque of Djenne is easily the most recognisable architectural monument of the Sudano-Sahelian style.
The original mosque was a colonnaded structure constructed in the 13th century by sultan Konboro according to documentary accounts, and remained in use until the conquest of the city by the Massina empire in 1819 and 1821. [The Massina founder Seku Ahmadu](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-2-133913518) ordered its destruction because he considered its _**“excessive height”**_ to be an example of the _**“blameworthy practices”**_ of Djenne's scholary community mentioned in his polemical treatise _Kitab al-Idtirar_.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-36-154639584)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Omvh!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F37871b33-b828-490f-9b9b-336ee3594cfc_781x595.png)
_**The Old mosque of Djenne**_, ca. 1895. image by A. Lainé, Quai Branly
By the time the French traveller Rene Caillie visited it in 1828, the mosque had spent more than a decade without being plastered and its mudbrick walls had been melted by the rain, leaving “a large structure” with “two massive towers.” Later photographs from the 1890s and 1900s showed that its walls had been eroded, but the outline of the original structure and parts of the colonnaded structure can still be seen. Another traveller, Felix Dubois, who visited Djenne in 1897, made a sketch of the mosque, consisting of a square enclosure punctuated by buttresses. In 1907, the Djenne masons guild, led by Ismaila Traoré, reconstructed the mosque in traditional style, with large buttresses (sarafa) and pinnacles that were typical of Djenne's elite houses of the 18th and 19th centuries.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-37-154639584)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!fQ0z!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdc26c55d-8c89-4210-836d-0ebcec92edea_982x618.png)
Ruins of the old Mosque of Djenne, ca. 1906, image by Edmond Fortier.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!zW5M!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Faf0814b2-729e-42a8-ad63-d2e530b57e6b_1024x657.jpeg)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ROmz!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7766ae90-82d3-463c-b46c-a7ce910d927b_675x1061.png)
_**East elevation and floor plan of the Djenné Mosque by Pierre Maas and Geert Mommersteeg.**_
Related to these are two mosques in the Bandiagara region at Nando and Makou that are traditionally dated to the 14th century, and more recent mosques such as the one at kani kombole, which is dated to the late 19th and early 20th century.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-38-154639584) Similar, abeit low lying mosques from the 19th century are known from the cities and towns of Segou and Sansanding, that were built in the late 19th century. Their curtain walls are marked by buttressing, similar to the Djenne mosque but their mihrab tower is pyramidal in shape, similar to the Timbuktu mosques.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-39-154639584)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!-72U!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6fdb5176-12cf-46f2-9f9c-3b3bbc016ac5_794x878.png)
_**The Dogon mosque of Nando, Mali.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!NCqC!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd31a4651-7fee-464c-81a2-9a096ce665eb_2400x1600.jpeg)
_**The Dogon mosque of kani kombole, near Mopti, Mali.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!OXZv!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdc17aad5-bb4a-4aed-a678-77f56314d9ce_842x591.png)
_**Sansanding mosque**_, Mali, ca. 1907. Frobenius Institute
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!p8Rd!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4f4cfcf8-f3d4-4fad-8c01-82cf458ef60c_999x528.png)
_**Mosque of Segou**_, Mali. ca. 1906. Edmond Fortier.
The second oldest extant mosque is the Jingereber mosque of Timbuktu which was built by Mansa Musa in 1325, a date that has recently been corroborated by radio-carbon dated material from the site. Archaeological excavations near the mosque and subsequent surveys of its architecture have shown that its building material and construction features were all characteristic ‘sudano-sahelian’ style of architecture of Djenne and other older sites, ruling out the purported influence of the Andalusian poet Abu Ishaq Es-Saheli.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-40-154639584)
The original structure was later reconstructed in the 1560s during the Songhay period, extending to its current size of 70m by 40m, with a flat roof replacing the original vaulted roof. Two mudbrick mosques were added to the city in the first half of the 15th century; the Sankore mosque and the Sidi Yahya mosque, while the mosque next to Askiya's tomb at Gao was built in the 16th century.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-41-154639584)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!vNZ0!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0bad3917-acb6-470d-bf6f-8db2d5c864c9_800x533.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!4nS3!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F701d45d0-2432-4b26-b811-ddf2b2798c63_1041x631.png)
_**The Jingereber mosque of timbuktu**_, mosque plan by Bertrand Poissonnier.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!wMyL!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8d4af0c8-4c44-4213-a231-24ce1676d445_636x423.png)
_**The Sankore Mosque.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!-Qd1!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa56975f1-22dd-488e-8cf2-28b6b304b5e0_820x534.png)
_**Sidi yahya mosque**_
Another iconic mosque built in the sudano-sahelian style is the great mosque of Agadez, which was originally constructed in the second half of the 15th century, and has gone through multiple reconstructions. The original mosque was built without its 28-meter tall minaret, which was only added ca 1515-1530, with additional reconstructions occurring in 1844 or 1847.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-42-154639584)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!mWge!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa4a881ac-aa02-4f50-a1e9-af97e68e5e96_955x636.png)
Much further south, a number of old mosques were constructed in the 17th century at Larabanga (Ghana), in 1785 at Kong (Burkina Faso), in 1795 at Buna (Cote D'ivoire), in 1797 at Bondoukou (Cote D’Ivoire), in 1801 at Wa (Ghana) and in the late 19th century at Banda Nkwata (Ghana) and Bobo-Dioulasso (Burkina Faso).[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-43-154639584)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!9LVN!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd8336e9d-ac92-4e00-a9e1-395a33949bb1_1011x576.png)
_**Friday Mosque of Kong**_, ca. 1920, Quai Branly.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!tYZ-!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1fcd240f-6fb8-4334-8bcb-54ea505bd423_815x533.png)
_**Bobo Dioulasso’s Friday Mosque**_, ca. 1904, Quai Branly.
Most of these mosques share a number of common elements and architectural features identified with the 'Dyula' style of Sudano-Sahelian architecture such as façades that are structured by thick buttresses surmounted by pinnacles and linked together by horizontal wooden poles, a pillared prayer hall, a conical mihrab tower pierced by stakes and a roof terrace. The thick walls ensure the stability of the structure in the region's wetter climate, while the wooden poles serve as scaffolding and decoration. Larabanga mosque was built with cob (like other elite structures of Gonja's capital, Old Buipe) while the rest were built with clay and mud-brick.[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-44-154639584)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!L_xV!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F435cd0f2-2ae0-4ced-8f4b-3125e0de412a_1024x680.jpeg)
Larabanga mosque
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ciu5!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0942a748-dd0d-43a2-b4ef-e54970582759_970x436.png)
Wa central mosque, early 20th century. image by I. Wilks.
* * *
**Forts and city walls in the Sudano-Sahelian style.**
The city walls and fortresses of the Sudano-Sahelian tradition are arguably the least studied of its monuments.
The oldest known city wall in the region was a 4m thick wall built around jenne-jeno during the 8th century, but this was likely constructed to hold back the floodwaters of the surrounding rivers. Similar enclosure walls surrounding the royal cities of Ghana and Mali are mentioned in accounts from the 11th and 13th centuries. The earliest defensive city wall was uncovered at the old city of Dia, where a crenellated wall built with mud-bricks was dated to the 14th century during the epoch of the Empire of Mali.[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-45-154639584)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!R4p7!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd6815735-087a-44fa-95b8-f365e4b45e12_1259x408.png)
(left) _**view of Dia-Shoma’s zigzag shaped city wall before excavation.**_ (right) _**Shoma’s city wall after excavations, showing zigzag shaped wall with loaf-shaped mud bricks**_. images by N. Arazi.
Purely defensive fortifications proliferated across the region during the 18th and 19th centuries and are mentioned in multiple contemporary accounts. These fortifications commonly known as _'Tata'_, were not built with mudbrick like at Dia, but were instead mostly made of rammed earth (sana) that was piled into courses and tempered with lateritic gravel stones. Larger towns such as Ton Masala were enclosed by three concentric crenellated walls upto 4m thick and 5m tall, mostly for ideological reasons, while smaller towns and even villages were surrounded by walls over 2m tall, mostly for defense.[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-46-154639584)
Illustrations of these are contained in the travel accounts of several explorers, notably Louis Gustave Binger, who travelled from Senegal, to southern Mali and northern Ivory coast, and noted the presence of multiple walled settlements such as at Tiongui, Dioumaténé and Sikasso in Mali.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!NyUR!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5447455e-4c26-43a3-bf64-238857503467_913x634.png)
_**Tata of Tiong-i, Mali**_. ca. 1892. illustration by L. Binger. _“Tiong or Tiong-i has the appearance of a city: its large clay walls of ash gray clay with coarse flanking towers spaced 25 to 30 meters apart”_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!WYb0!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc9a36e0b-fba7-4b12-bab3-4200c8ef4117_800x554.jpeg)
_**The Tata of Sikasso**_, Mali. ca. 1892, illustration by Louis-Gustave Binger. The walls of sikasso enclosed the entire town, with a diameter of 9km, width of 6 m at the base, and a height of over 6 meters.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!a2qK!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7d28fe55-5775-4b07-a5a2-caea44e9d88c_800x516.jpeg)
_**View of Diounanténé**_, ca. 1892, Mali. illustration by L. Binger.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!FeHT!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Faf479cf6-3201-4b82-a9e2-79f4c58c9fa1_760x514.png)
_**The walled town of Douabougou**_, Mali. ca. 1885, Mali. NYPL.
Much larger fortresses of stone and rammed earth, were built under the Tukulor ruler Umar Tal by his famed architect, Samba N’Diaye at Segu, Bakel, Nioro, and Koundian, etc. Eugune Mage's account from 1866, describes the fort at Nioro as a _**“vast square, measuring 250 feet each side built regularly in stones daced with earth... The walls are about 2.5m thick, on the four corners there are round towers and the whole is between 10 and 12 meters high... It is absolutely impenetrable without artillery.”**_[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-47-154639584)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!wMm7!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fff7f0376-4f31-4877-8db8-01c7324accb9_768x512.jpeg)
House of El Hadj, in Dianghirté. ca. 1868, Illustration by Eugène Mage. the latter described it as a _**“tata or palace of El Hadj. built with rammed earth like the other buildings in the village, and decorated with two square towers in good condition, and crowned like other parts, with a serrated or festooned ornament in the Moorish style.”**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!H2iN!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F463aad39-d845-486f-98d5-9d4402916944_1056x578.png)
_**Umar Tal’s Stone fortress of Koniakari shortly after it was breached.**_ ca 1890, Quai Branly.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!b-KS!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7e2bad1b-99c7-4b17-b937-14790974dd11_600x443.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!4EOa!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd48003c7-5b51-44f8-8219-d53a07503908_600x427.png)
_**Tata of Umar Tal between Nioro and Segou**_, Mali. ca. 1898, ANOM.
Similar monumental walls surrounded the Massina capital Hamdallaye during the mid 19th century, and the Senufo city of Sikasso in the late 19th century. The Sikasso walls enclose the 90 ha capital entirely, they were crenellated in form and measured 6 m in height with a thickness of between 1.5 and 2 m at its base. Other walled towns can be found across southern Burkina Faso near Kong and Say.[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-48-154639584)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!l5Nq!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdbb6e507-1521-4b40-9a45-03d4c82375fe_600x435.jpeg)
_**the tata (fortification) of Sikasso after the two-week French artillery barrage breached it**_. ca. 1898, ANOM.
There are also multiple descriptions of walled towns and fortifications in the senegambia region during the 18th and 19th centuries, which were also built with rammed earth.
A description of Bulebane, the capital of Bundu (Senegal) by British traveler, William Gray in 1825, mentions that: _**“The town is surrounded by a strong clay wall, ten feet high and eighteen inches thick; this is pierced with loopholes, and is so constructed that, at short intervals, projecting angles are thrown out, which enable the besieged to defend the front of the wall by a flanking fire.”**_ a later description of the same town in 1846 notes that its walls were _**“interrupted quite frequently by square or round towers and bastions and it is closed by several solid doors.”**_[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-49-154639584)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!e42J!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd8f100d1-042c-45c4-8c72-e62f1c24be12_953x464.png)
_**Mosque and Fortress at Podor**_, Senegal. ca. 1917. images reproduced by Cleo Cantone.
Studies of the region’s architectural history reveal that these fortifications influenced the palace and mosque architecture of the Senegambia. The 19th century descriptions of the town of Guede for example, mention the presence of; a tall bastioned enclosure whose interior is divided into compartments by different walls; the king's audience hall which was a square building of 10 meters that was about 7meters tall; as well as a mosque and ordinary homes.[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-50-154639584)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!FZ3k!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F61c39a5d-a33d-4069-810d-7ee99d4fc4d1_1274x462.png)
_**Mosque of guede in Senegal**_. images by Cleo Cantone. First constructed in the late 17th century, it was renovated in the 18th and 19th centuries in the sudano-sahelian style with tapering pillars.[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-51-154639584)
* * *
**Sudano-Sahelian architecture during the colonial and post-independence period.**
As mentioned above, the construction of monuments in the Sudano-Sahelian style continued during the colonial period, some of which retained their older aesthetics while some evolved in the new social and cultural milieu.
Throughout the early 20th century, a series of public buildings were constructed which combined Sudano-Sahelian, Hausa and colonial architecture. This neo-Sudanese style is described by one ethnographer as a _**“monumental style [that] has even been adopted with gratitude by the French entrepreneurs in the French Sudan and employed with certain alterations on public buildings, under the name neo-Sudanese Style.”**_ It was especially common in market buildings and a few colonial residences.[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-52-154639584)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!FgSo!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa1a7be5b-81ab-4e81-8be5-f7e45137edf0_1625x1077.jpeg)
_**Market in Bamako**_, Mali. early 20th century.
Numerous mosques and palaces were also constructed across west Africa, often by wealthy Africans, such as the mosque at San and Mopti.
The Sudano-Sahelian architectural style continued during the post-colonial period, as seen at the Bani mosques of Burkina Faso (built in 1978), and the iconic BCEAO Tower in Mali, (built in 1985). This style of construction is today considered one of Africa’s Indigenous Architectural styles, and has spread beyond its heartland to other parts of the continent and the world.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!GCai!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F90c6b23e-57f5-4a29-8555-fe939375cf88_958x587.png)
_**Mosque**_ _**in Bani**_, Burkina Faso, the biggest of the seven mosques that were built by Mohamed el Hajj. interestingly, none are directed toward mecca, they instead face the largest mosque at the center.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!IF4U!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0b7ab9dd-2a5a-4c5b-9289-adedc08844af_1019x603.png)
_**The BCEAO Tower**_, Bamako, Mali.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!xVdR!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0a505a67-e98f-46d6-943c-bbb091f6dd56_813x608.png)
_**African Museum in Jeju Island**_, South Korea
* * *
West Africa’s architectural tradition predates the arrival of Islam, as i have shown in the above essay. **My latest Patreon Article explores the three pre-Islamic sites of Loropeni, Oursi, and Kissi in greater detail**. These large nucleated settlements featured massive stone walls enclosing elite houses, a double-storey building complex, and an elite cemetery with grave goods **imported from the Roman provinces of North Africa and Spain.**
**please subscribe to read about them here**
[WEST AFRICA BETWEEN ROME AND MALI](https://www.patreon.com/posts/west-africa-rome-119309609)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-1-154639584)
Spatial Organization and Socio-Economic Differentiation at the Dhar Tichitt Center of Dakhlet el Atrouss I (Southeastern Mauritania) by Gonzalo J. Linares-Matás, The Tichitt Culture and the Malian Lakes Region by Robert Vernet et al.
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-2-154639584)
The Tichitt tradition in the West African Sahel by K.C. MacDonald, late neolithic cultural landscape, Late Neolithic Cultural landscape in southeastern Mauritania: An Essay in spatiometry by Augustin Ferdinand Charles Holl, Tichitt-Walata and the Middle Niger: Evidence for Cultural Contact in the Second Millennium BC by K.C. MacDonald
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-3-154639584)
Betwixt Tichitt and the IND: the pottery of the Faïta Facies, Tichitt Tradition by K.C. MacDonald pg 58-67
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-4-154639584)
On the Margins of Ghana and Kawkaw: Four Seasons of Excavation at Tongo Maaré Diabal (AD 500-1150), Mali by Nikolas Gestrich, Kevin C. MacDonald pg 7-8.
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-5-154639584)
Excavations at Jenné-Jeno, Hambarketolo, and Kaniana, edited by Susan Keech McIntosh, pg 64-65, 215-216, Tracing history in Dia, in the Inland Niger Delta of Mali : archaeology, oral traditions and written sources by N. Arazi, pg 125-126
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-6-154639584)
Excavations at Jenné-Jeno, Hambarketolo, and Kaniana, edited by Susan Keech McIntosh, pg 44-45, 48, 51-53, 433-447, 367-369, Tracing history in Dia, in the Inland Niger Delta of Mali : archaeology, oral traditions and written sources by N. Arazi pg 135-146
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-7-154639584)
Une chronologie pour le peuplement et le climat du pays dogon by Sylvain Ozainne et al. pg 42)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-8-154639584)
The Archaeology of Africa: Food, Metals and Towns edited by Bassey Andah, Alex Okpoko, Thurstan Shaw, Paul Sinclair pg 256-257, The Kintampo Complex: The Late Holocene on the Gambaga Escarpment, Northern Ghana by Joanna Casey pg 119-121.
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-9-154639584)
Agricultural diversification in West Africa by Louis Champion et al pg 15-16, Early social complexity in the Dogon Country by Anne Mayor, Sahel: Art and Empires on the Shores of the Sahara by Alisa LaGamma pg 162)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-10-154639584)
Excavations at Gao Saney: New Evidence for Settlement Growth, Trade, and Interaction on the Niger Bend in the First Millennium CE by M Cissé pg 25, 30)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-11-154639584)
Archaeological Investigations of Early Trade and Urbanism at Gao Saney by M. Cisse 123, 133, 256-268.
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-12-154639584)
Archaeological Investigations of Early Trade and Urbanism at Gao Saney by M. Cisse pg 269-270, Discovery of the earliest royal palace in Gao and its implications for the history of West Africa by Shoichiro Takezawa pg 10-11, 15-16.
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-13-154639584)
Excavations at Gao Saney: New Evidence for Settlement Growth, Trade, and Interaction on the Niger Bend in the First Millennium CE by M Cissé pg 30-31)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-14-154639584)
Oursi Hu-beero: A Medieval House Complex in Burkina Faso, West Africa edited by Lucas Pieter Petit, Maya von Czerniewicz, Christoph Pelzer pg 39-41
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-15-154639584)
Oursi Hu-beero: A Medieval House Complex in Burkina Faso, West Africa edited by Lucas Pieter Petit, Maya von Czerniewicz, Christoph Pelzer pg 43-76.
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-16-154639584)
Les Ruines de Loropéni au Burkina Faso by Lassina Simporé pg 260, Fouilles archéologiques dans le compartiment by Lassina Kote pg 97-98, 102-103, 109
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-17-154639584)
Preliminary Report on the 2019 Season of the Gonja Project, Ghana by Denis Genequand et al. pg 287, Excavations in Old Buipe and Study of the Mosque of Bole (Ghana, Northern Region) by Denis Genequand et al. pg 26
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-18-154639584)
Landscapes, Sources and Intellectual Projects of the West African Past ... Pg 53-56, Le complexe du palais royal du Mali by W. Filipowiak
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-19-154639584)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Saʿdi's Taʾrīkh Al-Sūdān Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents by John Hunwick pg 10, 19.
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-20-154639584)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Saʿdi's Taʾrīkh Al-Sūdān Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents by John Hunwick pg 109, 283)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-21-154639584)
Wa and the Wala: Islam and Polity in Northwestern Ghana By Ivor Wilks pg 6-7
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-22-154639584)
The Conservation of Smaller Historic Towns in Africa South of the Sahara. With Case Studies of Two Ghanaian Examples, Elmina and Wa",by M. A.D.C. Hyland.
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-23-154639584)
Travels in the interior districts of Africa by Mungo Park
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-24-154639584)
Le tour du monde: nouveau journal des voyages, Volumes 17-18 edited by Edouard Charton, pg 71-73
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-25-154639584)
Conflicts of Colonialism: The Rule of Law, French Soudan, and Faama Mademba Sèye By Richard L. Roberts 89, 97, 99, 103, 130-131
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-26-154639584)
Double Impact: France and Africa in the Age of Imperialism by G. Wesley Johnson pg 226)
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-27-154639584)
Nearly Native, Barely Civilized: Henri Gaden’s Journey through Colonial French West Africa (1894-1939) By Roy Dilley pg 50-51,
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-28-154639584)
_Gbon was his Dyula name, his senufu name was Peleforo Soro, although the influence of the Dyula was such that he was mostly known for his Dyula name_. see: State Formation and Political Legitimacy edited by Ronald Cohen, Judith D. Toland pg 46-47.Political Topographies of the African State By Catherine Boone pg 247-261
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-29-154639584)
L'Enfer des noirs. Cannibalisme et fétichisme dans la brousse ; Author, Jean Perrigault pg 122
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-30-154639584)
Historic mosques in Sub saharan by Stéphane Pradines pg 101, Butabu: Adobe Architecture of West Africa By James Morris, Suzanne Preston Blier pg 194-196, Making and Remaking Mosques in Senegal By Cleo Cantonepg 68
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-31-154639584)
African Arts, Volume 30, University of California, pg 93
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-32-154639584)
Historic mosques in Sub saharan by Stéphane Pradines pg 101, The Masons of Djenné by Trevor Hugh James Marchand pg 88
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-33-154639584)
Historic Mosques in Sub-Saharan Africa: From Timbuktu to Zanzibar By Stéphane Pradines pg 104.
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-34-154639584)
L'architecture dogon: Constructions enterre au Mali, edited by Wolfgang Lauber, Dogon: Images & Traditions by Huib Blom pg 228-238
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-35-154639584)
The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 101, Making and Remaking pg 41-45, 47
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-36-154639584)
Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 137-141
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-37-154639584)
The History of the Great Mosques of Djenné by Jean-Louis Bourgeois, Making and remaking msoques pg 184
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-38-154639584)
Dogon: Images & Traditions by Huib Blom pg 282, 286, 291, Historic Mosques in Sub-Saharan Africa: From Timbuktu to Zanzibar by Stéphane Pradines pg 102-103
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-39-154639584)
Making and Remaking Mosques in Senegal By Cleo Cantone pg 40)
[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-40-154639584)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire edited by John O. Hunwick pg 30 n.8, The great mosque of timbuktu by Bertrand Poissonnier pg 26-34, 69)
[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-41-154639584)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire edited by John O. Hunwick pg 30 n.8, The great mosque of timbuktu by Bertrand Poissonnier pg 81-82,
[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-42-154639584)
La grande mosquée d'Agadez : Architecture et histoire by Patrice Cressier & Suzanne Bernus.
[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-43-154639584)
The History of Islam in Africa edited by Nehemia Levtzion, Randall L. Pouwels pg 101)
[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-44-154639584)
Making and remaking pg 40-41, Preliminary Report on the 2016 Season of the Gonja Project by Denis Genequand pg 96-108
[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-45-154639584)
The least of their inhabited villages are fortified”: the walled settlements of Segou by Kevin C. MacDonald pg 365-366)
[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-46-154639584)
The least of their inhabited villages are fortified”: the walled settlements of Segou by Kevin C. MacDonald pg 347-348, 356-360)
[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-47-154639584)
Making and Remaking Mosques in Senegal By Cleo Cantone pg 65-67
[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-48-154639584)
The least of their inhabited villages are fortified”: the walled settlements of Segou by Kevin C. MacDonald pg 345
[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-49-154639584)
Making and Remaking Mosques in Senegal By Cleo Cantone pg 55-57)
[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-50-154639584)
Making and Remaking Mosques in Senegal By Cleo Cantone pg 59-62, Voyage à Ségou, 1878-1879 by Paul Soleillet pg 38.
[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-51-154639584)
The Rural Mosques of Futa Toro by Jean-Paul Bourdier
[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-sudano#footnote-anchor-52-154639584)
Making and Remaking Mosques in Senegal By Cleo Cantone pg 186-187)
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Published Time: 2024-09-22T16:05:57+00:00
The complete history of Zeila (Zayla), a medieval city in Somaliland: ca. 800-1885 CE.
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The complete history of Zeila (Zayla), a medieval city in Somaliland: ca. 800-1885 CE.
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### Journal of African cities: chapter 14
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The Gulf of Aden which links the Red Sea region to the Indian Ocean world was (and remains) one of the busiest maritime passages in the world. Tucked along its southern shores in the modern country of Somaliland was the medieval port city of Zeila which commanded much of the trade between the northern Horn of Africa and the western Indian Ocean.
The city of Zeila was the origin of some of the most influential scholarly communities of the Red Sea region that were renowned in Egypt, Yemen, and Syria. Its cosmopolitan society cultivated trade links with societies as far as India, while maintaining its political autonomy against the powerful empires surrounding it.
This article explores the history of Zeila, outlining key historical events and figures that shaped the development of the city from the Middle Ages to the 19th century.
_**Maps showing the location of Zeila[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-1-149206314)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Hnqs!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb252fdf4-9619-440c-8f44-48e5fab72fc1_1337x459.png)
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* * *
**The early history of Zeila from the 9th century to the 14th century**
The northern coastline of Somaliland is dotted with many ancient settlements that flourished in the early centuries of the common era. These settlements included temporary markets and permanent towns, some of which were described in the _Periplus_, a 1st-century travel guide-book, that mentions the enigmatic town of Aualitês, a small locality close to the African side of the narrow strait of Bab al-Mandab. Some scholars initially identified Aualitês as Zeila, although material culture dating to this period has yet to be identified at the site.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-2-149206314)
Zeila first appears in historical records in the 9th-century account of the Geographer al-Yaʿqūbī, who describes it as an independent port from which commodities such as leather, incense, and amber were exported to the Red Sea region. Later accounts from the 10th century by Al-Iṣṭakḫrī, Al-Masʽūdī, and Ibn Ḥawqal describe Zeila as a small port linked to the Hejaz and Yemen, although it’s not described as a Muslim town.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-3-149206314)
Zeila remained a relatively modest port between the 10th and 11th centuries on the periphery of the late Aksumite state whose export trade was primarily conducted through [the islands of Dahlak](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-dahlak-islands-and-the-african).
It wasn't until the early 13th century that Zeila reappeared in the accounts of geographers and chroniclers such as Yāqūt, Ibn Saʿīd and Abū l-Fidā' who describe it as a Muslim city governed by local sheikhs.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-4-149206314) Zeila was regarded as an important stopping place for Muslim pilgrims en route to the Hejaz, as well as for the circulation of merchants, scholars, pilgrims, and mercenaries between Yemen and the sultanates of the northern Horn of Africa.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-5-149206314)
A 15th-century Ethiopian chronicle describing the wars of King Amda Seyon in 1332 mentions the presence of a ‘King’ at Zeila (_negusä Zélʽa_). The famous globe-trotter Ibn Battuta, who briefly visited the city in 1331, describes it as _**"the capital of the Berberah**_[Somali]_**, a people of the blacks who follow the doctrine of Shāfiʽy"**_, adding that it was a large city with a big market whose butcheries of camels and the smell of fish stalls made it rather unwelcoming.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-6-149206314)
The Egyptian chronicler Al-ʿUmarī, writing in the 1330s from information provided by scholars from the region, mentions that the [Walasma sultan of Ifat (Awfāt)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian) was _**“reigning over Zaylaʿ, the port where the merchants who go to this kingdom approach … the import is more considerable,”**_ especially with _**“silk and linen fabrics imported from Egypt, Yemen and Iraq."**_ He notes that external writers refer to the entire region as _**“the country of Zaylaʿ”**_ which _**“is however only one of their cities on the sea whose name has extended to the whole."**_[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-7-149206314)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!HzgB!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F41b3c1e0-9f99-47e4-9200-10c7846e0d90_1351x570.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ukhB!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1d1b51ed-9e4f-4b43-96c9-0f479249bc94_919x598.png)
_**Tomb of Sheikh Ibrahim of Zeila (Ibrahim Saylici) who is said to have lived in the 13th century**_. _While not much is known about him, Francis Burton’s account on the domed structure of ‘Shaykh Ibrahim Abu Zarbay’ makes mention of an inscription that dates its construction to A.H 1155 (1741 CE), Burton adds that the saint flourished during the 14th/15th century_.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-8-149206314)
Al-Umari’s account and contemporary accounts from 14th-15th century Mamluk Egypt frequently mention the presence of scholars and students coming from the Horn of Africa, who were generally known by the _nisba_ of _‘al-Zayla'ī’_ . They were influential enough to reserve spaces for their community at the Umayyad mosque in Damascus (Syria) and at al-Azhar in Cairo (Egypt).[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-9-149206314)
One of these scholars was al-ʿUmarī’s informant; the Ḥanafī jurist ʿAbdallāh al-Zaylaʿī (d. 1360), who was in Cairo at the head of an embassy from the Ifat kingdom to ask the Mamluk Sultan to intervene with the Ethiopian King on their behalf. [10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-10-149206314) Others include the Ḥanafī jurist Uthman al-Zayla'ī (d. 1342), who was the teacher of the aforementioned scholar, and a prominent scholar in Egypt.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-11-149206314)
Another family of learned men carrying the nisba al-Zaylaʿī is well-known in Yemen: their ancestor Aḥmad b. ʿUmar al-Zaylaʿī (d. 1304) is said to have come to Arabia together with his father ʿUmar and his uncle Muḥammad “from al-Habaša.” The family settled first in Maḥmūl, and Aḥmad ended his days in Luḥayya, a small port town on the coast of the Red Sea.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-12-149206314)
* * *
_**« For more on the Zayla'ī scholars in the diaspora and the intellectual history of the northern Horn of Africa; please read this article »**_
[INTELLECTUAL HISTORY OF THE N.E AFRICA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/intellectual-and-97830282)
* * *
Corroborating these accounts of medieval Zeila’s intellectual prominence is the account of the 13th-century Persian writer Ibn al-Muǧāwir, which described the foreign population of Yemen’s main port, Aden, as principally comprising eight groups, including the **Zayāliʿa**, Abyssinians, Somalis, Mogadishans, and East Africans, among other groups. Customs collected from the ships of the Zayāliʿa accounted for a significant share of Aden's revenues and Zeila city was an important source of provisions for Aden.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-13-149206314)
Scholars from the northern Horn of Africa who traveled to the Hejaz, Yemen and Egypt brought back their knowledge and books, as described in several local hagiographies. These scholars were instrumental in the establishment and spread of different schools of interpretation and application of Islamic law in the country, such as the Ḥanafī, Šāfiʿī, schools, and the Qadariyya Sufi order.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-14-149206314) The Qadari order was so popular in the northern Horn of Africa that one of its scholars; Sharaf al-din Isma'il al-Jabarti (d. 1403), became a close confidant of the Rasulid sultan Al Ashraf Ismail (r. 1377-1401) and an administrator in the city of Zabid.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-15-149206314)
Rasulid-Yemen sources from the 14th-15th century describe Zayla as the largest of the Muslim cities along the coast, its mariners transported provisions (everything from grain to construction material to fresh water) as far as Aden on local ships, and the city’s port handled most of the trade from the mainland. The Rasulid sultan reportedly attempted to take over the city by constructing a mosque and having the Friday prayers said in his name, but the people of Zeila rejected his claims of suzerainty and threw the construction material he brought into the sea, prompting the Rasulids to ban trade between Aden and Zeila for a year.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-16-149206314)
Recent archeological surveys have revealed that the site occupied an estimated 50 hectares during the Middle Ages. At least three old mosques were identified, as well as two old tombs built of coral limestone, including the Masjid al-Qiblatayn ("two miḥrāb" mosque) next to the tomb of Sheikh Babu Dena, the Shahari mosque with its towering minaret, the Mahmud Asiri [Casiri] mosque, the mausoleum of Sheikh Eba Abdala and the mausoleum of Sheikh Ibrahim.
The material finds included local pottery, fragments of glass paste, as well as imported Islamic and Chinese wares from the 13th-18th centuries, which were used to date phases of the construction of the "two miḥrāb" mosque (The second mihrab wasn’t found, suggesting that the mosque’s name refers instead to its successive phases of construction which may have involved a remodeling to correct the original orientation). About 8km from the shore is the island of Saad Din, which contains the ruins of several domestic structures made of coral limestone as well as several tombs including one attributed to Sultan Saʽad al-dīn.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-17-149206314)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!gLiC!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb9e711fb-4f63-4e9b-a521-6fa7f482a190_662x468.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!9qGY!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F551eac15-892f-4461-9fc1-c1177ae26620_908x458.png)
_**The Shahari mosque (top) and the Masjid al-Qiblatayn (bottom)**_, photo by Eric Lafforgue, François-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar and Ibrahim Khadar Saed.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!s-Ok!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2698f2be-c254-417b-81f5-d26153726bde_978x485.png)
_**The layout of the remains of the old two mosques**_ by François-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar.
* * *
**Zeila during the 15th and 16th centuries: alliances and conflicts with the kingdoms of Ifat, Adal and Christian-Ethiopia.**
In the late 14th century, a dynastic split among the Walasma rulers of Ifat resulted in a series of battles between them and their suzerains; the Solomonids of Ethiopia, ending with the defeat of the Walasma sultan Saʿd al-Dīn near Zeila between 1409-1415, and the occupation of the Ifat territories by the Solomonid armies. In the decades following Saʿd al-Dīn’s death, his descendants established a new kingdom known as Barr Saʿd al-Dīn (or the Sultanate of Adal in Ge’ez texts), and quickly imposed their power over many other formerly independent Islamic territories including Zeila.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-18-149206314)
While there’s no evidence that it came under the direct control of the Solomonids, Zeila remained the terminus of most of the overland trade routes from the mainland, linking the states of Ifat and Ethiopia to the Red Sea region.
An early 16th-century account by the Ethiopian Brother Antonio of Urvuar (Lalibela) describes Zeila as an _**"excellent port"**_ visited by Moorish fleets from Cambay in India which brought many articles, including cloth of gold and silk. Another early 16th-century account by the Florentine trader Andrea Corsali reported that it was visited by many ships laden with _**"much merchandise"**_.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-19-149206314) The 1516 account of Duarte Barbosa describes Zeila’s _**“houses of stone and white-wash, and good streets, the houses are covered with terraces, the dwellers in them are black.”**_[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-20-149206314)
The account by an Italian merchant in 1510 describes Zeila as a _**“place of immense traffic, especially in gold and elephant’s teeth**_ (Ivory)_**”**_. He adds that it was ruled by a Muslim king and justice was _**“excellently administered”**_, it had an _**“abundance of provisions”**_ in grain and livestock as well as oil, honey and wax which were exported. He also notes that many captives who came from the lands of ‘prestor John’ (Christian Ethiopia) went through it, which hints at the wars between Zeila and the Solomonids at the time.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-21-149206314)
Internal accounts from the 16th century mention that governors of Zeila such as Lada'i 'Uthman in the 1470s, and Imam Maḥfūẓ b. Muḥammad (d. 1517) conducted incursions against Ethiopia sometimes independently of the Adal sultan's wishes.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-22-149206314) This was likely a consequence of pre-existing conflicts with the Solomonids of Ethiopia, especially since Zeila was required to send its ‘King’ to the Solomonid court during the 15th century, making it almost equal to the early Adal kingdom at the time which also initially sent a king and several governors to the Solomonids.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-23-149206314)
Zeila’s relative autonomy would continue to be reflected in the later periods as it retained its local rulers well into the 16th and 17th centuries.
After Mahfuz’s defeat by the Solomonid monarch Ləbnä Dəngəl around the time the Portuguese were sacking the port of Zeila[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-24-149206314), his daughter Bati Dəl Wänbära married the famous Adal General Imam Aḥmad Gran, who in the 1520s defeated the Solomonid army and occupied much of Ethiopia, partly aided by firearms purchased at Zeila and obtained by its local governor Warajar Abun, who was his ally.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-25-149206314)
Between 1557 and 1559, the Ottoman pasha Özdemir took control of several port towns in the southern Red Sea like Massawa, Ḥarqiqo, and the Dahlak islands, which became part of their colony; _Habesha Eyalet_, but Zeila was likely still under local control. According to an internal document from the 16th century, the city was ruled by a gärad (governor) named ǧarād Lādū, who commissioned a wealthy figure named ʿAtiya b. Muhammad al-Qurashı to construct the city walls between 1572 and 1577 to protect the town against nomads, while the Adal ruler Muhammad b. sultan Nasır was then in al-Habasha [i.e. Christian Ethiopia].[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-26-149206314)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!teHA!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fae77e0d5-9ad0-45b5-ba6e-ce6a2e65f842_1021x497.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!TDBi!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa30bdd10-ea02-4201-89b7-d832929b8524_935x623.png)
_**Old mosque in Zeila**_, photos by Eric Lafforgue, Somalilandtravel
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!CaLF!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F81399d5a-e21a-414d-909f-28b1d921e564_1157x558.jpeg)
_**Engraving of Zeila**_, late 19th century.
* * *
**Zeila from the 17th century to the mid-19th century: Between the Ottoman pashas and the Qasimi Imams.**
Zeila likely remained under local control until the second half of the 17th century, when the city came under the control of the Ottoman’s _Habesha Eyalet_ led by pasha Kara Naʾib, by the time it was visited by the Turkish traveler Evliya Celebi in 1672. Celebi provides a lengthy description of the city, which he describes as a ‘citadel’, with a ‘castle’ that housed a garrison of 700 troops and 70 cannos under the governor Mehemmed Agha who collected customs from the 10-20 Indian and Portuguese ships that visited the port each year to purchase livestock, oil and honey.
He describes its inhabitants as ‘blacks’ who followed the Qadariyyah school[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-27-149206314) and were wealthy merchants who traded extensively with the Banyans of Cambay (India) and with Yemen. He adds that they elect a Sunni representative who shares power with the Ottoman governor, along with "envoys" from Yemen, Portugal, India and England, and that the city was surrounded by 70-80,000 non-Muslims whose practices he compares to those of the Banyans[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-28-149206314).
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!kkB4!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd81cb43a-c3de-4deb-8e24-4c3f53552dfc_711x477.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!IxUI!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe2738a55-326d-446a-9f98-5247632e9b21_1133x558.png)
remains of an Old building in Zeila, photos from Wikimedia and Somalilandtravel.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!BGxx!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F911d15e0-09b0-4bf1-9b82-c5376a27c2fd_826x489.png)
_**Old structures in Zeila**_, photos by Eric Lafforgue. The second building is often attributed to the Ottoman period.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!4GK_!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2522363f-ae1e-4812-befa-9d09d0776333_958x307.png)
_**Carte de la Baie de Zeyla, ca. 1816.**_
Zeila later came under the control of the Qasimi dynasty of the Yemeni city of Mocha around 1695. The latter had expelled the Ottoman a few decades earlier and expanded trade with the African coast, encouraging the arrival of many _Jalbas_ (local vessels) to sail from the Somaliland coast to Yemen, often carrying provisions. The city was also used to imprison dissidents from Mocha in the early 18th century.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-29-149206314)
Zeila in the 18th and 19th centuries was governed by an appointed Amir/sheikh, who was supported by a small garrison, but his authority was rather limited outside its walls. Zeila had significantly declined from the great city of the late Middle Ages to a modest town with a minor port. It was still supplied by caravans often coming from Harar whose goods were exchanged with imports bought from Indian and Arab ships.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-30-149206314)
In 1854, it was visited by the British traveler Francis Burton, who described it as such; _**"Zayla is the normal African port — a strip of sulphur-yellow sand, with a deep blue dome above, and a foreground of the darkest indigo. The buildings, raised by refraction, rose high, and apparently from the bosom of the deep. After hearing the worst accounts of it, I was pleasantly disappointed by the spectacle of whitewashed houses and minarets, peering above a long, low line of brown wall, flanked with round towers."**_
The town of 3-4,000 possessed six mosques and its walls were pierced by five gates, it was the main terminus for trade from the mainland, bringing ivory, hides, gum and captives to the 20 dhows in habour, some of which had Indian pilots. _**<<**_**Burton also learned from Zeila's inhabitants that mosquito bites resulted in malaria, but dismissed this theory as superstition**_**>>**_[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-31-149206314)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!uXKk!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4ca112be-b979-4b62-b217-8bcfad02c511_820x547.jpeg)
_**The old city of Zeila, ca. 1896.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!230z!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6121d699-1f89-488e-a1b3-d8433b8f72f9_896x601.png)
_**Zeila Street scene and house where Gordon stayed, ca. 1921**_, by H. Rayne.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!VK4H!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8aaf6a3b-ec68-4438-94ad-7206af0335cd_1164x509.png)
_**Zeila, ca. 1885, by Phillipe Paulitschke**_, BnF Paris.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!apWa!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9808633d-019d-41df-b378-18445f025e37_704x403.jpeg)
_**Drawing of Zeila's waterfront, ca. 1877**_. by G. M. Giulietti.
* * *
**Zeila in the late 19th century.**
At the time of Burton’s visit, the town was ruled by Ali Sharmarkay, a Somali merchant who had been in power since 1848. He collected customs from caravans and ships, but continued to recognize the ruler of Mocha as his suzerain, especially after the latter city was retaken by the Ottomans a few years prior, using the support of their semi-autonomous province; the Khedivate of Egypt. The Ottoman pasha of the region, then based at Al-Hudaydah, confirmed his authority and sent to Zeila a small garrison of about 40 matchlockmen from Yemen.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-32-149206314)
Ali Sharmarkay attempted to redirect and control the interior trade from Harar, as well as the rival coastal towns of Berbera and Tajura, but was ultimately deposed in 1855 by the pasha at Al-Hudaydah, who then appointed the Afar merchant Abu Bakar in his place. The latter would continue to rule the town after it was occupied by the armies of the Khedive of Egypt, which were on their way to [the old city of Harar](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city) in the 1870s. [33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-33-149206314)
The town's trade recovered after the route to Harar was restored, and it was visited by General Gordon, who stayed temporarily in one of its largest houses. Abubakar attempted to balance multiple foreign interests of the Khedive government —which was itself coming under the influence of the French and British— by signing treaties with the French. However, after the mass evacuation of the Khedive government from the region in 1884, the British took direct control of Zeila, and briefly detained Abubakar for allying with the French, before releasing him and restoring him but with little authority. The ailing governor of Zeila died in 1885, the same year that the British formally occupied the Somaliland coast as their colonial protectorate.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-34-149206314)
In the early colonial period, the rise of Djibouti and the railway line from Djibouti to Addis Ababa greatly reduced the little trade coming to Zeila from the mainland.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-35-149206314)
The old city was reduced to its current state of a small settlement cluttered with the ruins of its ancient grandeur
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!66DY!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F42869bea-f2f1-4642-a14e-706cae363a04_800x439.jpeg)
**In 1891, the Swahili traveler Amur al-Omeri composed a fascinating travelogue of his trip to Germany, describing the unfamiliar landscape and curiosities he witnessed; from the strange circuses and beerhalls of Berlin, to the museums with captured artifacts, to the licentious inhabitants of Amsterdam.**
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-1-149206314)
Maps by Stephane Pradines and Jorge de Torres
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-2-149206314)
An Archaeological Reconnaissance in the Horn: The British-Somali Expedition, 1975 by Neville Chittick pg 125, Local exchange networks in the Horn of Africa: a view from the Mediterranean world (third century B.C. -sixth century A.D.) by Pierre Schneider pg 15.
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-3-149206314)
A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea by Samantha Kelly pg 96, Le port de Zeyla et son arrière-pays au Moyen Âge by François-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar et al. prg 55-64)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-4-149206314)
Le port de Zeyla et son arrière-pays au Moyen Âge by François-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar et al. prg 78-86)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-5-149206314)
A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea by Samantha Kelly pg 97)
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-6-149206314)
Le port de Zeyla et son arrière-pays au Moyen Âge by François-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar et al. prg 92-94)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-7-149206314)
A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea by Samantha Kelly pg 108, 99)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-8-149206314)
First Footsteps in East Africa: Or, An Explanation of Harar By Sir Richard Francis Burton with introduction by Henry W. Nevinson, pg 66.
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-9-149206314)
Islam in Ethiopia By J. Spencer Trimingham pg 62)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-10-149206314)
Islam in Ethiopia By J. Spencer Trimingham pg 72)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-11-149206314)
ALoA Vol 3, The writings of the Muslim peoples of northeastern Africa by John O. Hunwick, Rex Seán O'Fahey pg 19)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-12-149206314)
A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea by Samantha Kelly pg 152)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-13-149206314)
A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea by Samantha Kelly pg 442, A Traveller in Thirteenth-century Arabia: Ibn Al-Mujāwir's Tārīkh Al-mustabṣir by Yūsuf ibn Yaʻqūb Ibn al-Mujāwir pg 151, 123, 138.
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-14-149206314)
A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea by Samantha Kelly pg 152)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-15-149206314)
Ibn 'Arabi in the Later Islamic Tradition by Alexander D. Knysh pg 241-269)
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-16-149206314)
L’Arabie marchande: État et commerce sous les sultans rasūlides du Yémen by Éric Vallet, Chapter 6, pg 381-424, prg 44-49, 78.
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-17-149206314)
Le port de Zeyla et son arrière-pays au Moyen Âge by François-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar et al. prg 13-20, Urban Mosques in the Horn of Africa during the Medieval Period pg 51-52
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-18-149206314)
A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea by Samantha Kelly pg 101-3)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-19-149206314)
A Social History of Ethiopia: The Northern and Central Highlands from Early Medieval Times to the Rise of Emperor Téwodros II by Richard Pankhurst pg 55)
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-20-149206314)
A Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Malabar in the Beginning of the Sixteenth Century, Volume 35 by Duarte Barbosa, Fernão de Magalhães, pg 17
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-21-149206314)
The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema By Ludovico di Varthema pg 86-87
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-22-149206314)
Islam in Ethiopia By J. Spencer Trimingham pg 82-86
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-23-149206314)
Harar as the capital city of the Barr Saʿd ad-Dıˉn by Amélie Chekroun pg 27
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-24-149206314)
Harar as the capital city of the Barr Saʿd ad-Dıˉn by Amélie Chekroun pg 31-32
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-25-149206314)
, Ottomans, Yemenis and the “Conquest of Abyssinia” (1531-1543) by Amélie Chekroun, The Conquest of Abyssinia: 16th Century by Shihāb al-Dīn Aḥmad ibn ʻAbd al-Qādir ʻArabfaqīh, Richard Pankhurst pg 104, 112, 344.
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-26-149206314)
A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea by Samantha Kelly pg 469, Harar as the capital city of the Barr Saʿd ad-Dıˉn by Amélie Chekroun pg 37, Entre Arabie et Éthiopie chrétienne Le sultan walasmaʿ Saʿd al-Dīn et ses fils (début xve siècle) by Amélie Chekroun pg 238
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-27-149206314)
Celebi refers to Zeila’s inhabitants as _**“the Qadari tribe.. black Zangis.. they have Tatar faces and disheveled locks of hair”**_. the translator of his text adds that _‘Based on the tribal name, Evliya associates them with the Qadari theological school, believers in free will, which he frequently joins with other heretical groups’._ _******_ The ethnonym of _‘black Zangis’_ is a generic term he frequently uses in describing ‘black’ African groups he encounters. The ‘Tatar faces (Turkish faces) _‘disheveled locks of hair’_ indicate that they were native inhabitants, most likely Somali _******_.
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-28-149206314)
Ottoman Explorations of the Nile: Evliya Çelebi’s Map of the Nile and The Nile Journeys in the Book of Travels (Seyahatname) by Robert Dankoff, pg 324-328)
_Celebi’s comparisons of the non-Muslim groups in Zayla’s hinterland to the “fire-worshiping” Banyans were likely influenced by the significant trade it had with India, which could have been the source of some traditions at the time that the city was in ancient times founded by Indians before the Islamic era._
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-29-149206314)
The Merchant Houses of Mocha: Trade and Architecture in an Indian Ocean Port by Nancy Um pg 26, 32, 114-115.
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-30-149206314)
Ethiopia: the Era of the Princes: The Challenge of Islam and Re-unification of the Christian Empire, 1769-1855 by Mordechai Abir pg 14-16, Precis of Papers Regarding Aden, 1838-1872 by N. Elias. pg 21-26)
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-31-149206314)
First Footsteps in East Africa: Or, An Explanation of Harar By Sir Richard Francis Burton with introduction by Henry W. Nevinson, pg 27-33)
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-32-149206314)
Precis of Papers Regarding Aden, 1838-1872 by N. Elias. pg 22-23, 26, The First Footsteps in East Africa by Francis Burton pg 28-39, 63)
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-33-149206314)
Ethiopia: the Era of the Princes by Mordechai Abir pg 19, Sun, Sand and Somals By Henry A. Rayne, pg 16-17)
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-34-149206314)
Sun, Sand and Somals By Henry A. Rayne, pg 18-20, Abou-Bakr Ibrahim. Pacha de Zeyla. Marchand d’esclaves, commerce et diplomatie dans le golfe de Tadjoura 1840-1885. review by Alain Gascon.
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla#footnote-anchor-35-149206314)
British Somaliland By Ralph Evelyn Drake-Brockman pg 17
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Published Time: 2025-04-20T15:19:46+00:00
A forgotten African empire: the history of medieval Kānem (ca. 800-1472)
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A forgotten African empire: the history of medieval Kānem (ca. 800-1472)
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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A century before Mansa Musa’s famous pilgrimage, the political and cultural landscape of medieval West Africa was dominated by the empire of Kānem.
At its height in the 13th century, the empire's influence extended over a broad swathe of territory stretching from southern Libya in the north to the border of the Nubian kingdoms in the east to the cities of the eastern bend of the Niger river in the west.
Centred on Lake Chad, medieval Kānem was located at the crossroads of unique historical, cultural and economic significance for medieval and post-medieval Africa, and was one of the longest-lived precolonial states on the continent.
This article explores the history of Kanem during the middle ages, uncovering the political, intellectual and cultural history of the forgotten empire.
_**Map of medieval Kānem. the highlighted cities mark the limit of its area of influence during the 13th century.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!wT_I!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F62c42314-0d24-4908-b7e8-f96f58fa3001_749x500.png)
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**The early history and archeology of medieval Kānem**
Kānem first appears in written sources in the account of Al-Yakubi from 872 CE, who mentions the kingdom of the Zaghawa in a place called Kanim/Kānem.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-1-161674209)
Later accounts describe the state of Kānem [Zaghawa] as a vast empire extending from the lake Chad region to the borders of Nubia in Sudan. Writing a century later in 990 CE, al-Muhallabi mentions that :
_**“The Zaghawa kingdom is one of the most extensive. To the east it borders on the Nuba kingdom in Upper Egypt, and between them there is a ten-day march. They consist of many peoples. The length of their country is 15 stages as much as wide.”**_
Three centuries later in 1286 CE, Ibn Said comments that:
_**“At an angle of the lake [Chad], 51° longitude, is Matan, one of the famous towns of Kanem. South of this town is the capital of Kanem, Djimi. Here resides the sultan famous for his jihad and his acts of virtue. (...) Of this sultan depend [the countries] like the sultanate of Tadjuwa, the kingdoms of Kawar and Fazzan. (...) East of Matan, there are the territories of the Zaghawa, who are mostly Muslims under the authority of the ruler of Kanem. Between the south-east bank [of the Nile] and Tadjuwa, the capital of Zaghawa, 100 miles to go. Its inhabitants became Muslims under the authority of the sovereign of Kanem. (...) The territories of Tadjuwa and Zaghawa extend over the distance between the arc of the Nile (...).”**_[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-2-161674209)
The early descriptions of Kānem indicate that its rulers occupied different capitals. al-Muhallabi mentions that there were two towns in Kānem, one named Tarazki and the other Manan. al-Idrisi (1154) also mentions Manan and describes the new town of Anjimi as ‘a very small town’, while the town of Zaghawa was a well populated capital. Ibn said's account describes Manan as the pre-Islamic state capital and Anjimi/Njimi as the first Islamic state capital.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-3-161674209)
Neither of these early Kānem capitals have been identified with complete certainty, due to the very limited level of archaeological field investigations in Kānem until very recently.
The heartland of the kingdom of Kānem was one of the earliest sites of social complexity in west Africa, with evidence of plant domestication and nucleated settlements dating back to the 2nd millenium BC. The largest of the first proto-urban settlements emerged around c. 600–400 BC in the south-western region of Lake Chad at Zilum and Gagalkura A, which were surrounded by a system of ditches and ramparts, some extending over 1km long and resembling the layout of later medieval cities like Gulfey. These early sites were suceeded in the 1st millenium CE by similary fortified and even larger settlements such as Zubo and Dorotta, which were inhabited by an estimated 9700-7,000 people.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-4-161674209)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!CKFZ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffeb601c2-60d7-46b4-b19e-a387f9555eeb_732x754.png)
_**Magnetogram showing the outlines and arrangements of some sub-surface features as well as the location of an old ditch segment at Zilum, Nigeria**_. image by C. Magnavita.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!O0rY!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8064974c-731c-4a55-8c4d-e6f21c5a5f2f_820x489.jpeg)
_Aerial photo of Gulfey, a fortified Kotoko town near the southern margins of Lake Chad, showing what Zilum may have looked like in the 6th century BC._ image by C. Magnavita
None of these early sites yielded any significant finds of external material such as imported trade goods. Horses were introduced much later near the end of the 1st millenium CE, but their small size and rarity indicate that they were kept as status symbols. The combined evidence of ancient state development, extensive defensive architecture and limited external contact indicate that these features were endogenous to the early kingdoms of the lake Chad basin.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-5-161674209)
While neolithic and early iron-age sites in the Kānem region itself were about as old as those west of the lake, large settlements wouldn’t emerge until the mid-1st to early 2nd millenium CE.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-6-161674209) The most significant of these are represented by a cluster of 50 fired-brick settlements (enclosures, villages and farmsteads) within a radius of 25 km around the largest central enclosure, named Tié, that is dated to 1100-1260CE. The largest sites measure between 3.2 to 0.14 ha, have rectangular, fired-brick enclosures, featuring rectangular buildings of fired bricks. The second site type are dispersed hamlets of 1 ha featuring clusters of rectangular buildings of fired brick. The third site type feature one or two rectangular buildings made of fired brick.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-7-161674209)
The site of Tie consists of a 3.2 ha fired-brick enclosure built in the 12th-13th century and occupied until late 14th-15th century. The enclosure encompasses two Mounds; 1 and 2, the former of which conceals the ruins of a high-status firedbrick building (16.8x23.4 m) with lime-plastered interior walls, while Mound 2 is the place’s refuse heap containing local pottery and metals, and imported cowries and glass beads. These beads included the HLHA blue glass beads manufactured at the Nigerian site of Ife, as well as many from the Red sea and Indian ocean region, which were very likely transported to Lake Chad via an eastern route through Sudan rather than the better known northern route as most West African sites at the time.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-8-161674209)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!hBSk!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fabcf3a1c-7492-4c45-b744-9e3a3327e8ae_1000x668.jpeg)
_Fired-brick sites presently known in the modern Chadian provinces of Kanem and adjacent Bahr-el-Ghazal to the east of Lake Chad. The map in the inlay shows the site cluster around Tié_. image by C. Magnavita
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_Aerial view of the ongoing excavations at the fired-brick ruins of the 12th–14th century AD site of Tié (3.2 ha), Kanem, Chad. This is the largest and one of the earliest known localities associated with the Kanem-Borno state at Lake Chad._ image and caption by C. Magnavita
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!30ot!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F418e256b-234a-4f57-bc4a-b9da2347587b_1295x643.png)
(L-R) _Detail of the outer wall as seen at excavation units I3 and I4, Orthorectified image composite showing the preserved foundation, plinth and outer wall at the SE-corner of the building under Mound 1 (excavation unit J6). A view of the preserved outer wall, plinth and foundation of the building under Mound 1 (excavation unit J6)_. images and captions by C. Magnavita
Archaeologists suggest that Tie was likely the site of medieval Njimi, based on etymological and oral historical evidence from surrounding villages, all of whose names begin with the root term Tié. When the site was first surveyed in the 20th century, it was known locally as Njimi-Ye, similar to the Njímiye mentioned by the explorer Heinrich Barth in his 19th century account of Kānem's history. This implies that the root Tié of the modern villages names very probably derives from the contraction Njimi-Ye. The site of Tié and a neighbouring site of Eri, are the only two fired-brick sites in Kānem that are associated with the early Sefuwa kings of Kānem, while the rest are associated with the Bulala who forced the former group to migrate from Kānem to Bornu during the late 14th century, as explred below.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-9-161674209)
The archaeological finds at Tie corroborate various internal and external textural accounts regarding the zenith of Kānem during the 13th century. The elite constructions at the site were built during a time of unparalleled achievements in the history of the Sultanate. Internal accounts, such as a charter (_**mahram**_) of the N’galma Duku’, which was written during the reign of Sultan Salmama (r. 1182-1210), mentions the construction of a plastered mosque similar to the elite building found at Tie. External sources, particulary Ibn Said's account, mention that Sultan Dibalami (r. 1210-1248) expanded Kānem political influence as far as Bornu (west of Chad), Fezzan (Libya) and Darfur (Sudan).[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-10-161674209)
* * *
**Expansion of medieval Kānem**
The northern expansion of Kānem begun with the empire's conquest of the Kawar Oases of north-eastern Niger. Al-Muhallabi's 10th century account mentions that the Kawar oases of Gasabi and Bilma as located along the route to Kānem. According to a local chronicle known as the Diwan, the Kānem ruler Mai Arku (r. 1023-1067), who was born to a _Tomgara_ mother from Kawar, is said to have established colonies in the oases of Kawar from Dirku to Séguédine.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-11-161674209)
Kānem’s suzeranity over Kawar during the 11th century may have been norminal or short-lived since Kawar is mentioned to be under an independent king according to al-Idrisi in the 12th century. Writing a century later however, Ibn said mentions that the Kānem king [possibly Mai Dunama Dibalami, r. 1210-1248] was in control of both Kawar and the Fezzan, he adds that _**“the land of the Kawar who are Muslim sudan, and whose capital is called Kawar too. At present it is subject to the sultan of Kanim.”**_[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-12-161674209)
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_**Séguédine.**_ image by Tillet Thierry[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-13-161674209)
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_**Dabasa.**_ image by Dierk Lange and Silvio Berthoud
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_**Dirku.**_
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_**Djado.**_
Kānem expansion into the Fezzan was a consequence of a power vacuum in the region that begun in 1172 when the Mamluk soldier Sharaf al-Din Qaraqush from Egypt raided the region. Having occupied Tunis and Tripoli for a brief time, Qaraqush founded a shortlived state, but was killed and crucified at the Fezzani town of Waddan in 1212. Not long after, a son Qaraqush from Egypt invaded Waddan, and according to the account of al-Tijani, _**“set the country ablaze. But the King of Kanem sent assassins to kill him and delivered the land from strife, his head was sent to Kanem and exhibited to the people, this happened in the year 656 AH [1258 CE].”**_[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-14-161674209)
Kānem’s control of the Fezzan was later confirmed by Abu’l-Fida (d. 1331) who states that the regional capital of Zawila was under Kanemi control after 1300.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-15-161674209) In his description of the kingdom of Kānem, al-Umari (d. 1384) writes: _**“The begining of his kingdom on the Egyptian side is a town called Zala and its limit in longitude is a town called Kaka. There is a distance between them of about three months' travelling.”**_[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-16-161674209) Zala/Zella is located in Libya while Kaka was one of the cities west of lake chad mentioned by Ibn Said and al-Umari, and would later become the first capital of Bornu.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-17-161674209)
Furthermore, Ibn Khaldun (d. 1406) declares that Kānem maintained friendly relations with the Hafsid dynasty of Tunis, writing that: _**“In the year 655 [1257] there arrived [at Tunis, the Hafsid capital] gifts from the king of Kanim, one of the kings of the Sudan, ruler of Bornu, whose domains lie to the south of Tripoli. Among them was a giraffe, an animal of strange form and incongruous characteristics.”**_[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-18-161674209)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!TeUX!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd5a95bf9-d5f8-48b3-b6b0-31d90af004e7_744x553.png)
_**Remains of old Taraghin in Libya, where the Kanem rulers established their capital by the end of the twelfth century**_. image and caption by J. Passon and M. Meerpohl[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-19-161674209)
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_**Zawila**_. _Photographs from the C.M. Daniels archive of the tombs of the Banū Khatṭạ̄ b at Zuwīla (ZUL003) in 1968 prior to restoration_. image and captions by D. Mattingly et al.
The eastward expansion of Kānem which is mentioned in a few accounts has since been partially corroborated by the archaeological evidence of trade goods found at Tie that were derived from the Red sea region unlike contemporaneous west African cities like Gao that used the northern route to Libya and Morocco.
The Tadjuwa who are mentioned by Ibn Said as subjects of Kānem in its eastern most province, are recognized as the people that provided the first dynastic line of [the Darfur sultanate.](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-heroic-age-in-darfur-a-history) Later writers such as Ibn Khaldun (d. 1406) and al-Maqrizi (d. 1442) mention the Tajura/Taju/Tunjur as part of the a branch of the Zaghawa, adding a brief comment on their work in stone and warlike proclivities. Their capital of Uri first appears in the 16th century, although there were older capitals in the region.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-20-161674209)Some historians suggest that the eastern expansion towards Nubia was linked to Kānem’s quest for an alternate trade route, although this remains speculative.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-21-161674209)
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_**Proposed area of influence and trade relationships of Kanem-Borno in the thirteenth century.**_ map by C. Magnavita et al.
The westward expansion of medieval Kānem into Bornu was likely accomplished as early as the 13th century, since the kingdom first appears in external accounts as one of the territories subject to the rulers of Kānem, although it retained most of its autonomy before the Sefuwa turned it into their base during the late 14th century.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-22-161674209)
However, the expansion of medieval Kānem beyond Bornu is more dubious. Ibn Said’s account contains a passing reference to the town of Takedda (Tadmekka in modern Mali), which _**“owed obedience to Kanim.”**_ While archeological excavations at the site of Essouk-Tadmekka have uncovered some evidence pointing to an influx of material culture from the south, the continuinity of local inscriptions and the distance between Kānem and Tadmekka make it unlikely that the empire excercised any significant authority there.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-23-161674209)
There were strong commercial ties between Tadmekka and Kanem’s province of Bornu, as evidenced by the account of the famous globe-trotter Ibn Battuta, who visited the town in 1352. Its from Tadmekka that he gathered infromation about the ruler Kānem, who he identified as mai Idris: _**“who does not appear to the people and does not adress them except behind a curtain.”**_ Ibn battuta makes no mention of Tadmekka’s suzeranity to Kanem, which by this time was at the onset of what would become a protracted dynastic conflict. [24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-24-161674209)
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_**Ruins of Essouk-Tadmekka, Mali**_. image by Sam Nixon.
* * *
**State and politics in medieval Kānem.**
Descriptions of Kānem’s dynastic and political history at its height during the 13th and early 14th centuries come from Ibn Said, al-Umari, and Ibn Batutta who all mention that the ruler of Kānem was a ‘divine king’ who was _**“veiled from his people.”**_ Ibn Said in 1269 mentions that the king is a descendant of Sayf son of Dhi Yazan, a pre-islamic Yemeni folk hero, but also mentions that his ancestors were pagans before a scholar converted his ‘great-great-great-grandfather’ to islam which indicates Kanem’s adoption of Islam in the 11th century. An anonymously written account from 1191 dates this conversion to some time after 500 [1106–1107 CE] [25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-25-161674209)
According to a local chronicle known as the _Diwan_ which was based on oral kinglists from the 16th century that were transcribed in the 19th century, Kānem’s first dynasty of the Zaghawa was in the 11th century displaced by a second dynasty known as the Sefuwa, before the latter were expelled from Kanem in the late 14th century.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-26-161674209)
As part of the rulers’ evolving fabrications of descent from prestigious lineages, the chronicle links them to both the Quraysh tribe of the Prophet and the Yemeni hero Sayf. However, these claims, which first appear in a letter from Kānem’ sultan ‘Uthman to the Mamluk sultan Barquq in 1391 CE, were rejected by the Egyptian chronicler Al-Qalqashandi. Additionally, the 13th century account of Ibn Said instead directly links the Sefuwa to the Zaghawa, mentioning that _Mai_ Dunama Dibalami (r. 1210-48) resided in Manan, _**“the capital of his pagan ancestors.”**_ Seemingly reconciling these conflicting claims, the Diwan also mentions that the Sefuwa rulers were ‘black’ by the reign of _Mai_ Salmama (r. 1182-1210). The historian Augustin Holl argues that these claims were ideological rather than accurate historical geneaologies.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-27-161674209)
According to al-Maqrizi (d. 1442) the armies of Kānem _**“including cavalry, infantry, and porters, number 100,000.”**_ The ruler of Kānem had many kings under his authority, and the influence of the empire was such that the political organisation of almost all the states in the lake Chad basin was directly or indirectly borrowed from it. While little is known of its internal organisation during this period, the development a fief-holding aristocracy, an extensive class of princes (_**Maina**_), appointed village headmen (_**Bulama**_), and a secular and religious bureaucracy with _**Wazir, Khazin, Talib**_, and _**Qadis**_ that are known from Bornu and neighbouring states were likely established during the Kanem period.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-28-161674209)
Kānem controlled the Fazzan through a subordinate king or a viceroy, known as the Banū Nasr, whose capital was at Tarajin/Traghen near Murzuq. The few accounts of medieval Kānem’s suzeranity over the Fezzan come from much later in the 19th century writings of the German traveller Gustav Nachtigal who mentions that traditions of Kanem's rule were still recalled in the region, and that there were landmarks associated with Kānem, including _**“many gardens, open areas and wells, which today [1879] still bear names in the Kanuri language, i.e. the tongue of Kanem and Bornu.”**_[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-29-161674209)
Both external and internal accounts indicate that Kānem was a multi-ethnic empire. The Diwan in particular mentions that in the early period of Kānem between the 10th and 13th centuries, the queen mothers were derived from the Kay/Koyama, Tubu/Tebu, Dabir and Magomi, before the last group had grown large enough to become the royal lineage of the Sefuwa. All of these groups are speakers of the Nilo-Saharan languages and lived in pre-dominantly agro-pastoralist societies, with a some engaged in trade, mining, and crafts such as the production of textiles.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-30-161674209)
* * *
**Trade and economy in medieval Kānem**
Despite the often-emphasized importance of long-distance trans-Saharan slave trade between medieval Kānem and Fezzan in the modern historiography of the region, contemporary accounts say little about trade between the two regions.
The 12th century account of al-Idrisi for example, makes no mention of carravan trade from Kānem to Fezzan through Kawar, despite the last region being the sole staging post between the two, and the Fezzan capital of Zawila being at its height. He mentions that the former Kānem capital of Manan as _**“a small town with industry of any sort and little commerce”**_ and of the new capital of Njimi, he writes: _**“They have little little trade and manufacture objects with which they trade among themselves”.**_ His silence on Kānem’s trade is perhaps indicative of the relative importance of regional trade in local commodities like salt and alum.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-31-161674209)
In the same text, al-Idrisi’s description of Kawar the oases of Djado, Kalala, Bilma links their fortunes to the exploitation of alum and salt, while Al-Qaṣaba was the only town whose fame is solely due to trade. Alum is used for dyeing and tanning, the importance of these two commodities to Kawar would continue well into the modern era*****. He also mentions that alum traders from Kalala travelled as far west as Wargla and as far east as Egypt, but is also silent regarding the southbound salt trade from Kawar to Kanem, which is better documented during the Bornu period.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-32-161674209)
[* On kawar’s political and economic history: [the Kawar oasis-towns from 850-1913](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart) ]
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_**Saltpans of Bilma**_
Regarding the Kānem heartland itself, the 14th century account of Al-Umari notes that _**“Their currency is a cloth that they weave, called dandi. Every piece is ten cubits long. They make purchases with it from a quarter of a cubit upwards. They also use cowries, beads, copper in round pieces and coined silver as currency, but all valued in terms of that cloth.”**_ He adds that _**“they mostly live on rice, wheat and sorghum”**_ and mentions, with a bit of exagerration, that _**“rice grows in their country without any seed.”**_ An earlier account by al-Muhallabi (d. 990CE), also emphasizes that Kanem had a predominatly agro-pastoral economy, writing that the wealth of the king of the Kānem consists of _**“livestock such as sheep, cattle, camels, and horses.”**_[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-33-161674209)
The account of the globetrotter Ibn Batutta brifely mentions regional trade between Bornu [a Kānem province] and Takedda on the eastern border of medieval Mali, inwhich slaves and _**“cloth dyed with saffron”**_ from the former were exchanged for copper from the latter.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-34-161674209) The contemporary evidence thus indicates that the economy of medieval Kānem owed its prosperity more to its thriving cereal agriculture, stock-raising, textile manufacture and regional trade than to long-trade across the Sahara, which may have expanded much later.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!N-n7!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa47ce4fb-9119-47dd-86b3-da2f0e320f74_778x436.png)
_**Copper-alloy and silver coins from medieval Essouk-Tadmekka**_, images by Sam Nixon. copper from Tadmekka was traded in Kanem and silver coins were also used as currency in the empire. Both could have been obtained from this town.
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_**The glass beads from Tié**_. image by C. Magnavita et al. the largest blue beads; 22 & 34, were manufactured in [the medieval city of Ile-ife in Nigeria](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces?utm_source=publication-search), providing further evidence for regional trade that isn’t documented in external accounts.
* * *
**An intellectual history of medieval Kanem.**
Kānem was one of the earliest and most significant centers of islamic scholarship in west Africa. Its rulers are known to have undertaken pilgrimage since the 11th century, and produced west Africa's first known scholar; Ibrāhīm al-Kānimī (d. 1212) who travelled as far as Seville in muslim spain (Andalusia). Al-Umari mentions that the people of Kānem _**“have built at Fustat, in Cairo, a Malikite madrasa where their companies of travelers lodge.”**_ The same madrasa is also mentioned by al-Maqrīzī (d. 1442) who calls it Ibn Rashīq, and dates its construction to the 13th century during the reign of Dunama Dabalemi.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-35-161674209)
The intellectual tradition of Kānem flourished under its expansionist ruler Dunama Dabalemi, who is considered a great reformer, with an entourage that included jurists. Al-Umari mentions that _**“Justice reigns in their country; they follow the rite of imam Malik.”**_ Evidence for Mai Dunama’s legacy is echoed in later internal chronicles such as the Diwan and the Bornu chronicle of Ibn Furtu, which accuse the sultan of having destroyed a sacred object called ‘_**mune’**_ which may have been a focal element of a royal cult from pre-Islamic times. While he was an imam, Ibn Furtu sees this ‘sacrilegious act’ as the cause of later dynastic conflicts that plagued Kānem.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-36-161674209)
The abovementioned letter sent by the Sefuwa sultan ʿUthmān b.Idrīs to Mamluk Egypt in 1391 also demonstrates the presence of sophisticated scribes and a chancery in medieval Kānem. This is further evidenced by a the development of the **barnāwī** script in Kānem and Bornu —a unique form of Arabic script that is only found in the lake Chad region. The script is of significant antiquity, being derived from Kufic, and was contemporaneous with the development of the more popular maghribī script after the 11th/12th centuries that is found in the rest of west Africa.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-37-161674209)
While the oldest preserved manuscript from Bornu is dated to 1669, the glosses found in the manuscript and others from the 17th-18th century were written in Old Kanembu. The latter is an archaic variety of Kanuri that was spoken in medieval Kānem that become a specialised scribal language after the 15th century. A modernized variety of Old Kanembu has been preserved in modern-day Bornu in a form of language known locally as Tarjumo which functions as an exegetical language for Kanuri-speaking scholars.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-38-161674209)
The rulers of Kānem generously supported scholars by issuing _**mahram**_ s that encouraged the integration intellectual diasporas from west africa and beyond. A mahram was a charter of privilege and exemption from taxation and other obligations to the rulers of Kanem and Bornu that were granted as rewards for services considered vital to the state, such as managing the chancery, teaching royals, serving at the court. They were meant for the first beneficiary and his descendants, and were thus preserved by the recepient family which periodically sought their renewal on the accession of a new ruler. The earliest of these were issued in the 12th century, indicating that this unique institution which prolifilerated in the Bornu period, was established duing the middle ages.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-39-161674209)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Yk2N!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffc640e26-5af0-4970-9adb-2786666e14c6_1348x648.png)
_**17th century Quran with Kanembu glosses, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS.Arabe 402, 17th-18th century, Qur’an copied in Konduga, Bornu, private collection, MS.5 Konduga, 18th-19th century Bornu Quran, With marginal commentaries from al-Qurṭubī's tasfir.**_ images by Dmitry Bondarev
* * *
**Collapse of the old kingdom.**
Towards the end of the 14th century, dynastic conflicts emerged between the reigning sultan Dawud b. Ibrahim Nikale (r. 1366-76) and the sons of his predecessor, Idrīs, who formed rival branches of the same dynasty. This weakened the empire’s control of its outlying provinces and subjects, especially the Bulala whose armies defeated and killed Dawud and his three sucessors. The fourth, ‘Umar b. Idrīs (r. 1382-7) left the capital Njimi and abandoned Kānem. The 1391 letter by his later sucessor, sultan ʿUthmān b. Idrīs (r. 1389–1421) to the Mamluk sultan mentions that _Mai_ ‘Umar was killed by the judhām whom he refers to as ‘polytheist arabs.’ Between 1376 and 1389, seven successive kings of Kānem fell fighting the Búlala before the latter’s rebellion was crushed by sultan ‘Uthman.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-40-161674209)
During this period of decline the rulers of Kānem and most of their allies gradually shifted their base of power to the region of Bornu, west of lake Chad. Al-Maqrizi's account indicates that once in Bornu, the Sefuwa rulers directed their armies against the Bulala who now occupied Kānem. They would eventually recapture the former capital Njimi during the reign of Idris Katakarmabi (c 1497-1519). By this time however, the capital of the new empire of Bornu had been established at Ngazargamu by his father _Mai_ ‘Ali Ghadji in 1472.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-41-161674209)
In the century following the founding of Ngazargamu, Bornu reconquered most of the territories of medieval Kānem. The new empire expanded rapidly during the reign of _Mai_ Idris Alooma (r.1564-1596) who recaptured Kawar as far north as Djado and the borders of the Fezzan. His predecessors continued the diplomatic tradition of medieval Kānem by sending embassies to Tunis and Tripoli. After the Ottoman conquest of Tripoli, Bornu sent further embassies to Tripoli in 1551, and directly to Istanbul in 1574, shortly before the Bornu chronicler Aḥmad ibn Furṭū completed his monumental work of the empire’s history titled _kitāb ġazawāt Kānim_ (Book of the Conquests of Kanem) in 1578.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-42-161674209)
Its in this same chronicle that the legacy of medieval Kānem was recalled by its sucessors:
_**“Everyone was under the authority and protection of the Mais of Kanem.**_
_**We have heard from learned Sheikhs that the utmost extent of their power in the east was to the land of Daw**_[Dotawo/Nubia]_**and to the Nile in the region called Rif; in the west their boundary reached the river called Baramusa**_[Niger]_**.**_
_**Thus we have heard from our elders who have gone before. What greatness can equal their greatness, or what power equal their power, or what kingdom equal their kingdom?**_
_**None, indeed, none. . .”**_[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-43-161674209)
However, in the modern historiography of west Africa, the fame of medieval Kānem was overshadowed by imperial Ghana, Mali and Songhai, making Kānem the forgotten empire of the region.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!GYrS!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F40a29f76-1fd5-4e51-b618-3d6865833774_1051x340.png)
_**Dabassa, Kawar, Niger**_. Tillet Thierry
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-1-161674209)
Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 2
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-2-161674209)
The Lake Chad region as a crossroads: an archaeological and oral historical research project on early Kanem-Borno and its intra-African connections by Carlos Magnavita Zakinet Dangbet and Tchago Bouimon prg 9-10
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-3-161674209)
From House Societies to States: Early Political Organisation, From Antiquity to the Middle Ages edited by Juan Carlos Moreno Garcia pg 227, Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 35-36)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-4-161674209)
From House Societies to States: Early Political Organisation, From Antiquity to the Middle Ages edited by Juan Carlos Moreno Garcia pg 220-224
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-5-161674209)
From House Societies to States: Early Political Organisation, From Antiquity to the Middle Ages edited by Juan Carlos Moreno Garcia pg 224-226
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-6-161674209)
Holocene Saharans: An Anthropological Perspective by Augustin Holl pg 189-191
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-7-161674209)
From House Societies to States: Early Political Organisation, From Antiquity to the Middle Ages edited by Juan Carlos Moreno Garcia pg 228, Archaeological research at Tié (Kanem, Chad): excavations on Mound 1 by Carlos Magnavita and Tchago Bouimon prg 24
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-8-161674209)
LA-ICP-MS analysis of glass beads from Tié (12th–14th centuries), Kanem, Chad: Evidence of trans-Sudanic exchanges by Sonja Magnavita pg 3-15
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-9-161674209)
The Lake Chad region as a crossroads: an archaeological and oral historical research project on early Kanem-Borno and its intra-African connections Carlos Magnavita, Zakinet Dangbet and Tchago Bouimon prg Prg 22
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-10-161674209)
Archaeological research at Tié (Kanem, Chad): excavations on Mound 1 by Carlos Magnavita and Tchago Bouimon prg 35-36
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-11-161674209)
Al-Qasaba et d'autres villes de la route centrale du Sahara by Dierk Lange and Silvio Berthoud pg 22, 37
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-12-161674209)
Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 44, 46
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-13-161674209)
Évolutions paléoclimatique et culturelle Le massif de l’Aïr, le désert du Ténéré, la dépression du Kawar et les plateaux du Djado by Tillet Thierry
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-14-161674209)
Kanem, Bornu, and the Fazzān: Notes on the political history of a Trade Route by B. G. Martin pg 19
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-15-161674209)
Kanem, Bornu, and the Fazzān: Notes on the political history of a Trade Route by B. G. Martin pg 19
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-16-161674209)
Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 51,
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-17-161674209)
UNESCO General History of Africa Vol. 4 pg 260 n 79
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-18-161674209)
Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 98
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-19-161674209)
Across the Sahara: Tracks, Trade and Cross-Cultural Exchange in Libya edited by Klaus Braun, Jacqueline Passon
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-20-161674209)
Darfur (Sudan) in the Age of Stone Architecture C. AD 1000-1750: Problems in Historical Reconstruction by Andrew James McGregor 22-24
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-21-161674209)
The Lake Chad region as a crossroads: an archaeological and oral historical research project on early Kanem-Borno and its intra-African connections by Carlos Magnavita, Zakinet Dangbet and Tchago Bouimon prg 11-14
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-22-161674209)
Holocene Saharans: An Anthropological Perspective by Augustin Holl pg 212)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-23-161674209)
Essouk - Tadmekka: An Early Islamic Trans-Saharan Market Town pg 265
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-24-161674209)
Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 87-88
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-25-161674209)
Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 44
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-26-161674209)
The Diwan Revisited: Literacy, State Formation and the Rise of Kanuri Domination (AD 1200-1600) by Augustin Holl, Holocene Saharans: An Anthropological Perspective by Augustin Holl pg 202-208
_As is the case with the 19th century Kano Chronicle and the [Tarikh al-fattash](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/how-africans-wrote-their-own-history), earlier claims of the Diwan's antiquity can be dismissed as groundless_
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-27-161674209)
Holocene Saharans: An Anthropological Perspective by Augustin Holl pg 209, UNESCO General History of Africa Vol. 4 pg 239-243, Mamluk Cairo, a Crossroads for Embassies: Studies on Diplomacy and Diplomatics edited by Frédéric Bauden, Malika Dekkiche pg 671-672
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-28-161674209)
UNESCO General History of Africa Vol. 4 pg 248, Holocene Saharans: An Anthropological Perspective by Augustin Holl pg 187
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-29-161674209)
Kanem, Bornu, and the Fazzān: Notes on the political history of a Trade Route by B. G. Martin pg 21, The origins and development of Zuwīla, Libyan Sahara: an archaeological and historical overview of an ancient oasis town and caravan centre by David J. Mattingly pg 35-36
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-30-161674209)
UNESCO General History of Africa Vol. 4 pg 244-247)
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-31-161674209)
Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 35-36, UNESCO General History of Africa Vol. 4 pg 249)
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-32-161674209)
Al-Qasaba et d'autres villes de la route centrale du Sahara by Dierk Lange and Silvio Berthoud pg 32-33
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-33-161674209)
Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 52, 7
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-34-161674209)
Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 87-88)
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-35-161674209)
Du lac Tchad à la Mecque by Rémi Dewière pg 247-248,252, Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 52,
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-36-161674209)
UNESCO General History of Africa Vol. 4 pg 254, The History of Islam in Africa edited by Nehemia Levtzion, Randall L. Pouwels pg 80
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-37-161674209)
Mamluk Cairo, a Crossroads for Embassies: Studies on Diplomacy and Diplomatics edited by Frédéric Bauden, Malika Dekkiche pg 661-665, Central Sudanic Arabic Scripts (Part 2): Barnāwī By Andrea Brigaglia, Multiglossia in West African manuscripts: The case of Borno, Nigeria By Dmitry Bondarev pg 137-143
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-38-161674209)
Old Kanembu and Kanuri in Arabic script: Phonology through the graphic system by Dmitry Bondarev pg 109-111
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-39-161674209)
The Place of Mahrams in the History of Kanem-Borno by M Aminu, A Bornu Mahram and the Pre-Tunjur rulers of Wadai by by HR PALMER
[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-40-161674209)
UNESCO General History of Africa Vol. 4 pg 258, 263, Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 102-106)
[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-41-161674209)
NESCO General History of Africa Vol. 4 256, 258-260, 265)
[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-42-161674209)
Mai Idris of Bornu and the Ottoman Turks by BG Martin pg 472-473, Du lac Tchad à la Mecque: Le sultanat du Borno by Rémi Dewière pg 29-30
[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history#footnote-anchor-43-161674209)
_Historians regard this passage as a reminiscence of a perceived glorious imperial past, rather than an accurate reconstruction of its exact territorial boundaries, the limits mentioned are at best being related to areas subject to raids._
Sudanese Memoirs: Being Mainly Translations of a Number of Arabic Manuscripts Relating to the Central and Western Sudan, Volume 1 by Herbert Richmond Palmer, pg 16, The Lake Chad region as a crossroads: an archaeological and oral historical research project on early Kanem-Borno and its intra-African connections by Carlos Magnavita, Zakinet Dangbet and Tchago Bouimon, pg 97-110, prg 13
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[Alton mark Allen](https://substack.com/profile/98635331-alton-mark-allen?utm_source=substack-feed-item)
[Apr 20, 2025](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history/comment/110687775 "Apr 20, 2025, 10:09 PM")
Liked by isaac Samuel
Thank you for this, I hope one day someone clever enough perhaps with the use of AI , to map and recreate what those towns and cities looked like at their height, any takers? 😉
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Liked by isaac Samuel
Mr Samuel (with apologies if I should have addressed you with another title!),
I have been following your substack with glee. But today, I am especially glad that you are writing about Kanem. I am in the process of writing a book on religions of the African Diaspora—and have to begin on the continent of Afrika. My point in doing so is that Africa and its many spiritualities cannot be understood when the history and the people are so maligned. I wrote of this empire and Mansa Musa, but I have time to add in some of your material, which is so rich in detail. I will be able to cite you as well—I will use your substack link as the reference point.
Thank you.
Stephanie Mitchem
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Published Time: 2024-10-13T17:15:45+00:00
A general history of African explorers of the Old world, and a 19th century Bornu traveller of twenty countries across four continents.
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A general history of African explorers of the Old world, and a 19th century Bornu traveller of twenty countries across four continents.
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This article provides a brief outline of over sixty African explorers who traveled across the ‘Old World’ from the classical period to the turn of the 20th century. The linked articles and the footnotes include sources on individual travelers for further reading.
In antiquity, African travelers and diasporic communities began appearing across several societies in the eastern Mediterranean world and beyond. From the 8th century BC, classical accounts from ancient Assyria to ancient Greece mention the presence of Africans referred to as 'Kusaya'/'Aithiopians' who appeared in various capacities, as rulers, diplomats, charioteers, mercenaries, and horse-trainers, and were often associated with the [Kingdom of Kush](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-legacy-of-kushs-empire-in-global) which had expanded into parts of modern Palestine and Syria.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-1-150176734)
By the 5th century BC, [Aithiopian auxiliaries from Carthage](https://www.patreon.com/posts/between-carthage-94409122)were involved in the Battle of Himera on the Island of Sicily, and would later appear as mahouts in the ancient Punic wars between Carthage and Rome. However, most of these _Aithiopians_ would have come from the Maghreb rather than from Kush or from West Africa.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-2-150176734)
_E_ nvoys, priests, and pilgrims from Kush and _Aithiopian_ travelers from other parts of Africa would begin to [travel across the Roman world](https://www.patreon.com/posts/africans-in-rome-75714077) beginning in the 1st century BC and continuing into the early centuries of the common era. While most of their activities would be concentrated in Roman Egypt, such as the Meroite envoys; **Pasan son of Paese**, and **Abaratoye** in 253 CE and 260 CE, a handful of them would travel to the Greek Island of Samos, and the cities of Rome and Constantinople, along with envoys from the neighboring kingdoms of the Blemmyes and the Aksumites.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-3-150176734)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!wijt!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb6a23c66-ac0a-4836-9ae5-5aee7082e96d_820x447.png)
_**Roman mural from Herculaneum (Italy) showing african figures among the priests and worshippers of the deity Isis. 1st century, National Archaeological Museum of Naples**_[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-4-150176734)
From the 3rd century of the common era, Aksum's armies, merchants, and settlers were active across much of the western Indian Ocean and the Red Sea coast. [Aksumite people, coinage, and inscription](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-aksumite-empire-between-rome)s, appear in multiple places from western India and the island of Sri Lanka, to Yemen and western Arabia, to the Jordanian port city of Aila and the Eastern Roman capital Constantinople. Aksumite envoys would also visit the Chinese capital of Luoyang in the 1st century.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-5-150176734)
By the 6th century, a large Aksumite army conquered the kingdom of Himyar in the western Arabian peninsula, ostensibly to protect the diasporic communities of Aksumite Christians and their allies. Under [the Aksumite general Abraha and his successors](https://www.patreon.com/posts/ethiopian-ruler-78169632), the province of Himyar would extend its control over most of western, southern, and central Arabia, although the diasporic communities of Aksumite elites and soldiers would be concentrated in Yemen.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-6-150176734)
Envoys from the kingdom of Aksum and the medieval Nubian kingdom of Makuria appeared in Constantinople in 532, 549 and 572 CE, while [Nubian and Aksumite pilgrims begun to travel to the 'Holy lands' in Palestine](https://www.patreon.com/posts/80883718?pr=true), beginning in the 8th century. By the late Middle Ages, royals, scholars, and other pilgrims from the kingdoms of Nubia and the successor states of Aksum would establish diasporic communities in Egypt, Palestine, Lebanon, and Cyprus.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-7-150176734)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!FL6k!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc2425146-4232-4340-b110-e2f0348b173f_820x545.jpeg)
_**The Ethiopian church of Kidane Mehret in Jerusalem, part of the Dabra Ganat monastery complex built in the late 19th century.**_
The itineraries of travelers like the 12th-century Nubian king **Moses George**, the Ethiopian scholar **Ewostatewos** (d. 1352), and other pilgrims would take them [as far as Armenia](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-africa-and), Constantinople, and the Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela in Spain.
In the centuries following the rise of Islam, west African Muslims from the kingdom of Takrur and the empires of Ghana and Kanem would appear across the Muslim world from Andalusia (Spain) to the Hejaz (western Saudi Arabia) and to Palestine in various capacities.
Some were scholars like **Ibrahim Al-Kanemi (d. 1211)** and auxiliaries from Takrur and Ghana who [visited Andalusia due to their alliance with the Moorish empires](https://www.patreon.com/posts/african-diaspora-82902179) of the Almoravids and Almohads during the 11th to 13th century, [Others were pilgrims who journeyed across Egypt, western Arabia and Palestine](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora), including [royals like the Kanem king Mai Hume and the Malian king Mansa Musa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/mansa-musa-and-the-royal-pilgrimage), and ordinary travelers like the Timbuktu scholar and Medina resident **Abu Bakr Aqit (d. 1583)**, while others were military leaders like **[Sawdan](https://www.patreon.com/posts/african-kingdom-87931499)**[who ruled the kingdom of Bari in southern Italy](https://www.patreon.com/posts/african-kingdom-87931499)during the 9th century. [8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-8-150176734)
[African travelers from the Muslim societies of the northern Horn of Africa](https://www.patreon.com/posts/intellectual-and-97830282) were also attested across multiple places from the Eastern Mediterranean and western Indian Ocean. The Jabarti and Zaylai scholars from the kingdom of Ifat, Adal, and the city of Zeila formed diasporic communities from Damascus to Egypt, the Hejaz, and Yemen.
[Historical accounts associated with the coastal city of Zeila (in Somalia)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla) mention itinerant scholars such as **Sharaf al-din Isma'il al-Jabarti (d. 1403)** became administrators in Zabid in the Rasulid kingdom of Yemen, others like **Ahmad b. 'Umar al-Zayla'ī** established the port town of al-Luhayya in Yemen in 1304, while ordinary merchants from the city of Zeila sailed to Aden where they joined diasporic communities that included Africans from Mogadishu and the rest of the East African coast.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!IE3L!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8d1468df-684b-47d9-977c-39f0b0df04a7_820x544.jpeg)
_**Old mosque in the town of Luhayya, Yemen, 19th century engraving.**_
There is archaeological and documentary evidence for the presence of [diasporic communities of Africans from the cities of the East African coast in Arabia, the Persian Gulf](https://www.patreon.com/posts/96900062), and China during the late Middle Ages. This is attested in the towns of Sharma (Yemen), al-Hamr al-Sharqiya (Oman), and Julfār (U.A.E), and accounts of East African traders and pilgrims from Barawa, Mogadishu, Kilwa, Zanzibar, Pate and Lamu and Comoros in Mecca, al-Shihr, Mocha, Hormuz, Muscat, Socotra and Sri Lanka.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-9-150176734)
Known travelers from the [East African coast during the late Middle Ages appear frequently in Chinese accounts](https://www.patreon.com/posts/historical-and-80113224), especially during the Song and Ming dynasties. They include the [Zanzibari envoy](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the?utm_source=publication-search)**[Amîr-i-amîrân Zengjiani](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the?utm_source=publication-search)**who traveled to China twice in 1071 and 1083, the envoy Puluo Shen (**Abu-al-Hasan**) from Yuluhedi (Manda, Kenya) who reached who arrived in Bianliang on December of 1073. These were later followed by many unnamed envoys from; Mogadishu (1101 CE); 'Gudanu' and 'Yaji' in Ethiopia (1283 CE, 1328 CE); and the envoys sent to meet the 15th-century Chinese admiral Zheng He, who traveled from the cities of Zhubu, Mogadishu, Barawa in Somalia, and Malindi in Kenya.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-10-150176734)
Other early East African travelers include the 14th-century Mogadishu scholar Sa'id who visited the Hejaz, India, and China, and the 15th-century Qadi of Lamu who traveled to Mecca and Egypt where he met the scholar al-maqrizi.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-11-150176734)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!bo-P!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcb9201f6-bfae-4fcf-86ea-e294bc733919_533x429.png)
_**Pilgrims from Zanzibar in Jedda, Saudi Arabia, ca. 1888,**Qatar National Library digital repository_
Beginning in the 15th century, several African kingdoms sent embassies to the kingdoms of southern Europe.
These include the Ethiopian embassies to Venice (1404), Rome (1403,1404, 1450, 1481, 1533), Aragon (1427, 1450), and Portugal (1452, 1527), led by [envoys and scholars such as](https://www.patreon.com/posts/history-and-of-72011051)**[Sägga Zäᵓab and Yohannes of Cyprus](https://www.patreon.com/posts/history-and-of-72011051)**, who visited and briefly resided in Lisbon in 1527, and Rome in 1533, where the latter scholar would also be received by an established community of pilgrims led by **Tomas Wāldā Samuʾel (1515-1529)** and **Yoѐannǝs of Qänṭorare (1529- ca. 1550)** and forty-one other resident scholars that included **Täsfa Sәyon (d. 1553)**.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-12-150176734)
They were soon joined by African embassies from the kingdoms of the Atlantic Coast to the Portuguese capital Lisbon. These came from the Kingdom of Benin (Nigeria) in 1486-87, led by **Ohen-Okun**, the Kingdom of Kongo (in Angola) in 1487-88, led by **Kala ka Mfusu**, and the Kingdom of Jolof (in Senegal) in 1488, led by **Prince Jelen**.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-13-150176734)
Over the 16th and 17th centuries, the Christian Kingdom of [Kongo and the neighboring kingdom of Ndongo would send several embassies, royals, and students to Portugal, Spain, Rome, and the Netherlands.](https://www.patreon.com/posts/99646036)
These included **Prince Henrique Ndoadidiki Ne-Kinu a Mumemba** who was a resident of Lisbon and became the first black Catholic Bishop in 1518, king Afonso Nzinga's cousin; **Pedro de Sousa**, who traveled as an envoy to Lisbon in 1512 where he was knighted in the ‘Order of Saint James of the sword’, the Kongo nobleman **Antonio Vieira** who was an envoy and resident of Lisbon where he was married in the 1540s; the envoy of the Kongo King Diogo ( r. 1545-1561) to Lisbon named **Jacome de fonseca**; the Ndongo envoy **D. Pedro da Silva** who traveled to Lisbon in 1579 where he was also knighted in the ‘Order of Saint James of the sword’[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-14-150176734). Others include; [the Kongo envoys to Rome](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-kongo-and-the-portuguese) such as; **Antonio Vieira (1595) and António Manuel Nsaku ne Vunda** (1604); and the envoy**[Dom Miguel de Castro](https://www.patreon.com/posts/how-kongo-and-85683552)**[from the Kongo province of Soyo who traveled to the Dutch Republic in 1643](https://www.patreon.com/posts/how-kongo-and-85683552).[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-15-150176734)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!xwT6!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5ee68876-4ac2-44ea-8ffe-e3ef47bd0390_820x477.png)
_**African knight of the order of Saint James of the Sword, in Chafariz d’el Rey (The King’s Fountain) painting in the Alfama District,**Anonymous painter, ca. 1560-1580, Lisbon._
African travel across the Old World grew exponentially between the late 16th to mid-19th centuries, with multiple African explorers from different parts of the continent traveling as far as [Western Europe](https://www.patreon.com/posts/89363872?pr=true) and [Japan during the Sengoku period](https://www.patreon.com/posts/african-presence-90958238), as well as more proximate places like western India and Istanbul.
Known travelers from this period include; the Ethiopian traveler **Abba Gorgoryos** who traveled to Rome in 1649 where he briefly resided before journeying to Nuremberg in Germany around 1652; the Ethiopian prince **Zaga Christ**, who traveled to Europe in 1634 and documented his journey across Italy and France where he was hosted by various nobles; The ambassador of the kingdom of Allada (in Benin), **Don Matteo Lopez**, who traveled to Paris in 1670, and the Assine princes **Aniaba and Banga** from Cote D'ivoire, who traveled to Paris in 1687, the envoy of Annamaboe (in Ghana), **Louis Bassi, Prince de Corrantryn** who traveled to and briefly resided in Paris during in the 1740s, while his brother **William Ansah Sessarakoo** also traveled to London in 1749 as an envoy; **Philip Kwaku** from Cape coast (Ghana) who traveled to England in the late 1750s where he studied and married before returning in 1765. Later travelers included the 'Ga' Prince **Frederick Noi Dowunnah** who traveled to Copenhagen (Denmark) from Ghana in the 1820s; the 'Temne' Prince **John Frederic**who traveled to England in 1729, the two pairs of young Asante princes**Owusu Ansa and Owusu Nkwantabisa,**and **Kwame Poku and Kwasi Boakye**, who were sent to England and the Netherlands in 1836 and 1837; and the Xhosa prince **Tiyo Songa** who traveled from South Africa to Scotland in 1846.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-16-150176734)
Known [travelers from Africa to Istanbul](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-the-ottoman) during this period include; the Bornu envoy **El-Hajj Yusuf**who reached the Ottoman capital in 1574; scholars from the Funj kingdom (Sudan) like, **Ahmad Idrìs al-Sinnàrì (b. 1746)** who traveled from the Funj Kingdom (Sudan) across Yemen, Hejaz, and Istanbul before settling down in Syria; and **Ali al-Qus (b. 1788)** who traveled across Syria, Crete, the Hijaz Yemen and Istanbul, before returning to settle at Dongola; and the scholar **Muhammad Salma al-Zurruq (b. 1845)** from Djenne who traveled across Ottoman territories and Morocco in the 1880s.
Known [travelers from Africa to western India](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese?utm_source=publication-search) during this period include; Swahili Prince **Yusuf ibn al-Hasan** of Mombasa (Kenya) who traveled from Kenya to Goa in 1614 where he briefly resided, the Mombasa envoys **Mwinyi Zago and Faki Ali wa Mwinyi Matano**who traveled to Goa in 1661 and 1694 respectively; the Swahili merchants; **Bwana Dau bin Bwana Shaka** of Faza (Kenya) who settled in Goa after 1698; **Mwinyi Ahmed Hasani Kipai**who traveled to Surat and Goa in 1724 and**Bwana Madi bin Mwalimu Bakar** from Pate, who regularly traveled to Surat in the 1720s. Others include the Kalanga princes from Mutapa (zimbabwe) who were sent to Goa such as **Dom Diogo** in 1617, **Miguel da Presentacao** in 1629 (and Lisbon in 1630), and the princes **Mapeze and Dom Joao** who were sent to Goa in 1699.
By the mid-19th century, African travelers began to document their extensive travels across the Old World. These include; [the travel accounts of the Hausa travelers](https://www.patreon.com/posts/hausa-travelers-98642300)**[Dorugu and Abbega](https://www.patreon.com/posts/hausa-travelers-98642300)**who visited England and Prussia (Germany) in 1856[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-17-150176734), The Swahili traveler**[Amur al-Omeri](https://www.patreon.com/posts/112049775)**[who journeyed across Germany in 1891](https://www.patreon.com/posts/112049775)[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-18-150176734), the Comorian traveler**[Selim Abakari](https://www.patreon.com/posts/journey-to-19th-66837157)**[who explored Russia in 1896, and Ethiopian traveler,](https://www.patreon.com/posts/journey-to-19th-66837157)**[Dabtara Fesseha Giyorgis](https://www.patreon.com/posts/journey-to-19th-66837157)**[who explored Italy in 1895](https://www.patreon.com/posts/journey-to-19th-66837157)[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-19-150176734), and [the book-length travelogue](https://www.patreon.com/posts/106728570)**[Ham Mukasa and Apolo Kagwa](https://www.patreon.com/posts/106728570)**[from Buganda (Uganda) who visited England in 1902](https://www.patreon.com/posts/106728570),[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-20-150176734) where they encountered a delegation led by King Lewanika of the Lozi kingdom, and another delegation led by Ethiopia's Ras Mokannen, who also produced an account of his travel to England.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-21-150176734)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!YIT_!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F04126df4-7d9d-4d41-b188-299c0eae2b3a_1303x501.jpeg)
(L-R) _**Ras Mäkonnen and his entourage in 1902, Apolo Kagwa, Katikiro of Buganda and Ham Mukasa, King Lewanika in court dress.**_
While the above outline of African travelers is far from exhaustive, as it excludes the numerous scholars from across the continent who traveled to western Arabia and Palestine for pilgrimage and trade, it demonstrates that the history of Africa's exploration of the Old World is sufficiently known, including the individual African travelers and some of their own accounts of the exploratory journeys.
My Latest Patreon article unites the history of African exploration of the ‘Old World’ with the ‘**New World’** through the travel account of the Bornu explorer Muhammed Ali ben Said who traveled across over twenty countries in the four continents of; Africa, Asia, Europe and America between 1849 and 1860.
After serving in the Union Army during the American Civil War, Said settled in the state of Alabama and published a fascinating account of his life and travels. Employed as a ‘_Valets de chambre’_ by two Russian aristocrats and a Dutch abolitionist, Said presents an insider's perspective of the aristocratic families of the Ottoman, Russian, and Austrian empires, a first-hand account of the politics of the Italian reunification, the customs of Victorian England, the complex history of Haiti, and the racialized society of the southern United States.
**Please subscribe to read about the remarkable journey of the world explorer Muhammed Ali ben Said here;**
[AN AFRICAN EXPLORER OF FOUR CONTINENTS](https://www.patreon.com/posts/19th-century-and-113868704)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!d-wl!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcad29ed5-2769-43bd-856a-72d954b05df6_675x1232.png)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-anchor-1-150176734)
_check footnotes of the article on Kush, additional sources include_; The Horses of Kush by Lisa A. Heidorn, Cushites in the Hebrew Bible: Negotiating Ethnic Identity in the Past, and by Kevin Burrell
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-anchor-2-150176734)
Blacks in Antiquity by Frank M. Snowden pg 4, 130-131, 142 Before Color Prejudice by Frank M. Snowden pg 31-32
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-anchor-3-150176734)
Between two worlds by L. Torok pg 467-468, 523, Blacks in Antiquity by Frank M. Snowden pg 20, 193-195, 187-189, 167 Before Color Prejudice by Frank M. Snowden pg 97-99, 55, 78 An analysis of Aethiopians in Roman art pg 54
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-anchor-4-150176734)
Before Color Prejudice by Frank M. Snowden, images No. 60 and 61
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-anchor-5-150176734)
Cultural Flow between china and Outside World Throughout History by Shen Fuwei pg 50
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-anchor-6-150176734)
Arabs and Empires Before Islam by Greg Fisher, Soixante dix ans avant l'islam by C. J. Robin, Abraha et la reconquete de l’Arabie d´eserte by C. J. Robin
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-anchor-7-150176734)
A Note towards Quantifying the Medieval Nubian Diaspora by Adam Simmons, Nubia, Ethiopia, and the Crusading World, 1095-1402 by Adam Simmons
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-anchor-8-150176734)
Ibn Khallikan's Biographical Dictionary, Volume 4 pg 459-460, Black women warriors Renaissance Europe by Thomas Foster Earle, K. J. P. Lowe pg 182-184, The conquest that never was by David Conrad and Humphrey Fisher pg 31-32, Black morocco: A History of Slavery, Race, and Islam By Chouki El Hamel pg 123-124, _on al-Kanemi, see_; Arabic Literature of Africa: The writings of Central Sudanic Africa. Vol. 2 by John Hunwick, pg 17-18, _on Abu Bakr Aqit, see;_ Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 4: The Writings of Western Sudanic Africa edited by John O. Hunwick, R. Rex S. O'Fahey pg 15, _On Swadan, see_; The Muslims of medieval Italy By Alex Metcalfe pg 21, L'emirato di Bari By Giosuè Musca
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-anchor-9-150176734)
When did the Swahili become maritime by J Fleisher pg 106, L’Arabie marchande: État et commerce sous les sultans rasūlides du Yémen (626-858/1229-1454) by Éric Vallet, Chapter9, East African travelers and traders in the Indian ocean by Thomas Vernet pg 182-183, Julfār, an Arabian Port by John Hansman pg 49-51
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-anchor-10-150176734)
Cultural Flow Between China and Outside World Throughout History by Shen Fuwei pg 278, A History of Overseas Chinese in Africa to 1911 by Anshan Lipg 37-47)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-anchor-11-150176734)
The travels of Ibn Battuta vol. IV pg 809, Les cités-États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu, 1585-1810: dynamiques endogènes, dynamiques exogènes by Thomas Vernet pg 71)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-anchor-12-150176734)
Encounters Between Ethiopia and Europe, 1400–1660 by Matteo Salvadore, An Ethiopian Scholar in Tridentine Rome by Matteo Salvadore, The Two Yohannәses of Santo Stefano degli Abissini by Samantha Kelly, African cosmopolitanism in the early modern Mediterranean by Matteo Salvadore
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-anchor-13-150176734)
Africa's Discovery of Europe: 1450-1850 by David Northrup pg 25-40
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-anchor-14-150176734)
Atlantic world and Virginia by Peter C. Mancall pg 202-206, Representing Africa : Ambassadors and Princes from Christian Africa to Renaissance Italy and Portugal, 1402-1608 by Kate Lowe pg 107, 112-114, Black Africans in Renaissance Europe by Thomas Foster Earle, K. J. P. Lowe pg 294-296
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-anchor-15-150176734)
The Kingdom of Kongo and the thirty years' War by John K. Thornton pg 212-213
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-anchor-16-150176734)
Gorgoryos and Ludolf : The Ethiopian and German Fore-Fathers of Ethiopian Studies by Wolbert Smidt, The narrative of Zaga Christ by Matteo Salvadore, The Negro in France by Shelby Thomas McCloy pg 16-18, To be the key for two coffers pg 1-25, Where the Negroes are masters by Randy J. Sparks pg 35-51, Africa's discovery of Europe by David Northrup pg 143-144, 120, 121, 147-148
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-anchor-17-150176734)
West African Travels and Adventures. Two Autobiographical Narratives from Nigeria., by Anthony Kirk-Greene and Paul Newman
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-anchor-18-150176734)
Anthologie aus der Suaheli-Litteratur by Carl Gotthilf Büttner, pg 156-170
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-anchor-19-150176734)
"De la Côte aux confins" by Nathalie Carré, The Voyage of Däbtära Fesseha Giyorgis to Italy at the end of the 19th Century
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-anchor-20-150176734)
Uganda's Katikiro in England: Being the Offical Account of His Visit to the Coronation of His Majesty King Edward VII by Ham Mukasa.
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers#footnote-anchor-21-150176734)
Black Edwardians: Black People in Britain 1901-1914 By Jeffrey Green, see Chapter on ‘Imperial Visitors’.
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[Oct 23, 2024](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers/comment/73720255 "Oct 23, 2024, 4:00 AM")
Somewhat unrelated question, but how much of the Levant did Kush control?
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Published Time: 2024-08-11T16:25:48+00:00
A General History of Iron Technology in Africa ca. 2000BC-1900AD.
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A General History of Iron Technology in Africa ca. 2000BC-1900AD.
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The smelting and working of iron is arguably the best known among the pre-colonial technologies of Africa, and the continent is home to some of the world's oldest sites of ironworking.
Iron metallurgy was an integral component of socioeconomic life across the continent, and has played a significant role in the sociocultural, economic, and environmental spheres of many African societies, past and present, not only for utilitarian items, but also in the creation of symbolic, artistic, and ornamental objects.
The production, control, and distribution of Iron was pivotal in the rise and fall of African kingdoms and empires, the expansion of trade and cultural exchange, and the growth of military systems which ensured Africa’s autonomy until the close of the 19th century.
This article outlines the General History of Iron technologies in Africa, from the construction of the continent's oldest furnaces in antiquity to the 19th century, exploring the role of Iron in African trade, agriculture, warfare, politics, and Art traditions.
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**On the invention of Iron technology in Africa.**
Most studies of the history of Ironworking begin with the evolution of metallurgy in the Near Eastern societies and the transition from copper, to bronze and finally to iron. The use and spread of these metals across the eastern Mediterranean was a complex and protracted process, that was politically and culturally mediated rather than being solely determined by the physical properties of the metals.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-1-147556627)
Since the transition from copper to iron across most of the societies in the Near East was broadly similar, and the region was initially thought to be home to the oldest known iron-working sites, researchers surmised that iron technology had a single origin from which it subsequently spread across the old world from Asia to Europe, to Africa.
In North Africa, ironworking was only known from historical documents, it was only recently that archeological investigations have provided firmer evidence for early iron smelting in the region. This includes sites such as Bir Massouda at Carthage in Tunisia between 760-480 BCE[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-2-147556627), at Naucratis and Hamama in Egypt between 580-30BCE[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-3-147556627), at Meroe and Hamadab in Sudan around 514 BCE[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-4-147556627) and in the Fezzan region of Libya around 500BCE[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-5-147556627).
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!hFoU!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0da558cf-7505-4143-9994-a8e276e4fb1d_741x495.png)
_**Large iron slag mound at Meroe, Sudan.**_ photo by Jane Humpris.
However, as it will become evident in the following paragraphs, the development of iron technology in the rest of Africa was independent of North African ironworking and is likely to have been a much older phenomenon. In contrast to the Maghreb, metallurgy in the rest of Africa kick-started with the simultaneous working of iron and copper between the late 3rd to early 2nd millennium BC, to be later followed by bronze, gold and other metals.
A number of radiocarbon dates within the range of 2200 to 800 BCE have since been accumulated across multiple sites. This includes sites such as; Oboui and Gbatoro in Cameroon and Central Africa, where iron furnaces, bloom fragments, slag pieces, and at least 174 iron tools were found dated to c. 2200–1965 BCE; at Ngayene in the Senegambian megaliths, where iron tools were found dated to 1362–1195 BCE; and at Gbabiri (north of Oboui) where similar iron objects and forges were found dated to 900–750 BCE.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-6-147556627)
More extensive evidence for iron working in West Africa is dated to the period between 800-400 BCE, where the combined evidence for iron tools, furnaces, slag, and tuyeres was found at various places. These include the sites of Taruga and Baidesuru in the Nok culture of central Nigeria, In the northern Mandara region of Cameroon, at Dhar Nema in the Tichitt Neolithic culture of southern Mauritania, at Dia In the Inland Niger delta of Mali[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-7-147556627), at Walalde in Senegal[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-8-147556627), at Dekpassanware, in Togo[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-9-147556627) at the Nsukka sites of Nigeria,[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-10-147556627) and at Tora Sira Tomo in Burkina Faso[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-11-147556627), among other sites.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!mZZ3!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa65f5568-b189-4a09-8e67-cb5e9d2b9e85_685x513.webp)
_**Slag blocks at Otobo-Dunuoka village square, Lejja, Nsukka area, Nigeria**_.
The subsequent spread of ironworking technology to central, East and South Africa was linked to the expansion of Bantu-speaking groups, a few centuries after they had settled in the region.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-12-147556627) For the period between 800-400BC Iron working sites, are found at Otoumbi and Moanda in Gabon, at the Urewe sites of; Mutwarubona in Rwanda, Mirama III in Burundi, at Katuruka in Tanzania.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-13-147556627)
By the turn of the common era, Ironworking had spread to the southeastern tip of the continent, with sites such as Matola in Mozambique and ‘Silver Leaves’ in South Africa being dated to between the 1st-2nd century CE.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-14-147556627) While few studies have been conducted in the northern Horn of Africa, there’s evidence for extensive use of iron tools at Bieta Giyorgis and Aksum in Ethiopia, between the late 1st millennium BC and the early centuries of the common era. [15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-15-147556627)
While proponents of an independent origin of iron technology in Africa rely on archeological evidence, the diffusionist camp is driven by the hypothesis that ironworking required pre-existing knowledge of copper smelting, they therefore surmise that it originated from Carthage or Meroe. However, there's still no material evidence for any transmission of ironworking technology based on the furnace types from either region[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-16-147556627), and the recently confirmed dates from Cameroon, Central Africa, and Senegal significantly predate those from Meroe, the Fezzan, and Carthage.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-17-147556627)
Furthermore, there was no contact between the earliest West African Iron Age sites of the Nok Culture with North Africa; nor was there contact between Nok and its northern neighbor; the Gajiganna culture of Lake Chad (1800-400BCE) which had no iron at its main proto-urban capital of Zilum;[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-18-147556627) nor were there [links between Carthage and Zilum](https://www.patreon.com/posts/between-carthage-94409122) during this period. Even links between more proximate regions like the Fezzan in Libya (which had Iron by 500 BCE) and the Lake Chad basin before the common era remain unproven.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-19-147556627)
The site of Oboui in the Central African republic has been the subject of intense interest by archeometallurgists since it provides the **earliest known iron-working facility anywhere in the world**.
So while it may _"never be possible to write a history of African metallurgy that truly satisfies the historian's inordinate greed for both generalization and specificity,"_ the most recent research weighs heavily in favor of an independent origin of Ironworking in Africa.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!jq34!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F06100a59-37df-4f14-a767-3395466183e3_779x483.png)
_**1st millennium BC Nok furnace site at Janjala, Nigeria.**_
* * *
**The process of Smelting and Smithing Iron in African furnaces.**
The process of ironworking starts with the search and acquisition of iron ores through mining and collecting, followed by the preparation of raw materials including charcoal, followed by the building of the smelting installations, furnaces, tuyeres and crucibles, followed by the smelting itself which reduces the ores to metal, followed by bloom cleaning, smithing, and the forging of the finished product[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-20-147556627). This was extremely labour-intensive and time-consuming, especially collecting the ore and fuel, which could at times last several weeks or months.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-21-147556627)
In nature, iron may be found in five different compounds: oxide, hydroxide, carbide, sulfide, and silicate, of which there are many different types of iron ores in Africa (lateritic, oolitic, magnetite-ilmenite, etc) which invariably influenced the smelting technology used. Ancient African bloomery furnaces exhibit remarkable diversity, suggesting constant improvisation and innovations. As one metallurgist observed, _**"every conceivable method of iron production seems to have been employed in Africa, some of it quite unbelievable."**_ African ironworkers adapted bloomery furnaces to an extraordinary range of iron ores, some of which cannot be used by modern blast furnaces and weren’t found anywhere else in the Old World.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-22-147556627)
African iron-smelting processes are all variants of the bloomery process, in which the air blast must be stopped periodically to remove the masses of metal (blooms), while the waste product (slag) may be tapped from the furnaces as a liquid, or may solidify within it. Most of the oldest African furnaces were shaft furnaces that ranged from small pit furnaces to massive Natural-draft smelting furnaces with tall shafts upto 7 meters high.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-23-147556627)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!5KEt!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdaf61d13-c34a-4aac-a928-042414336906_837x584.png)
_**Natural draft furnaces in the Seno plain below Segue, Burkina Faso**_, 1957, Quai Branly. _**Earthen smelting furnaces in Ouahigouya, near the capital of Yatenga kingdom, Burkina Faso**_, 1911, Quai Branly.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!qW9M!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc1940984-a7a2-46a5-aff5-42f362c2cb40_807x550.png)
_**Examples of African bloomery furnace types**_ (by F. Bandama), _**Approximate distribution of bowl, shaft, and natural draught furnace types in Africa**_. (by S. Chirikure).
Bloomery smelting operates around 1200°C; ie at a temperature below the melting point of iron (1540°C), which is high enough only to melt the gangue minerals in the ore and separate them from the unmolten iron oxides. Air is introduced to the furnace either through forced draft using bellows and tuyères (ceramic pipes), or by natural draft taking advantage of prevailing winds or utilizing the chimney effect. This enables the fuel (usually charcoal) to burn, producing carbon monoxide, which reacts with the iron oxide, ultimately reducing it to form metallic iron.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-24-147556627)
These furnaces could produce cast iron and wrought iron, as well as steel, the latter of which there is sufficient evidence in several societies, most notably in the 18th-century kingdom of Yatenga between Mali and Burkina Faso, where blacksmiths built massive furnaces upto 8m high to produce steel bars and composite tools with steel-cutting edges[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-25-147556627).
Steel is iron alloyed with between 0.2% and 2% carbon, and it has been found in archaeometallurgical studies of furnaces and slag from Buhaya in northern Tanzania,[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-26-147556627) and in northern Mandara region of Cameroon among other sites.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-27-147556627) Most high-carbon steel could be produced directly in the bloomery furnace by increasing the carbon content of the bloom, rather than by subsequent smithing as in most parts of the Old World.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-28-147556627)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!4Ibp!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd41c1974-fbff-40c2-80e3-7cbc99aa6082_580x451.png)
_**Iron smelting at Oumalokho near the border of Mali & Cote d’ivoire**_, illustration by Louis Binger, ca. 1892.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!d-ep!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff21a345b-a894-4669-862b-8269cf8ff019_847x356.png)
_**steel sword with gold hilt, blade decorated with incised geometric and floral decoration, ca. 1900**_, Asante, Ghana, V&A museum
Once smelting was complete, the bloom settled to the bottom of the furnace and was removed for further refinement through repeated heating and hammering into bars using large hammerstones. After which, the iron bars produced from this process were forged at high temperatures, and the blacksmith will use various hammers, tongs, quenching bowls, and anvils to work the iron into a desired shape. In a few cases, methods like lost wax casting and the use of molds which were common in the working of gold and copper alloys were also used for iron to produce different objects, ornaments, and ingots.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-29-147556627)
Like all forms of technology, the working of Iron in Africa was socially mediated. The role of blacksmiths was considered important but their social position was rather ambiguous and varied. Depending on the society and era, they were both respected or feared, powerful or marginalized, because they wielded social power derived from access to knowledge of metallurgy, divination, peacemaking, and other salient social practices[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-30-147556627).
The smith’s craft extended from the production of the most basic of domestic tools to the creation of a corpus of inventive, diverse, and technically sophisticated vehicles of social and spiritual power The various taboos and rituals associated with the craft were a technology of practice that enabled smelters to take control of the process through learned behavior.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-31-147556627)
One key feature of African metallurgy is that it resists homogenization, yet anthropologists who study the subject are more inclined to homogenize than to seek variations. In contrast to the making of pottery and sculptures, the apprenticeship of iron smelting has not been the focus of ethnological studies. While such studies can only provide us with information from the 20th century, the persistence of pre-industrial methods of iron production in some parts of the continent suggests that some of this information can be extrapolated back to earlier periods.
A number of researchers have left ethnographic descriptions of smelting sessions that they attended, observing that there is a head smelter or an elder’s council, as well as young people or apprentices. Under the leadership of a master, the metallurgists seem to take part collectively in the smelting, and the associated rituals involved in the process. Each member of a smelting session detects the physical and chemical changes of the material being processed inside the furnace.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-32-147556627)
Ethnographic descriptions show the major importance of smith castes and ritual practice, as well as political control over resources like iron ore, wood, land, and labour.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-33-147556627) In many parts of the continent, there's extensive evidence that iron smelting was considered ritually akin to the act of procreation and therefore was carried out away from or in seclusion from women and domestic contexts[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-34-147556627). Yet there were numerous exceptions in southern and East Africa where women were allowed in the smelting area, procuring iron ores, and constructing furnaces.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-35-147556627)
Evidently, all available labour was utilized for iron working when necessary, depending on the cultural practices of a given society.
* * *
**The role of Iron in early African Agriculture and Trade.**
Ironworking played a pivotal role in the advent and evolution of agriculture and long-distance trade across the African continent, as the widespread use of iron tools helped to increase food production and the exchanges of surpluses between different groups. In many societies, the various types of iron tools (such as plows and hoes) the design of furnaces, and the organization of labor, influenced and were influenced by developments in agriculture, trade, and cultural exchanges.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-36-147556627)
For example, the use of natural draught furnaces and the creation of a caste of blacksmiths frees up labour for working the raw iron to make iron objects and develop long-distance trade and exchange. Such high- fuel low-labour furnaces were particularly common in the West African Sudanic woodland zone from Senegal to Nigeria and in the miombo woodlands of Tanzania, Zambia, Malawi and Mozambique, where labour requirements for swidden agriculture may have reduced available labour for smithing.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-37-147556627)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!0DWY!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8cd218f1-11fc-4f75-9fba-b7deb18b7d10_1122x583.png)
Natural draft furnaces; _**Yeke, D.R.Congo, early 20th century**_, Royal Museum for Central Africa. _**‘A Bafipa natural draft furnace in Tanzania’**_, photo by S.T.Childs. _**Aushi, Zambia, early 20th century,**_ British Museum.
In other regions, the demand for Iron objects beyond the immediate society in which specialist smiths lived facilitated the production of large quantities of Iron for export. For example, at least 15 sites used by Dogon smiths in south-central Mali produced a about 400,000 tonnes of slag – or 40,000 tonnes of iron objects over a period of 1,400 years, which is about 26 tones of iron objects per year; while the site of Korsimoro (Burkina Faso) yielded 200,000 tonnes of slag - or 20,000 tonnes of iron objects between 1000-1500 CE, which is about 32 tonnes of iron per year.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-38-147556627)
This scale of production doubtlessly suggests that the iron was intended for export to neighboring societies, albeit not at a scale associated with large states. For example, the dramatic rise in iron production from a small site of Bandjeli in Togo, from less than a tonne in the 18th century to over 14 tones per year by 1900 may have been associated with demand from sections of the kingdoms of Dagomba, Gonja, Mamprusi, although it was far from the only site[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-39-147556627).
It therefore appears that in most parts of Africa, specialization was based on pooling together surplus from various relatively small-scale industries which cumulatively produced bigger output, and may not have been concentrated even in the case of large states.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-40-147556627)
Several types of iron objects served as convenient stores of wealth and were at times used as secondary currencies in some contexts, primarily because of the ever-present demand for domestic and agricultural iron implements like hoes, knives, machetes, harpoons, as well as the general use of metals for tribute, social ceremonies, and trade.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-41-147556627)
In West Africa, iron blooms were traded and kept as heirlooms, while knives and iron hoes were both a trade item and a medium of exchange in parts of Southern Africa and west-central Africa[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-42-147556627). In East Africa, where long-distance traders like the 19th century [Swahili traveler Mwenyi Chande](https://www.patreon.com/posts/104845425?pr=true) were required by local rulers to give iron hoes as a form of tax on their return journeys from the interior as a substitute for cowries and cloth. Similary In Ethiopia, iron plowshares were valued items of trade.[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-43-147556627)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!fHo3!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8e79ed9e-bee4-42e8-a81f-c0e9e4e5bdf0_929x620.png)
_**Illustration depicting an ‘Abyssinian Plough’. ca. 1868**_, Library of Congress.
* * *
**Iron in the History of Warfare and Politics in Pre-colonial Africa.**
Given its centrality in agriculture and trade, the spread of iron working in Africa was closely associated with the emergence and growth of complex societies across the continent.
The rise of African states resulted in an increased demand for symbols of prestige and power, among which iron, copper, and gold were prominent. Increase in metal production and changes in furnace construction in the Great Lakes region for example, were associated with the emergence of the kingdoms of Bunyoro, Buganda, and Nyiginya (Rwanda),[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-44-147556627) and similar developments in southern Africa and the East African coast were associated with the rise of the kingdoms at Great Zimbabwe and Kilwa.[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-45-147556627)
A significant number of iron tools found at the oldest sites of ironworking across the continent included knives and arrowheads. Additionally, a number of historical traditions of societies in central Africa like the kingdom of Ndongo and Luba, either attribute or closely associate the founding of kingdoms to iron-wielding warrior-kings and blacksmiths[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-46-147556627). Iron was often conceptually integrated within the organizing structures of these states, with iron symbolism frequently incorporated within iconography, mythology, and systems of tribute payment, all of which underscores the importance of iron weapons to the emergence and expansion of African kingdoms and empires, especially in warfare.[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-47-147556627)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!jKSm!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F674358cb-fc76-4d9c-8351-91ca5d64e073_882x487.png)
_**Sword made by a Ngala smith from Congo**_, Copper alloy handle with iron struts attached to iron blade, Late 19th century, Saint Louis art museum
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!mAUn!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F86e4355d-8473-4587-9370-7076c7f1e09c_1000x400.jpeg)
_**Iron Sword, 19th century,**_ Asante Kingdom, Ghana, British Museum
* * *
[Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share)
* * *
[The history of African military systems has been sufficiently explored](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/war-and-peace-in-ancient-and-medieval) and is too diverse to summarise here, but it suffices to say that the majority of weapons were made locally and most of them were made of Iron. The provision of weapons and the distribution of power were often strongly correlated, especially in larger complex societies where rulers retained large arsenals of weapons to distribute to their armies during times of war, and maintained a workforce of blacksmiths to provide these weapons.[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-48-147556627)
In most parts of the continent, blacksmiths were numerous and usually worked in closely organized kin guilds associated with centers of political power, where rulers acted as their patrons, receiving protection and supplies in exchange for providing armies with swords, lance heads, chainmail, helmets, arrow points and throwing knives. In some exceptional cases, a few of these items were imported by wealthy rulers and subsequently reworked by local smiths to be kept as prestige items.[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-49-147556627)
Among the most common iron objects in African ethnographic collections are the two-edged straight or gently tapering sword, which was common in West Africa[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-50-147556627), as well as in most parts of central Africa, North-East Africa and the East African coast. Other collections include curved blades and throwing weapons with multiple ends, as well as axes, arrowheads, and javelin points.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Z0br!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F817748fb-6243-45a1-a28b-e26a0d9c7dc0_1298x582.png)
_**sword with Iron blade, sheath decorated with plant and zoomorphic motifs, 19th century, Dahomey, Benin.**_ Musée d'ethnographie, Genève. _**Iron and Ivory sword, undated**_, Kongo, Angola/D.R.Congo, Brooklyn Museum, _**Curved Iron sword, Mangbetu,**_ D.R.Congo, British Museum. _**Iron blades made by Ekonda smiths**_, late 19th century, D.R.C, Smithsonian museum
By the 18th century, swords and lances had largely fallen out of use in the regions close to the Atlantic coast and were replaced by muskets.[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-51-147556627) The repair of guns and cannons, as well as the manufacture of iron bullets was also undertaken across many societies[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-52-147556627), from [Asante](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn) and [Dahomey](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-dahomey-and-the-atlantic?utm_source=publication-search), to [Zulu](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history?utm_source=publication-search) and [Buganda](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom?utm_source=publication-search). The casting of brass and iron cannons, in particular, was attested in many parts of West Africa, most notably in the 16th-century kingdoms of Benin and Bornu, [where such gunpowder technology in Africa was first attested](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-africa-in-16th-century), as well as in the 19th-century [sultanate of Damagaram](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate?utm_source=publication-search). Benin in particular is known to have made a number of firearms, some of which appear in western museum collections.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!LjM7!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F68d8a854-723f-4f25-b620-3cf3d7308e64_597x551.png)
_**Firearm made of Brass and Iron, ca. 18th century**_, Benin City, Nigeria, National Museum, Benin. _**Firearm made of Iron and Wood, ca. 18th century**_, Benin City, Nigeria, National Museum, Benin.
The complete manufacture of firearms was accomplished in some societies during the 19th century such as the [empire of Samori Ture](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-empire-of-samori-ture-on-the), the [Merina kingdom of Madagascar](https://www.patreon.com/posts/87234164?pr=true) and the Ethiopian Empire under Tewodros[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-53-147556627). In the 1880s Samori concentrated 300-400 ironworkers in the village of Tete where they succeeded in manufacturing flintlocks at a cost lower than the price paid for those bought from Freetown. Tete was evacuated in 1892 and its armament workers were reassembled at Dabakol under the direction of an artificer who had spent several months in a French arsenal. They succeeded in making effective copies of Kropatschek repeating rifles at a rate of two of these guns per day.[54](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-54-147556627)
* * *
**Iron in the making of African Art and Culture.**
According to Cyril Stanley Smith, a founding father of archaeometallurgy, "aesthetic curiosity" was the original driving force of technological development everywhere, and the human desire for pretty things like jewelry and sculpture, rather than for "useful" objects such as tools and weapons, first led enterprising individuals to discover new materials, processes, and structures.[55](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-55-147556627)
While many of the oldest iron tools found in the ancient metallurgical centers of Africa were agricultural implements and weapons, a number of them also included small caches of jewelry in the form of bracelets and anklets. Later sites include Iron ornaments such as earrings, earplugs, and nose rings. African jewelry made from metal primarily consisted of gold, copper alloys, and silver, with iron being relatively uncommon. However, there are a few notable exceptions such as the kingdom of Dahomey, where skilled blacksmiths produced a remarkable corpus of sculptural artworks made of Iron called _**asen**_.
Historically, _**asen**_ were also closely identified with the belief systems of the Vodun religion and practices. Following the rise of the Dahomey kingdom, their function shifted toward a more specifically royal memorial use as each king was identified with a distinct asen. These royal asen were brought out during annual “custom” rites, placed near the _**djeho**_ (spirit house of the king), and given libations while fixed in the ground using long iron stems. The _**asen**_ s feature figurative scenes depicting processions of titled persons in excellent detail, at the end of which are placed _**togbe**_ pendants around the edge of the platform.[56](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-56-147556627)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!qYxp!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb6ebf090-d56e-4ef3-8af6-a32e9ac30160_1230x574.png)
_**Various Asen representing the Yovogan of Dahomey, from the mid-late 19th century**_, Benin,. New Orleans museum, Barbier Mueller museum, Museum of Fine arts.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!gCrS!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F62383a73-ebb8-4085-a287-8eb7582bc56c_746x537.png)
Iron sculptures from Dahomey; _**figure of the Fon deity Gu holding up a sword, late 19th century,**_ private collection. _**Asen altar with birds on a tree, early 20th century,**_ Fowler Museum.
Iron sculptures and other artifacts made of composite materials that include iron are attested across multiple African art traditions, from West African figures made by the Yoruba of south-western Nigeria, as well as the Dogon and Mande of Mali, to the composite wood-and-iron sculptures of West central Africa, to the musical instruments of central and southern Africa, such as thumb pianos and rattles of the Chokwe artists of Angola and D.R.Congo.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Ucms!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5a990264-0da6-4bbf-94b2-fbc86f2cc477_753x539.png)
Iron sculptures of Yoruba artists,_**Opa Osanyín staff, 19th century**_, private collection. _**Rainmaking vessel, mid-20th century**_, Fowler Museum.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!vocm!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8a7b0783-187b-4a0e-a68e-aa2d141442ab_745x588.png)
composite iron and wood artefacts by the Chokwe; _**Lamellophone (chisanji), ca. 1890**_, Angola/D.R.Congo, Musical Instrument Museum, Phoenix. _**Thumb piano with an equestrian figure, 19th century**_, Angola/D.R.Congo, Cleveland Museum
The smelting of Iron in Africa gradually declined in the 20th century as local demand was increasingly met by industrial iron and steel, but smithing continues across most parts of the continent. This shift from smelting to smithing began in some coastal regions significantly earlier than on the African mainland, where smelting persisted well into the post-colonial era.[57](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-57-147556627)
In response to shifts in local economies during the colonial and post-colonial era, African blacksmiths began incorporating salvaged materials into their work through creative recycling. Blacksmiths continue to serve as technology brokers who transform one object into another— truck wheels become bells and gongs; leaf springs from cars become axes and asen in Benin; and bicycle spokes become thumb pianos in western Zambia. Today, smiths forge work to accommodate new contexts and purposes. For example in southern Nigeria, where the Yorùbá deity of iron, Ògún, has become the patron of automobiles, laptops, and cell phones.[58](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-58-147556627)
Iron continues to play a central role in the development of African societies, a product of centuries of innovations and developments in one of the continent’s oldest technologies.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!I0vG!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F140069bf-e88c-4d78-abd0-c9d388f3732a_548x638.png)
man carrying a massive sword dedicated to Gu; the god of iron and war. ca. 1950 Abomey, Benin, Quai Branly.
* * *
Recent archeological research has uncovered a series of stone complexes in the Mandara mountains of Cameroon which historical documents from the region associate with the expansion of complex societies and empires at the end of the Middle Ages.
**Please subscribe to read about the DGB ruins and the Mandara kingdom here:**
[STONE RUINS OF CAMEROON](https://www.patreon.com/posts/109389947)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-1-147556627)
Metals in Past Societies: A Global Perspective on Indigenous African Metallurgy By Shadreck Chirikure pg 20-23)
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-2-147556627)
Ferrous metallurgy from the Bir Massouda metallurgical precinct at Phoenician and Punic Carthage and the beginning of the North African Iron Age by Brett Kaufman et al.
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-3-147556627)
Ancient Mining and Smelting Activities in the Wadi Abu Gerida Area, Central Eastern Desert, Egypt: Preliminary Results by Mai Rifai, Yasser Abd El-Rahman, Metals in Past Societies: A Global Perspective on Indigenous African Metallurgy By Shadreck Chirikure pg 71,
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-4-147556627)
Investigating the ironworking remains in the Royal City of Meroe , Sudan by Chris Carey, The ancient iron mines of Meroe by Jane Humphris et al., A New Radiocarbon Chronology for Ancient Iron Production in the Meroe Region of Sudan by Jane Humphris, Metals in Past Societies: A Global Perspective on Indigenous African Metallurgy By Shadreck Chirikure pg 72
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-5-147556627)
Mobile Technologies in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond edited by C. N. Duckworth, A. Cuénod, D. J. Mattingly pg 239)
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-6-147556627)
Preindustrial Mining and Metallurgy in Africa by F Bandama pg 6, The Origins of African Metallurgies by A.F.C. Holl pg 7-8, 12-13, 21-31)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-7-147556627)
Mobile Technologies in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond edited by C. N. Duckworth, A. Cuénod, D. J. Mattingly pg 238)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-8-147556627)
Excavations at Walalde: New Light on the Settlement of the Middle Senegal Valley by Iron-Using People by A Deme
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-9-147556627)
The Early Iron Metallurgy of Bassar, Togo: furnaces, metallurgical remains and iron objects by PL de Barros
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-10-147556627)
Lejja archaeological site, Southeastern Nigeria and its potential for archaeological science research by Pamela Ifeoma Eze-Uzomaka et. al.
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-11-147556627)
Iron metallurgy in West Africa: An Early Iron smelting site in the Mouhoun Bend, Burkina Faso by Augustin Ferdinand Charles Holl
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-12-147556627)
Indigenous African Metallurgy: Nature and Culture by S. Terry Childs pg 321-322
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-13-147556627)
The Archaeology of Africa: Food, Metals and Towns edited by Bassey Andah, Alex Okpoko, Thurstan Shaw, Paul Sinclair pg 302-306, Our Iron Smelting 14C Dates from Central Africa: From a Plain Appointment to a Full Blown Relationship" by Bernard Clist, A critical reappraisal of the chronological framework of the early Urewe Iron Age industry by Bernard Clist.
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-14-147556627)
Metals in Past Societies: A Global Perspective on Indigenous African Metallurgy By Shadreck Chirikure pg 22.
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-15-147556627)
Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. Philipson pg 142, 166-167.
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-16-147556627)
Book review essay: What do we know about African iron working? by D. Killick pg 107
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-17-147556627)
The Origins of African Metallurgies by A.F.C. Holl pg 4, Metals in Past Societies: A Global Perspective on Indigenous African Metallurgy By Shadreck Chirikure pg 25
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-18-147556627)
Zilum: a mid-first millennium BC fortified settlement by C Magnavita pg 166-167
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-19-147556627)
Urbanisation and State Formation in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond by Martin Sterry, David J. Mattingly pg 516, Landscapes, Sources and Intellectual Projects of the West African Past: Essays in Honour of Paulo Fernando de Moraes Farias pg 25-32)
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-20-147556627)
The Archaeology of Africa: Food, Metals and Towns pg 333-334
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-21-147556627)
The Social Context of Iron Forging on the Kenya Coast by Chapurukha M. Kusimba pg 401-402)
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-22-147556627)
Did They or Didn't They Invent It? Iron in Sub-Saharan Africa by Stanley B. Alpern pg 85, Mobile Technologies in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond edited by C. N. Duckworth, A. Cuénod, D. J. Mattingly pg 292-294)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-23-147556627)
Invention and Innovation in African Iron-smelting Technologies by David J Killick pg 312-313)
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-24-147556627)
African Iron Production and Iron-Working Technologies pg 2-3
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-25-147556627)
Book review essay: What do we know about African iron working? by D. Killick pg 108
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-26-147556627)
Cairo to Cape: The Spread of Metallurgy Through Eastern and Southern Africa by D. Killick pg 408
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-27-147556627)
Metals in Mandara Mountains Society and Culture edited by Nicholas David pg 12-13, 174.
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-28-147556627)
Did They or Didn't They Invent It? Iron in Sub-Saharan Africa by Stanley B. Alpern pg 87, Preindustrial Mining and Metallurgy in Africa by F Bandama pg 11)
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-29-147556627)
Preindustrial Mining and Metallurgy in Africa by F Bandama pg 12, African Iron Production and Iron-Working Technologies pg 4-5.
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-30-147556627)
The Social Context of Iron Forging on the Kenya Coast by Chapurukha M. Kusimba, 386, Style, Technology, and Iron Smelting Furnaces in Bantu-Speaking Africa by S. Terry Childs pg 343-345
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-31-147556627)
Metals in Past Societies: A Global Perspective on Indigenous African Metallurgy By Shadreck Chirikure pg 10, Indigenous African Metallurgy: Nature and Culture by S. Terry Childs pg 325-326, Warfare in Pre-Colonial Africa by C. G. Chidume et al pg 75-76
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-32-147556627)
Mobile Technologies in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond edited by C. N. Duckworth, A. Cuénod, D. J. Mattingly 303-304, The Social Context of Iron Forging on the Kenya Coast by Chapurukha M. Kusimba, pg 390-393)
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-33-147556627)
Mobile Technologies in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond edited by C. N. Duckworth, A. Cuénod, D. J. Mattingly pg 295-302)
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-34-147556627)
Indigenous African Metallurgy: Nature and Culture by S. Terry Childs pg 327-328
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-35-147556627)
Preindustrial Mining and Metallurgy in Africa by F Bandama pg 13-14, When the smith is a woman: innovation, improvisation and ambiguity in the organisation of African iron metallurgy by Ezekiel Mtetwa et. al.
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-36-147556627)
How Societies Are Born by Jan Vansina pg 65-66, 79-81.
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-37-147556627)
Invention and Innovation in African Iron-smelting Technologies by David J Killick pg 314-316)
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-38-147556627)
Mobile Technologies in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond edited by C. N. Duckworth, A. Cuénod, D. J. Mattingly pg 302, 305)
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-39-147556627)
A Comparison of Early and Later Iron Age Societies in the Bassar Region of Togo Philip de Barros pg 10-11
[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-40-147556627)
A technological and anthropological study of iron production in Venda, Limpopo Province, South Africa by Eric Ndivhuwo Mathoho pg 18, Early metallurgy and surplus without states in Africa south of the Sahara by Shadreck Chirikure
[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-41-147556627)
Indigenous African Metallurgy: Nature and Culture by S. Terry Childs pg 332-333
[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-42-147556627)
Preindustrial Mining and Metallurgy in Africa Foreman Bandama pg 12, How Societies Are Born by Jan Vansina pg 126-127, 154-155
[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-43-147556627)
People of the Plow: An Agricultural History of Ethiopia, 1800–1990 By James McCann pg 130
[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-44-147556627)
Indigenous African Metallurgy: Nature and Culture by S. Terry Childs pg 330-331, Pre-colonial iron production in Great Lakes Africa by Louise Iles pg 60-63
[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-45-147556627)
Innovation, Tradition and Metals at Kilwa Kisiwani by Stephanie Wynne-Jones
[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-46-147556627)
Blacksmiths of Ilamba: A Social History of Labor at the Nova Oeiras Iron Foundry (Angola, 18th Century) by Crislayne Alfagali
[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-47-147556627)
Pre-colonial iron production in Great Lakes Africa by Louise Iles pg 58-60, Paths in the rainforests by Jan Vansina pg 60-61,
[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-48-147556627)
Warfare & Diplomacy in Pre-colonial West Africa by Robert Sidney Smith pg 92, 101, Warfare in Pre-Colonial Africa by C. G. Chidume et al pg 78-79.
[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-49-147556627)
Warfare & Diplomacy in Pre-colonial West Africa by Robert Sidney Smith pg 90-91, 103-105)
[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-50-147556627)
Warfare & Diplomacy in Pre-colonial West Africa by Robert Sidney Smith pg 93-94)
[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-51-147556627)
Warfare & Diplomacy in Pre-colonial West Africa by Robert Sidney Smith pg 107-108)
[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-52-147556627)
Warfare & Diplomacy in Pre-colonial West Africa by Robert Sidney Smith pg 116)
[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-53-147556627)
Africa and the Indian Ocean World from Early Times to Circa 1900 by Gwyn Campbell pg 202-208
[54](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-54-147556627)
Warfare & Diplomacy in Pre-colonial West Africa by Robert Sidney Smith pg 116
[55](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-55-147556627)
Did They or Didn't They Invent It? Iron in Sub-Saharan Africa by Stanley B. Alpern pg 87)
[56](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-56-147556627)
Asen: Dahomey history, and Forged memories of Iron by S. Blier, Asen: Identifying Form, Style and Artists by S. Blier.
[57](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-57-147556627)
The Social Context of Iron Forging on the Kenya Coast by Chapurukha M. Kusimba pg 400-401
[58](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-iron-technology#footnote-anchor-58-147556627)
Striking Iron The Art of African Blacksmiths by Allen F. Roberts and Marla C. Berns
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Published Time: 2025-10-05T15:37:17+00:00
A history of currencies and monetary systems in the southern half of Africa
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A history of currencies and monetary systems in the southern half of Africa
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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African monetary systems were characterized by the concurrent use of classical (metal) currencies and commodity currencies that fulfilled a variety of functions.
Many societies in the southern half of the continent developed diverse types of monetary systems using different currency objects that circulated and held value in multiple contexts.
In these pre-colonial economies, African coins, cowries, gold dust, luxury cloth, and copper crosses acted as repositories of value in certain contexts, media of exchange in others, and objects of use or display at other times.
Documentary and archaeological evidence shows that African societies managed multiple forms of money between different currency zones in regional exchanges that extended beyond the continent. The expansion of currency use linked distant economies where these monies originated, such as the copper-producing regions of Katanga, the Gold-producing regions of Zimbabwe, and the ‘Textile Belt’ of central Africa.
This article explores the history of currencies in the southern half of Africa and provides an overview of the monetary systems found across the region.
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**The currencies of West-Central Africa**
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!tcFi!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F25160231-07df-46c7-9f82-95b4845b2665_895x527.png)
_**Map of west-central Africa, ca. 1850 by J. K. Thornton**_
Early descriptions of the kingdom of Kongo mention that traders used a general-purpose money, in the form of seashells called _nzimbu_, which the first Portuguese visitors in 1491 received from government officials to cover their expenses in traveling from the coast to the capital.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-1-175278267)
These shells were obtained from the island of Luanda, which was already under the control of the ManiKongo (king of Kongo) by 1506, when it was first described by the chronicler Duarte Pacheco Pereira:
_**“They**_[the islands of Luanda]_**are very near the mainland, and the Africans who inhabit them belong to the lordship of Maniconguo, the Conguo country extending even beyond them. The Africans of these islands pick up small shells (of the size of pine-nuts in their shell) which they call “zinbos.” These are used as money in the country of Maniconguo [ManiKongo] ; fifty of them will buy a hen, and three hundred a goat and so forth; and when Maniconguo wishes to confer a favour on one of his nobles or reward a service done to him, he orders him to be given a certain number of these “zinbos,” just as our princes bestow money of these realms on those who deserve it, and often on those who do not.”**_[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-2-175278267)
In its export trade, the kingdom utilised a rather complex system of currency exchanges and credits when converting its currency values to European silver units. The nature of this working arrangement can be gleaned from a “letter of credit” which Afonso I drew up for his brother Manuel, who was travelling to Rome as his ambassador in 1540.
Afonso asked for a grant of 5,000 _cruzados_(Portuguese silver currency), and in exchange created a credit of 150 _kofu_ of nzimbu in Kongo. Other such money matters in the mid-16th century were handled by the Kongolese factor in the city of Lisbon, who for some fifteen years was [Antonio Vereira, a noble Kongolese resident there](https://www.patreon.com/posts/kingdom-of-and-99646036).[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-3-175278267)
Cowrie shell currency was measured in standard containers holding 40, 100, 250, 400, or 500 shells. Beyond these, the measure that consisted of containers amounting to 1000 shells was called a _funda_, 10,000 was a _lufuku_, while a _Kofu_ consisted of 20,000 cowrie shells.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-4-175278267) Exchange rates with Portuguese silver units in 1575 gave the following conversions: 1 _funda_ was worth 100 _réis_, 1 _lufuku_ corresponded to around 1000 _réis_, and 1 _kofu_ to _2000_ _réis_, or 5 _cruzados._[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-5-175278267)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!7hze!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1bc6490b-04f3-49a0-a289-e2eaa770a131_820x436.png)
_**Letter from King Afonso of Kongo, requesting a credit exchange to fund D. Manuel, his ambassador, for the latter’s trip to Rome**_. 1540. Arquivo Nacional Torre do Tombo, Portugal. PT/TT/CC/1/68/92.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!v0Fg!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F985b5b51-2ddb-4a94-b215-da893ba71907_820x468.png)
_**Letter by D. Manuel, ambassador of Kongo, requesting 400 cruzados belonging to King Afonso.**_ 1543. Arquivo Nacional Torre do Tombo, Portugal. PT/TT/CC/1/73/41.
Another pre-existing currency in West-Central Africa was cloth made from threads of palm, whose production and trade were ubiquitous across the [‘Great textile belt’ of Central Africa](https://www.patreon.com/posts/cloth-trade-and-115726507), from Angola to Zambia. The standard size of a woven piece of cloth ranged from 40x40 cm to 52x52 cm, with luxury cloth measuring 67x67cm. These were sewn together to form strips of equal length that were joined together for a waist-cloth.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-6-175278267)
These luxury cloths, which were often favourably compared to Italian velvet, were first described in [Kongo during the 16th century](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/textile-trade-and-industry-in-the). They appear as currencies in both Kongo and the northern kingdom of Loango during the early 17th century, when large quantities were imported into the Portuguese coastal colony of Angola to pay soldiers and for re-export further inland. Some of this cloth originated as far inland as the Kuba kingdom.
Like all currencies, the luxury cloth’s general acceptability and multiple fuctions kept it in constant demand. Its value was also measured against the _nzimbu_ shells and the Portuguese _reis_(a unit of silver), with the best cloths priced at 640 _reis_ a piece (about 1.7 _cruzados_). Over 100,000 meters of these were exported from Kongo during those two years alone.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-7-175278267)
The cloth could be packaged into different units of four, ten, twenty, forty, or a hundred. A unit of account called a _mukuta_, which consisted of ten cloths wrapped or sewn together, was commonly found along the entire coast. Some traders stamped the cloth to create new denominations, called _makutas,_ that were worth 100 _reis_ in Angola.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-8-175278267)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!wtTI!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5150ad4b-027a-4ae3-aba4-8034a88be26a_820x548.jpeg)
_**Kuba textiles**_ at the Baltimore Museum of Art.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!1uXu!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdf7192c2-0dc9-43ed-8495-dd4de2fa4e57_738x545.png)
_**Kongo luxury cloth: cushion cover, 17th-18th century**_, Polo Museale del Lazio, Museo Preistorico Etnografico Luigi Pigorini Roma
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!7Qld!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff6b5b91b-667c-4049-a815-0411bbcdeefe_813x478.png)
_**The Textile belt of West-Central Africa**_. Map by J. Thornton
When the Portuguese assisted the Kongo monarch Álvaro to drive off the Jaga invaders in the 1570s, the king gave them the right to collect some revenue from the “mines” of nzimbu shells on Luanda Island for a period of time. As Portuguese presence in Luanda increased, they began to extort revenue from the mines and import shells from the Indian Ocean.
The effect of the Portuguese’s partial control of the _nzimbu_ supply has been suggested by some scholars to have resulted in a devaluation of the currency against European silver currencies, based on the declining price of Kongo’s exports during the 1620s.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-9-175278267) However, other scholars maintain that the internal value for the _nzimbu_ shells was unaffected, as the currency remained in circulation long after this, being used for paying taxes, in most market transactions, and even by the Portuguese for paying soldiers during the wars of the 1670s.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-10-175278267)
Additionally, by the late 17th century, the Portuguese had adopted the expedient of using monetary cloth of Loango and _libongo_. But supplies were limited since trade with the eastern provinces of Kongo declined. This prompted the Portuguese to mint copper coins in Luanda in 1694. However, the coins were quickly removed from circulation after failing to turn a profit, forcing the Portuguese to revert to the cloth currencies.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-11-175278267)
A report from 1769 noted that the ordinary money in the Portuguese coastal colony of Angola was cloth from Kongo and _nzimbu_ shells, adding that it was used by the Portuguese authorities just like they would _**“customarily use money of gold, silver or copper.”**_ As late as the early 20th century, prestige cloth and _nzimbu_ shells would remain the main currencies used in west-central Africa, before they were replaced by coins well into the colonial era.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-12-175278267)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!S5Y2!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2ddf3d21-849f-4b50-a185-d1f8a0d60621_576x541.png)
_**17th century illustration showing textile trading in the north Kwanza region**_ (Ndongo kingdom), by Giovanni Antonio Cavazzi.
* * *
**Currencies of Central and Southern Africa**
In South-East Africa during the 16th century, the main currencies were gold dust and a local cotton cloth known as _Machira_, which were used for larger transactions. smaller transactions were carried out using copper bars, tin-alloy coins/bars, and glass/clay beads that could be exchanged for the Portuguese _cruzado_.
According to the account of the friar João dos Santos, who visited the region in the late 16th century:
_**“The smallest money used in these lands is a weight of gold called a tanga, which is worth three vintens, and the largest is a matical**_[mithqal]_**worth four hundred and eighty reis. There is also another kind of money which is used for buying small articles. This is little copper bars about half a span in length and two fingers wide, which they call macontas ; each of these is also worth three vintens.**_
_**There is also current a coin made of pewter**_ [tin-alloy]_**, which they call calaim : it is made in bars, each weighing half a pound. They call these bars pondos, and each of these pondos is worth two tangas, that is six vintens. In these lands small earthenware beads glazed and coloured are also current as ordinary money. They are threaded on strings of about a span in length. These strings of beads are called maties, ten mites joined together are called a lipoto, and twenty lipotes joined together are called motava which is usually worth one cruzado.**_
_**Besides these moneys, all kinds of things are bought and sold for any sort of cloth, with which debts are paid instead of with gold… At the trading fair a motava will reach forty cruzados and they sell straightaway all things that they carry there, earning twice as much or even more, as their original price.”**_[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-13-175278267)
All of the currencies and measurements mentioned in this 16th-century account appear in the material and textural record of different societies in the region, extending from south-east Africa to the Great Lakes.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!GuMg!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa7e44fa3-a8fa-4632-92d7-540ff3c89cfc_820x514.png)
_**Map showing some of the kingdoms of south-east Africa**_
Gold was a major export from South-East Africa to the Indian Ocean world since the 10th century, as described in al-Masudi’s account of the ‘[land of Sofala](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal)’. Early Portuguese estimates from 1502 and 1506 indicate that [between 1.35 to 2 million](https://www.patreon.com/posts/dynamics-of-gold-111163742)_[mithqals](https://www.patreon.com/posts/dynamics-of-gold-111163742)_[(maticals) of gold were exported a year from South-East Africa](https://www.patreon.com/posts/dynamics-of-gold-111163742) via the coast of Sofala.
More than 4,000 pre‐colonial gold workings are known from Zimbabwe alone, and over 2,000 from eastern Botswana. Most important are the finds of gold crucibles at the [ruins of Khami](https://www.patreon.com/posts/stone-terraces-62065998), [Great Zimbabwe](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/stone-palaces-in-the-mountains-great), and [Thulamela](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a), which provide direct evidence for gold processing. Besides these were the discoveries of cup-shaped depressions in eastern Botswana, which offer evidence for gold milling, often located near ancient ruins such as [Vukwe and Domboshaba](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone).[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-14-175278267)
Archaeological finds from Great Zimbabwe and similar stone ruins in South Africa, Botswana, Mozambique, and Zambia have uncovered gold objects, **copper currency** crosses, as well as a 14th-century **copper coin** from Kilwa (located 2,500 km north in Tanzania), and a 15th-century **tin ingot** from Rooiberg (located 500 km south in Limpopo, South Africa).[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-15-175278267)
Additionally, three coins and a chain ornament dated to the 11th/12th century, which were cast using copper from the Katanga Copperbelt, were found in the coastal settlement of Ibo in the Quirimbas Archipelago of Mozambique.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-16-175278267) These finds point to the pre-existing use of metal currencies in south-eastern Africa prior to their first appearance in the documentary record.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!HPzf!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4a211273-e8e3-473b-b145-7d747f2e637e_1285x603.png)
Gold objects from different ‘Zimbabwe tradition sites’: (first image) _**golden rhinoceros (A) and gold anklet coils (B) from Mapungubwe, South Africa.**_ ca 13th century[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-17-175278267); (second image) _**gold beads and gold wire armlet, ca. 14th-15th century, Ingombe Ilede, Zambia**_.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-18-175278267) (last image) _**Gold and carnelian beads from Ibo in the Quirimbas islands**_, _**Mozambique**_. ca. 10th-12th century CE. _Archeometallurgical analysis showed a remarkable similarity between the gold bead of Ibo and the ones found at Mapungubwe_[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-19-175278267)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!TNcI!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F242ad3d2-3974-4f91-9618-107429ecd0b7_500x413.png)
_**Gold melting crucibles from the Fireguard Midden, Great Zimbabwe.**_ photo by Shadreck Chirikure.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!YmpZ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Feebccb0e-e376-40ea-b8f8-8e8ed02d0c76_895x556.png)
(top left) _**14th-century copper coin from found at Great Zimbabwe**_, image by T. Huffman. (bottom) _**copper coins from Kilwa**_ at the Tanzania museum. (right) _**11th/12th-century Coins found at Ibo, Mozambique.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!d2uW!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F28e2e399-358a-4b5f-bab6-5818ae4fa557_685x587.png)
_**The approximate distribution of sources of ore and other resources within the territory of the Great Zimbabwe state.**_ Map by Shadreck Chirikure.
The museum of Bulawayo in Zimbabwe contains gold weights and scales obtained from the polity of Mangwende (17th-19th century), formerly a part of the Mutapa kingdom in North-eastern Zimbabwe.
These weights were known in the Shona language as _mairi_ (two), _mana_(four), _mashanu_(five), _nyabadza_(price of a hoe), _nyarusimba_(price of a piece of iron), and a _tanga_, which was about an eighth of a _mithqal_. The _**tanga**,_ whose value was set against the **gold**_**mithqal**_, appears to have been the more common unit of measurement for large transactions.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-20-175278267)
It’s instructive to note that 18th-century Portuguese accounts of transactions in the estates (_prazos_) from the Rivers region of Mozambique mostly used the gold _mithqal_(_matical_) and the _**tanga**_ as the unit of value, rather than their own silver units (_reis_), due to the scarcity of the silver coins (_cruzados_). 1 _matical_ was worth 8 _cruzados_[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-21-175278267)
Cotton textiles were both an item of trade and a form of currency, as described in the same 16th-century Portuguese account:
_**“The land is most difficult to conquer, as we experienced ourselves, and the more people are sent the less it may be conquered and provided for, and few people can do nothing except in the way of trade; which trade is considerable, particulary the machiras one.**_
_**Above Sena, there is plenty of cotton, wherewith the dwellers thereof make the spun fabric used in making the machiras in which the province abounds. The beads against which these machiras are traded at Chaul [India] are commonly bought at 50 pardaos a bar, which is four quintals; this bar, placed in Sena with the expenses thereof, may be worth one hundred cruzados… These machiras are sold to the africans on the western bank of the**_[sena]_**river, who are called Botongas, at a mitical of gold apiece, which there is the weight of a cruzado and a testoon”**_[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-22-175278267)
This local cloth, which was described by 19th-century travellers as _**“strong and coarse, but clean and white,”**_ was wrapped over the body and crossed over the breast, with some lengths thrown over the shoulder like a cape. Some accounts mention that it was dyed with indigo and other plant dyes, while other accounts mention that it was unbleached. Isolated tax figures suggest that the cost of _**machira**_ halved in the 17th century, pointing to increased production. The cloth was traded and produced as far as the Limpopo (in modern South Africa), and competed with Indian imports so much as to force the Portuguese to try (but fail) to curtail its production.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-23-175278267)
Copper crosses and bars were a more widespread currency system that may have originated in the copper belt of Katanga between the D.R.Congo and Zambia. Copper was produced in this region since the 4th–7th centuries CE and traded over large distances from the 9th to the 19th centuries.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-24-175278267)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!pIEI!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1b185e50-e9e2-4451-8aab-95537e659f4f_601x623.png)
_**19th century Copper trade routes in south-central Africa.**_
Copper was exchanged mainly in the form of cross-shaped ingots, which varied in form and size, likely reflecting the influence of different states in standardizing their currencies.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-25-175278267) Various accounts describing the kingdoms of south-central Africa in the 18th and 19th centuries mention that the copper bars served as currency for large transactions such as taxes, bride wealth, and entry fees to secret societies like the _Bambudye_ of the Luba.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!DEO-!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0757de03-4dea-4e3a-b3d9-1104cd218a64_533x743.jpeg)
_**Broad chronology of ingots produced in the Copperbelt between 6th and 19th century CE.**_ Image by N. Nikis.
Miners were paid 3 copper crosses weighing 20kg per trading season while titleholders received about 100kg in tribute, with a total of 115 tonnes of copper circulating in payments and tribute every year. These copper bars were also carried as far as the East African coast, where they were used to import textiles, cowrie shells, and glass beads, which also served as currency.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-26-175278267)
There is evidence that some of the Katanga copper was traded as far south as Botswana, where archeometallurgical analysis of copper artefacts found in the Tsodilo Hills was broadly consistent with the Katanga Copperbelt region, rather than the expected Southern African ores.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-27-175278267)
Beyond the Limpopo River, copper currencies were obtained from local ores and used in regional trade in pre-colonial societies in the eastern part of South Africa, such as the Xhosa and Zulu kingdoms, which combined copper and iron currencies, with imported brass and glass beads for smaller transactions. These items appear extensively in the region’s archeological record since the late 1st millennium, and would remain in use up to the late 19th century.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-28-175278267)
A late 18th-century account of the Lunda province of Kazembe (northern Zambia) indicates that many of the currencies described centuries earlier remained in use across the region.
The account mentions that the main currencies included copper bars and cloth. In particular, cloth had a fixed measurement (called _panno/pagne/fathoms,_ equal to an arm) that was used to express the values of other currencies. Both were used to purchase other items, pay taxes, fees, and labour.
The account also mentions ingots of tin-alloys, which were also called ‘calaim’ as earlier descriptions. Small transactions were made using cowrie shells and glass beads that were imported from the East African coast by the (_Tungalagazas_) Nyamwezi. Traders also still used units of measurement such as ‘Mutava/Motava’ that were first described in the 16th century.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-29-175278267)
* * *
**Currencies of the Great Lakes Region.**
Cowrie shells and glass beads appear more ubiquitously in the archaeological record of the Great Lakes region, and were already in use as currency when the kingdoms were first described in the 19th century. Cloth, both local and imported, was used in a complementary relationship with cowries and glass beads, typically for larger purchases.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ajT0!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6d9c90ec-c323-425a-ac96-dfca2ebd92b4_880x616.png)
_**Map of late 19th-century East Africa showing the kingdoms of the Great Lakes and the caravan routes.**_
Early descriptions of the kingdom of Buganda indicate that the value of virtually every trade item was expressed in terms of cowries (_ensimbi ennanda_), a hundred of which were tied on a string to form a unit known as the _kiasa_. Cloth was measured by the ‘_dotti_’, an imported term, with one _dotti_ being exchanged for about 2,000 cowries. Cowries were used for most transactions and for paying taxes, a practice that continued as late as the early 20th century.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-30-175278267)
The use of cowries, cloth, and glass beads across Eastern Africa is widely documented in the 19th century, [when a boom in the ivory trade](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism?utm_source=publication-search) resulted in the expansion of overland trade between the East African coast and the interior regions of Tanzania, Uganda, D.R.Congo, and Malawi.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!CpSV!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F16435f0b-6d7a-422e-883b-b75d04c00acf_704x464.png)
_**street scene in Tabora, Tanzania. ca. 1906**_, German federal archives.
While all currencies mentioned above were utilized concurrently, there was an outsized focus on glass beads in the documentary record of European travellers, as they symbolized the archetypal ‘exotic’ currency of the African mainland.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-31-175278267)
Contemporary accounts nevertheless stress that cloth was used for most purchases and taxes, while glass beads were used as small change for buying provisions and paying porters —the two expenses that travelers were more concerned with. The 19th-century traveller Joseph Thomson mentions that in the market of Ujiji (Tanzania), _**“they have made the first advance towards the use of money in the adoption of a bead currency, which performs all the functions of our coppers, cloth being the medium for the larger purchases.”**_[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-32-175278267)
The low manufacturing cost of glass beads compared to the high cost of imported ivory initially convinced some European traders who hadn’t reached the interior that Africans were exchanging a high-value commodity for what they derisively called _trinkets_. However, upon reaching the African markets, they were disappointed to find that ivory had relatively little value in the interior compared to the expensive cloth used to purchase it, and that the glass-bead ‘trinkets’ were only useful as pocket change, and their value was subject to the whims of the African consumers:
_**“The Birmingham trinkets and knick-knacks, would in East Africa be accepted by women and children as presents, but, unless in exceptional cases, would not procure a pound of grain.”**_[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-33-175278267)
Commodities do not always have the same value and meaning in different societies. Just as tons of glass beads were being unloaded on the African coasts, European traders were competing against each other to get ivory, a commodity that for a long time had had little economic value among the societies of the interior, where hunters attimes discarded it or used it as fence posts.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-34-175278267)
European traders and travelers continuously complained that each population had its particular preference as to tint, color, and size of glass beads. The choice of the wrong types of glass beads could determine the total failure of an expedition, as happened to Burton and Speke, who had to throw away many glass beads considered worthless, since they couldn’t even be accepted as gifts:
_**“The various kind of beads**_[to be carried into the interior] _**required great time to learn, for the women of Africa are as fastidious in their tastes for beads as the women of New York are for jewelry. The measures also had to be mastered, which, seeing that it was an entirely new business in which I was engaged, were rather complicated, and perplexed me considerably for a time”**_
Another traveller, Joseph Thomson, also had to dump his cache of beads despite inquiring beforehand: _**“When we arrived at the lake, we found beads of all kinds ignored, and coloured cloths in demand. The beads we had laboriously transported so far proved utterly useless.”**_[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-35-175278267)
The circulation of the glass bead currencies was based on their acceptability, which was in turn derived from their material characteristics, such as their final use as jewellery. The fact that most of the glass beads were circulated by petty traders rather than wealthy merchants, local elites, and kings may account for their rapidly fluctuating demand, compared to the more established currencies.
* * *
**Currencies of the East African coast**
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!hV2D!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6aeb37e9-7aa3-45d3-92a5-e2d7431ec73b_959x713.png)
_**Map of the Swahili coast**_
On the East African coast, coins of copper, silver, and gold were issued by the rulers of various city-states beginning at Shanga in the 9th century, and later at Pemba, Zanzibar, Kilwa, Mogadishu, Mombasa, and Lamu. Silver coins were more common on the northern coast, while copper coins were mostly found on the southern coast. Most had a limited circulation, and almost all were found on the Swahili coast, except a handful of Kilwa coins, which have been found at Great Zimbabwe, Oman, and northern Australia.
The coins did not conform to the conventions of Islamic coinage—they did not carry either date, mint, or a reference to the caliph. Unlike other Islamic coins, Swahili issues did not conform to a weight standard, but instead derived their value from the ways that the coins were used. Many stayed in circulation long after they were issued, and some were found alongside cowrie shells and beads, indicating that use of multiple currencies in cities which didnt mint coins. Some copper coins were clipped for use in smaller transactions.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-36-175278267)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Va3s!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F390bb3fc-db3a-435b-a524-e66fc1b3aa02_626x445.png)
_**The Mtambwe Mkuu hoard of silver coins**_, Pemba Island, Tanzania. Image by S. Wynne-Jones.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!MF6v!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fafa594a2-ca0b-41fe-85a3-8d8b7a349c62_792x530.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!_kTK!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F26cb8e55-5283-4dbc-99aa-de61652195e9_793x287.png)
_**Copper coins and carnelian beads from Songo Mnara, Tanzania**_. Image by J. Perkins _et al_.
Sustained minting of Swahili coins continued until the 15th century, when European intrusions into the Swahili world promoted the circulation of international coins, such as Spanish piasters and Maria Theresa thalers. Coining on the coast resurfaced sporadically in later periods, such as in Mombasa in the 17th-19th century, although foreign issues remained predominant.
During the 19th century, Thalers were used as a unit of account in Kilwa, Lamu, Pemba, and Mombasa, whereas in Zanzibar, it was used as a means of exchange and as a store of value. Owing to the lack of small denomination coins, in the coastal markets broken sums were generally paid in fixed measures of grain.
The coins of 19th-century Mombasa were put into circulation at the value of one kibaba (small basket) of grain, in relation to the piaster. In Zanzibar, one thaler was bought at 40 measures of corn (one measure corresponding to 5–7 pounds). The last coins issued in the Swahili world before the European partition were ordered by Sultan Barghash in the 1880s.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-37-175278267)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!hUjV!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fda0e342c-fb8a-4bcd-ac85-868aea93fdad_800x371.jpeg)
_**Gold coins from Kilwa Kisiwani, 14th century, Tanzania.**_ Image by Helen Brown.
Being commodities, cloth, cowries, and glass beads were also fungible items, and once they left economic circles, they could acquire various social, ritual, and cultural meanings.
In the kingdoms of Kongo and Loango, luxury cloth was used as burial shrouds for the wealthy elites. 17th to 19th century accounts of burials in Loango describe procedures that varied with the rank or wealth of the individual, with a mourning period lasting several weeks during which large quantities of cloth were collected to form a massive coffin that at times required dozens of men and a large wagon to carry.
Cowries were used in Buganda as bride wealth, and in the religious practices of societies near Lake Tanganyika. Gold dust, copper bars, and imported brassware were melted down and fashioned into jewellery across many societies in South-East Africa, such as the Zulu, Shona, and Swahili.
And on the East African coast, copper coins were pierced and transformed into jewelry, while others were left near important tombs by the relatives of the buried individuals.
Many of these currencies remained in circulation long after the imposition of colonial rule, surviving in informal trade and other social contexts, before they were ultimately displaced by modern fiat money.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!UjJz!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F592136df-d5d2-410e-8695-a225cfe2aeed_1260x496.jpeg)
_**Skirt made from glass beads**_, ca. 1850 Xhosa kingdom, South Africa. NMVW.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!zgKY!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd81357e0-f7ba-4552-8b07-68d8cd5410af_944x620.png)
_**18th century engraving showing the funeral process of Andris Poucouta, a Mafouk of Cabinda on the Loango coast, made by Louis de Grandpre**_.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!a-b9!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3b766355-3dc7-404c-8057-5e43ab9178c8_802x514.png)
_**Coins from Songo Mnara, Tanzania**_. including two clipped coins and a pierced coin. Image by S. Wynne-Jones and J. Fleisher
* * *
* * *
At the end of the Middle Ages, a group of merchants from the Mali empire established a trade colony at the edge of the forest in Côte d’Ivoire, which eventually grew into the city of Bonduku.
The city of Bonduku became a major hub whose distinctive cultural tradition and architecture presented a stark contrast to its rural hinterland. The history of Bonduku is the subject of my latest Patreon article
**Please subscribe to read more about it here and support this newsletter:**
[A CITY AT THE FOREST EDGE: BONDUKU](https://www.patreon.com/posts/139889930)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!v0mm!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fca9f68f8-5d8f-484e-95b7-af5636b2de37_916x739.png)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-1-175278267)
A History of West Central Africa to 1850 By John K. Thornton, pg 34
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-2-175278267)
Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis by Pacheco Pereira, translated by George H. T. Kimble, pg 145
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-3-175278267)
Early Kongo-Portuguese relations pg 187, 191, n.49, Afonso I Mvemba a Nzinga, King of Kongo: His Life and Correspondence By John K. Thornton, pg 110, n. 48
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-4-175278267)
Africa Counts: Number and Pattern in African Cultures By Claudia Zaslavsky, pg 86-87
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-5-175278267)
Garcia de Orta: Série de geografia, Volumes 10-13, pg 29
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-6-175278267)
Textiles: production, trade and demand, edited by Maureen Fennell Mazzaoui, pg 267-268
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-7-175278267)
The Mbundu and neighbouring peoples of Central Angola under the Influence of Portuguese Trade and Conquest by D Birmingham, pg 146-147, 201, Textiles: production, trade and demand, edited by Maureen Fennell Mazzaoui, pg 272, n. 52, 56.
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-8-175278267)
Power, Cloth and Currency on the Loango Coast by Phyllis M. Martin pg 1-4, The External Trade of the Loango Coast, 1576-1870: The Effects of Changing Commercial Relations on the Vili Kingdom of Loango by Phyllis M. Martin pg 39-40
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-9-175278267)
The Kingdom of Kongo By Anne Hilton, pg 106
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-10-175278267)
The Kingdom of Kongo: Civil War and Transition, 1641-1718 by John Thornton, pg 25, 33
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-11-175278267)
A History of West Central Africa to 1850 By John K. Thornton, pg 198-197
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-12-175278267)
A History of West Central Africa to 1850 By John K. Thornton, pg 290, Kongo in the Age of Empire, 1860–1913: The Breakdown of a Moral Order By Jelmer Vos pg 113
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-13-175278267)
‘Eastern Ethiopia’ by Frair João dos Santos (d. 1622), In ‘Records of South-Eastern Africa: Collected in Various Libraries and Archive Departments in Europe, Volume 7’ by George McCall Theal, pg 269-270. Volume 8 of ‘Documentos sobre os portugueses em Moçambique e na Africa central, 1497-1840: 1561-1588’ Pg 273
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-14-175278267)
An archaeological study of the Zimbabwe culture capital of Khami pg 14, 55, 166-167, New Perspectives on the Political Economy of Great Zimbabwe pg 13-16, Butua and the end of an era pg 19, 30, 229-230
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-15-175278267)
New Perspectives on the Political Economy of Great Zimbabwe by Shadreck Chirikure. The technology of tin smelting in the Rooiberg Valley, Limpopo Province, South Africa, ca. 1650–1850 CE by Shadreck Chirikure
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-16-175278267)
Lead isotopic provenance of some coins and other bronze items from an early Swahili site in Ibo Island (northern Mozambique) by Ignacio Montero-Ruiz et al.
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-17-175278267)
Dating the Mapungubwe Hill Gold by S. Woodborne, M. Pienaar & S. Tiley-Nel
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-18-175278267)
Gold in the Southern African Iron Age by Andrew Oddy
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-19-175278267)
Quirimbas islands (Northern Mozambique) and the Swahili gold trade by Marisa Ruiz-Galvez
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-20-175278267)
Rivers of Gold by H. Ellert, pg 152, Christianity South of the Zambezi, Volume 2 by Anthony J. Dachs, pg 19
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-21-175278267)
The Economics of the Zambezi Missions, 1580-1759 by W. F. Rea, pg 85, n. 166
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-22-175278267)
Volume 8 of Documentos sobre os portugueses em Moçambique e na Africa central, 1497-1840: 1561-1588, Pg 391
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-23-175278267)
Crafting Identity in Zimbabwe and Mozambique By Elizabeth MacGonagle pg 71-73, Africa’s Development in Historical Perspective edited by Emmanuel Akyeampong, Robert H. Bates, Nathan Nunn, James Robinson pg 268-269, The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 4 pg 388
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-24-175278267)
Copper, Trade and Polities: Exchange Networks in Southern Central Africa in the 2nd Millennium CE. Nicolas Nikis & Alexandre Livingstone Smith
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-25-175278267)
Provenancing Central African copper croisettes: A first chemical and lead isotope characterisation of currencies in Central and Southern Africa by Frederik W. Rademakers et al.
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-26-175278267)
The Rainbow and the Kings by Thomas O. Reefe, Thomas Q. Reefe, pg 95, 172. Kingdoms and Associations: Copper’s Changing Political Economy during the Nineteenth Century David M. Gordon
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-27-175278267)
Provenancing Central African copper croisettes: A first chemical and lead isotope characterisation of currencies in Central and Southern Africa by Frederik W. Rademakers
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-28-175278267)
Indigenous Metal Melting and Casting in Southern Africa by Duncan Miller. Red Gold of Africa: Copper in Precolonial History and Culture By Eugenia W. Herbert pg 191-195, Breaking Ground: Hoes in Precolonial South Africa—Typology, Medium of Exchange and Symbolic Value by Abigail Joy Moffett, Tim Maggs and Johnny van Schalkwyk. 19th century glass trade beads : from two Zulu royal residences. by SJ Saitowitz,
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-29-175278267)
The lands of Cazembe: Lacerda’s journey to Cazembe in 1798 by Antonio Gamitto
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-30-175278267)
Political Power in Pre-colonial Buganda: Economy, Society & Warfare in the Nineteenth Century by Richard J. Reid, pg 144-147. Currencies of the Indian Ocean World edited by Steven Serels, Gwyn Campbell, Pg 80-81
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-31-175278267)
‘A recognized currency in beads’. Glass Beads as Money in 19th-Century East Africa: the Central Caravan Road by Karin Pallaver
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-32-175278267)
To the Central African Lakes and Back: The Narrative of the Royal Geographical Society’s East Central African Expedition, 1878-80, by Joseph Thomson, (Searle, 1888) pg 90-91
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-33-175278267)
The Lake Regions of Central Africa: A Picture of Exploration By Sir Richard Francis Burton
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-34-175278267)
From Venice to East Africa: History, uses, and meanings of glass beads by Karin Pallaver pg 202
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-35-175278267)
From Venice to East Africa: History, uses, and meanings of glass beads by Karin Pallaver pg 209-214. Domesticating the World: African Consumerism and the Genealogies of Globalization by Jeremy Prestholdt pg 64
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-36-175278267)
The Swahili World edited by Stephanie Wynne-Jones, Adria Jean LaViolette, pg 448-451. The Indian Ocean and Swahili Coast coins, international networks, and local developments by John Perkins. Coins and other currencies on the Swahili coast by Stephanie Wynne-Jones and Jeffrey Fleisher. Coins in Context: Local Economy, Value and Practice on the East African Swahili Coast by Stephanie Wynne-Jones & Jeffrey Fleisher. A deposit of Kilwa-type coins from Songo Mnara, Tanzania by John Perkins et al.
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-currencies-and-monetary#footnote-anchor-37-175278267)
The Swahili World edited by Stephanie Wynne-Jones, Adria Jean LaViolette, pg 453-455
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Published Time: 2024-01-14T13:42:10+00:00
A history of Grande Comore (Ngazidja) ca. 700-1900.
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A history of Grande Comore (Ngazidja) ca. 700-1900.
===================================================
### State and society on a cosmopolitan island
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Situated a few hundred miles off the East African coast are a chain of volcanic islands whose history, society, and urban settlements are strikingly similar to the coastal cities of the mainland.
The Comoro archipelago forms a link between the East African coast to the island of Madagascar like a series of stepping stones on which people, domesticates, and goods travelled across the western Indian Ocean.
The history of Comoros was shaped by the movement and settlement of different groups of people and the exchange of cultures, which created a cosmopolitan society where seemingly contradictory practices like matriliny and Islam co-existed.
While the states that emerged on the three smaller islands of Nzwani, Mwali, and Mayotte controlled most of their territories, the largest island of Ngazidja was home to a dozen states competing for control over the entire island.
This article explores the history of Ngazidja from the late 1st millennium to the 19th century.
_**Location of Grande Comore on the East African Coast.**_[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-1-140646735)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!dDjh!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fed012c09-84a4-40d0-a23a-ccd6eb34552d_958x599.png)
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**Early history of Grande Comore from the 7th-14th century.**
The Comoro Archipelago was settled in the late 1st millennium by speakers of the Sabaki subgroup of Bantu languages from the East African coast. From these early populations evolved the Comorian languages of Shingazidja, Shimwali, Shindzuani, and Shimaore spoken on the islands of Ngazidja, Mwali, Nzwani, and Mayotte respectively. In the later centuries, different parts of the archipelago would receive smaller groups of immigrants including Austroneasian-speakers and Arabs, as well as a continued influx from the Swahili coast.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-2-140646735)
Archeological evidence suggests that Comoros' early settlement period is similar to that found along the East African coast. Small settlements of wattle and daub houses were built by farming and fishing communities that were marginally engaged in regional trade but showed no signs of social hierarchies. At Ngazidja, the 9th-12th century settlement at Mbachilé had few imported ceramics (about 6%), while another old village contained an Islamic burial but little evidence of external contact.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-3-140646735)
The ruins of later settlements on Ngazidja in the 13th-14th century include traces of masonry buildings of coral lime and more imported pottery, especially in the town of Mazwini. According to local tradition, this early settlement at Mazwini was abandoned and its inhabitants founded the city of Moroni. It was during this period that the Comoros islands first appeared in textural accounts often associated with the Swahili coast. The earliest of these accounts may have been al-idrisis’ probable reference to Nzwani (Anjouan), but the more certain reference comes from the 15th-century navigator Ibn Majid who mentions Ngazidja by its Swahili name.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-4-140646735)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!sZ8y!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fca19f096-237e-4047-95a5-80a09fe04332_848x554.png)
_**Moroni, early 20th century.**_
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**The emergence of states on Grande Comore (15th-17th century)**
The Comoro Islands were part of the 'Swahili world' of the East African coastal cities and their ruling families were often related both agnatically and affinally. Beginning in the 13th century, the southernmost section of the Swahili coast was dominated by the city of Kilwa, whose chronicle mentions early ties between its dynasty and the rulers of Nzwani. By the 15th century, the route linking Kilwa to Comoros and Madagascar was well established, and the cities lying along this route would serve as a refuge for the Kilwa elite who fled the city after it was [sacked by the Portuguese armies of Francisco de Almeida and his successors](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/kilwa-the-complete-chronological). It was during this period between the 15th and 16th centuries that the oldest states on Ngazidja were founded.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-5-140646735)
Traditional histories of Ngazidja associate the oldest dynasties on the Island with the so-called 'Shirazi', a common ethnonym that appears in the early history of the Swahili coast —In which a handful of brothers from Shiraz sailed to the east African coast, married into local elite families, and their unions produced the first rulers of the Swahili cities—. Ngazidja’s oral tradition is both dependent upon and radically different from Swahili tradition, reflecting claims to a shared heritage with the Swahili that were adapted to Ngazidja’s social context.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-6-140646735)
Ngazidja’s Shirazi tradition focuses on the states that emerged at Itsandra and Bambao on the western half of the island. In the latter, a ‘Shirazi’ **princess** from the Swahili coast arrived on the island and was married to Ngoma Mrahafu, the pre-existing ruler (bedja) of the land/state (_**Ntsi**_) of southern Bambao, the daughter born to these parents was then married to Fe pirusa, ruler of northern Bambao. These in turn produced a son, Mwasi Pirusa, who inherited all of Bambao. A later shipwreck brought more 'Shirazis' from the Swahili city of Kilwa, whose **princesses** were married to Maharazi, the ruler of a small town called Hamanvu. This union produced a daughter who was then married to the ruler of Mbadani, and their daughter married the ruler of Itsandra, later producing a son, Djumwamba Pirusa, who inherited the united state of Itsandra, Mbadani and Hamanvu.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-7-140646735)
This founding myth doubtlessly compresses a long and complex series of interrelationships between the various dynastic houses in Comoros and the Swahili coast. It demonstrates the contradictions inherent in establishing prestigious origins for local lineages that were culturally matrilineal; where the sons of a male founder would have belonged to the mother's lineage and undermined the whole legitimation project. [Instead of Shirazi](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the)_**[princes](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the)**_[as was the case for the Swahili](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the), the Ngazidja traditions claim that it was Shirazi **princesses** who were married off to local rulers (mabedja), and were then succeeded by the product of these unions, whether sons or daughters, that would take on the title of sultan ( mfaume/mflame).[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-8-140646735)
These traditions also reflect the genetic mosaic of Comoros, as recent studies of the genetic heritage of modern Comorians show contributions predominantly from Africa, (85% mtDNA, 60% Y-DNA) with lesser amounts from the Middle East and South-East Asia.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-9-140646735) But as is the case with the Swahili coast, the process of integrating new arrivals from East Africa and the rest of the Indian Ocean world into Comorian society was invariably complex, with different groups arriving at different periods and accorded different levels of social importance.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!9HuM!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc13af235-285b-4b82-ba9e-2ee70f52695f_750x522.png)
_**Ruins of an old mosque on Grande Comore, 1884, ANOM**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!6ViO!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F43ecdba5-12a5-4b42-b97d-708ae5e9a8be_928x518.png)
_**‘miracle mosque’ north of Mitsamiouli, Grande Comore**_
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Traditional accounts of Comorian history, both written and oral, stress the near-constant rivalry between the different states on Ngazidja, as well as the existence of powerful rulers in the island's interior. Portuguese accounts from the early 16th-century note that there were around twenty independent states on Ngazidja, they also remark on the island’s agricultural exports to the Swahili coast, which included "millet, cows, goats, and hens" that supply Kilwa and Mombasa.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-10-140646735)
The Comoro ports became an important stopping point for European ships that needed provisions for their crew, and their regular visits had a considerable political and economic impact on the islands, especially Nzwani. While the islands didn't fall under [Portuguese control like their Swahili peers](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-portuguese-and-the-swahili-from), several Portuguese traders lived on the island, carrying on a considerable trade in livestock and grain, as well as Malagasy captives. By the middle of the 16th century, Ngazidja was said to be ruled by Muslim dynasties "from Malindi"[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-11-140646735) —a catchall term for the Swahili coast.
Later arrivals by other European ships at the turn of the 17th century had mixed encounters with the rulers of Ngazidja. In 1591 an English crew was killed in battle after a dispute, another English ship in 1608 was warmly received at Iconi, while a Portuguese crew in 1616 reported that many of their peers were killed. Ngazidja's ambiguous reputation, and its lack of natural harbors, eventually prompted [European ships to frequent the island of Nzwani instead.](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of)[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-12-140646735) However, the pre-existing regional trade with the Swahili coast, Madagascar and Arabia continued to flourish.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!tBR8!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5d739179-73dd-47b3-9e33-5e6dd64ca8e1_960x576.png)
_**The island of Anjouan (Nzwani)**_
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**State and society on Grande Comore: 17th-19th century.**
By the 17th century, the sultanates of Ngazidja had been firmly established, with eleven separate states, the most powerful of which were Itsandra and Bambao. Each sultanate was centered around a political capital, which generally included a palace where the sultan (_**Mfaume wa Nsti**_) resided next to his councilors. Sometimes, a powerful sultan would succeed in imposing his hegemony over all the sultanates of the island and thus gain the title of _**Sultan Ntinbe.**_ Power was organized according to a complex hierarchy that extended from the city to the village, with each local leader (_**mfaume wa mdji**_) providing its armies, raising taxes, and settling disputes, while religious scholars carried out social functions and also advised the various rulers.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-13-140646735)
The choice of the sultan was elective, with candidates being drawn from the ruling matrilineage. The sultan was assisted by a council comprised of heads of lineages and other patricians, which restricted his powers through assemblies. The various local sultans nominally recognized the authority of the _**sultan ntibe**_, an honorific office that was alternatively claimed by the two great clans; the Hinya Fwambaya of Itsandra (allied with Washili and Hamahame), and the Hinya Matswa Pirusa, of Bambao (allied with Mitsamiouli, Hambou, Boudé and Boinkou).[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-14-140646735) while other clans included the M'Dombozi of Badgini (allied with Domba and Dimani)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!S3qw!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe528a7b0-0aa3-4c6b-9c0d-d31e55d65895_939x738.png)
_**the states (Ntsi) of Grande Comore in the late 19th century**_[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-15-140646735)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!VhWg!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7e4510b7-007c-4b4c-9ae3-d452371cda72_960x720.jpeg)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!maN8!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcaefe2a7-de33-4f1f-a634-e29b20d54cdb_827x543.png)
_**Kavhiridjewo palace ruins in Iconi, dated to the 16th-17th century**_[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-16-140646735)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!AoEv!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6d25c9d4-b0e3-48a1-aae2-e20ad9eb7270_800x576.jpeg)
_**Sultan Ali’s army parading in front of the great mosque of Moroni, ca. 1884, MNHN**_
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The second half of the 17th century was a period of prosperity for Ngazidja, particularly the state of Itsandra, which, under the rule of Sultan Mahame Said and his successor Fumu Mvundzambanga, saw the construction of the Friday mosques in Itsandramdjini and Ntsudjini. Sultan Fumu was succeeded by his niece, Queen Wabedja (ca. 1700-1743) who is particularly remembered in local traditions for her lengthy rule both as regent for her three short-lived sons and as a Queen regnant for nearly half a century.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-17-140646735)
A skillful diplomat, Queen Wabedja married off her daughters to the ruling families of the rival clan of Hinya Matswa Pirusa, which controlled the cities of Mitsamihuli, Ikoni, and Moroni. Trade with the Swahili coast boomed with Itsandramdjini as the island’s premier commercial centre. Itsandra became a center of learning whose scholars included Princess Mmadjamu, a celebrated poet and expert in theology and law.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-18-140646735)
The period of Wabedja's rule in the early 18th century is remembered as a golden age of Ngazidja's history. Like most of the Swahili coast, the island of Ndazidja received several [Hadrami-Alwai families in the 18th century, originally from the Swahili city of Pate (in Kenya’s Lamu archipelago)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city). They married locally and were acculturated into the dominant Comorian culture, particularly its matriclans. These families reinvigorated the society's Islamic culture and learning, mostly based in their village in Tsujini, but also in the city of Iconi. However, unlike the Swahili dynasties and the rulers of Nzwani, the Alawi of Ngazidja never attained political power but were only part of the Ulama.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-19-140646735)
Most cities (_**mdji**_) and towns in Ngazidja are structured around a public square: a bangwe, with monumental gates (mnara) and benches (upando) where customary activities take place and public meetings are held. The palaces, mosques, houses, and tombs were built around these, all enclosed within a series of fortifications that consisted of ramparts (ngome), towers (bunarisi), and doors (goba).[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-20-140646735)
In Ngazidja, each city is made up of matrilineages ordered according to a principle of precedence called kazi or mila[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-21-140646735). The Comorian marital home belongs to the wife, but the husband who enters it becomes its master. It is on this initial tension that broader gender relationships are built, and the house's gendered spaces are constructed to reflect Comorian cultural norms of matrilocality. Larger houses include several rooms serving different functions, with some that include the typical _zidaka_ wall niches of Swahili architecture and other decorative elements, all covered by a mix of flat roofs and double-pitched thatched roofs with open gables to allow ventilation.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-22-140646735)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!MWTJ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe4884985-6cf1-4aa5-a35e-59d8e61455b1_898x572.png)
_**Bangwe of Mitsudje, and Funi Aziri Bangwe of Iconi**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!PDdm!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcf2dccc5-3663-4228-830b-554f502d871a_750x515.png)
_**View of Moroni, ca. 1900, ANOM. with the bangwe in the middle ground**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!roys!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3561dcc4-e592-4375-8532-e88ab1465d44_890x587.png)
_**Mitsamiouli street scene, early 20th century**_
* * *
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* * *
At the end of her reign, Wabedja handed over power to her grandson Fumnau (r. 1743-1800), a decision that was opposed by Nema Feda, the queen of the north-eastern state of Hamahame. Nema Feda marched her army south against Fumnau’s capital Ntsudjini, but was defeated by the combined forces of Bambao and Itsandra. The old alliance between the two great clans crumbled further over the succession to the throne of Washili. This conflict led to an outbreak of war in which the armies of Itsandra's king Fumnau and Bambao's king Mlanau seized control over most of the island's major centers before Fumnau turned against Mlanau's successor and remained sole ruler of Ngazidja with the title of _**sultan ntibe**_.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-23-140646735)
During this period, [naval attacks from northern Madagascar beginning in 1798 wreaked havoc on Ngazidja](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the), prompting sultan Fumnau to construct the fortifications of Itsandramdjini, a move which was copied by other cities.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-24-140646735) The island remained an important center of trade on the East African coast. According to a visitor in 1819, who observed that the Ngazidja had more trade than the other islands, exporting coconuts to Zanzibar, cowries to India, and grain to Nzwani.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-25-140646735)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!UWJL!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc006ed04-b1f5-4723-a2b7-195b375532c6_824x432.png)
_**West rampart, Ntsaweni, Grande Comore**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!yKyn!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff0adb565-5bf8-4311-90f7-aab1df6c6fbd_826x462.png)
_**Northern rampant of Fumbuni, Grande Comore**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!0z-l!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6b42b45e-7aa4-4891-a686-371489356223_682x509.png)
_**Gerezani Citadel, Itsandra, Grande Comore**_
* * *
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* * *
**Grande Comore in the 19th century**
The sultans of Ngazidja maintained close ties with Nzwani and Zanzibar, and the island's ulama was respected along the Swahili coast. While both Nzwani and Zanzibar at times claimed suzerainty over the island, neither was recognized by any of Ngazidja's sultans. The island's political fragmentation rendered it impossible for Nzwani's rulers to claim control despite being related to some of the ruling families, while Zanzibar's Omani sultans followed a different sect of Islam that rendered even nominal allegiance untenable.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-26-140646735)
The 19th century in Ngazidja was a period of civil conflict instigated in large part by the long reign of the Bambao sultan Ahmed (r. 1813-1875), and his ruinous war against the sultans of Itsandra. In the ensuing decades, shifting political alliances and wars between all the major states on the island also came to involve external powers such as the Portuguese, French, and Zanzibar (under the British) whose military support was courted by the different factions.
In the major wars of the mid-19th century, sultan Ahmed defeated sultan Fumbavu of Itsandra, before he was deposed by his court in Bambao for allying with Fumbavu's successor Msafumu. Ahmed rallied his allies and with French support, regained his throne, but was later deposed by Msafumu. The throne of Bambao was taken by Ahmed's grandson Said Ali who rallied his allies and the French, to defeat Msafumu's coalition that was supported by Zanzibar. Said Ali took on the title of _**sultan ntibe**_, but like his predecessors, had little authority over the other sultans. This compelled him to expand his alliance with the French by inviting the colonial company of the french botanist Leon Humblot, to whom he leased much of the island (that he didn't control).[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-27-140646735)
In January 1886, against all the traditions of the established political system, Said Ali signed a treaty with France that recognized him as sultan of the entire island and established a French protectorate over Ngazidja. This deeply unpopular treaty was met with stiff opposition from the rest of the island, forcing Said Ali to flee in 1890 and the French to bring in troops to depose the Sultans. By 1892, the island was fully under French control and the sultanate was later abolished in 1904, marking the end of its autonomy.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-28-140646735)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!GDM_!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7e6c4c1a-61ac-4b15-866b-88f15fd854c3_592x800.jpeg)
_**Potrait of Saïd Ali, the last sultan of Grande Comore, ca. 1884**_, MNHN
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!_utk!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6dbfe31f-5f71-45de-a579-0070c0adb3a8_856x594.png)
_**Moroni beachfront**_
* * *
**The Portuguese invader of Kilwa, Francisco de Almeida, met his death at the hands of the Khoi-San of South Africa,**
**Read more about the history of one of Africa’s oldest communities here:**
[SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE KHOIKHOI](https://www.patreon.com/posts/social-history-96031188)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!NSah!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7ed5c2bd-8f56-4409-b272-101ff4ce2e9c_669x1203.png)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-1-140646735)
Map by Stephanie Wynne-Jones and Ian Walker
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-2-140646735)
The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones, Adria Jean LaViolette pg 267-268, Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea: A History of the Comoros By Iain Walker pg 36)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-3-140646735)
The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones, Adria Jean LaViolette pg 271, 273-274
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-4-140646735)
The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones, Adria Jean LaViolette pg 281-282, The Comoro Islands in Indian Ocean Trade before the 19th Century by Malyn Newitt pg 144)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-5-140646735)
The Comoro Islands in Indian Ocean Trade before the 19th Century by Malyn Newitt pg 142-144)
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-6-140646735)
The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency in the Indian Ocean by M. D. D. Newitt pg 16, The Making of the Swahili: A View from the Southern End of the East African Coast by Gill Shepherd pg 140
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-7-140646735)
Becoming the Other, Being Oneself: Constructing Identities in a Connected World By Iain Walker pg 60-61, Cités, citoyenneté et territorialité dans l’île de Ngazidja by Sophie Blanchy
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-8-140646735)
Becoming the Other, Being Oneself: Constructing Identities in a Connected World By Iain Walker pg pg 59-64)
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-9-140646735)
Genetic diversity on the Comoros Islands shows early seafaring as a major determinant of human bicultural evolution in the Western Indian Ocean by Said Msaidie
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-10-140646735)
The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency in the Indian Ocean by M. D. D. Newitt pg 16)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-11-140646735)
The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency in the Indian Ocean by M. D. D. Newitt pg 146-151, Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea: A History of the Comoros By Iain Walker pg 53)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-12-140646735)
Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea: A History of the Comoros By Iain Walker pg 54-55)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-13-140646735)
Cités, citoyenneté et territorialité dans l’île de Ngazidja by Sophie Blanchy
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-14-140646735)
Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea: A History of the Comoros By Iain Walker pg 68, 44)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-15-140646735)
Map by Charles Viaut et al, these states constantly fluctuated in number from anywhere between 8 to 12
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-16-140646735)
This and similar photos by Charles Viaut et al
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-17-140646735)
Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea: A History of the Comoros By Iain Walker pg 71)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-18-140646735)
Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea: A History of the Comoros By Iain Walker pg 71)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-19-140646735)
Sufis and Scholars of the Sea: Family Networks in East Africa, 1860-1925 by Anne K. Bang pg 27-31, 47-53)
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-20-140646735)
Le patrimoine bâti d’époque classique de Ngazidja (Grande Comore, Union des Comores). Rapport de synthèse de prospection et d’étude de bâti by Charles Viaut et al., pg 40-41)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-21-140646735)
Cités, citoyenneté et territorialité dans l’île de Ngazidja by Sophie Blanchy
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-22-140646735)
La maison urbaine, cadre de production du statut et du genre à Anjouan (Comores), XVIIe-XIXe siècles by Sophie Blanchy
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-23-140646735)
Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea: A History of the Comoros By Iain Walker pg 72-73)
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-24-140646735)
The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency in the Indian Ocean by M. D. D. Newitt pg 22)
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-25-140646735)
Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea: A History of the Comoros By Iain Walker pg 73, 102)
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-26-140646735)
Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea: A History of the Comoros By Iain Walker pg 102)
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-27-140646735)
Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea: A History of the Comoros By Iain Walker pg 103-104, The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency in the Indian Ocean by M. D. D. Newitt pg 32)
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-28-140646735)
Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency in the Indian Ocean by M. D. D. Newitt pg 32)
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Published Time: 2024-11-17T16:46:54+00:00
A history of Horses in the southern half of Africa ca. 1498-1900.
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A history of Horses in the southern half of Africa ca. 1498-1900.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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Horses and humans have shared a long history in Africa since the emergence of equestrian societies across the continent during the bronze age.
For over 3,000 years, [Horses were central to the formation and expansion of states in West Africa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/knights-of-the-sahara-a-history-of?utm_source=publication-search), the Maghreb, and the Horn of Africa, leading to the creation of some of the world's largest land empires such as Kush, Songhai, and Bornu, whose formidable cavalries extended across multiple ecological zones.
While the use of horses is often thought to have been confined to the northern half of the continent, Horses were present in parts of the southern half of the continent and equestrian traditions emerged among some of the kingdoms of southern Africa where the horse became central to the region’s political and cultural history.
This article explores the history of the Horse in the southern half of Africa, including its spread in warfare, its adoption by pre-colonial African societies, and the emergence of horse-breeds that are unique to the region.
_**Map showing the spread of horses in the southern half of Africa.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!JQBN!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb77b82a9-a4d0-45da-8ad8-2b6216360d07_739x602.png)
* * *
**Horses and other pack animals in the southern half of Africa before the 17th century.**
One of the earliest mentions of Horses on the mainland of southern Africa comes from a Portuguese account in 1554, describing the journey of a group of shipwrecked sailors north of the Mthatha River (Eastern Cape province). The Portuguese mention that they saw _**“a large herd of buffaloes, zebras, and horses, which we only saw in this place during the whole of our journey”[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-1-151756517)**_
This isolated reference to horses in southern Africa is rather exceptional since the rest of the earliest Portuguese accounts only mention horses in the Swahili cities of the East African coast.
Horses spread to the African continent during the second millennium BC, and were adopted by many societies across the Maghreb, West Africa, and the Horn of Africa by the early centuries of the common era. However, the spread of Horses south of the equator was restricted by trypanosomiasis, which explains the apparent absence of the Horse among the mainland societies of that region, and their use of oxen as the preferred pack animal.
Al-Masudi’s 10th-century description of Sofala (on the southern coast of Mozambique) for example, mentions that the _Zanj_ of that region _**“use the ox as a beast of burden, for they have no horses, mules or camels in their land”**_ adding that _**“These oxen are harnessed like a horse and run as fast.”**_ A 12th-century account by Al-Idrisi describing the island of Mombasa in modern Kenya mentions that the King's guards _**“go on foot because they have no mounts: horses cannot live there.”**_[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-2-151756517)
While neither of these writers visited Sofala (al-Masudi may have reached Pemba), their descriptions were likely influenced by the extensive use of oxen as pack animals among many mainland societies in the southern half of the continent.
The Khoe-san speakers of south-western Africa for example are known to have used cattle in transport and in warfare.
Accounts of their first encounter with the Portuguese in 1497, mention that the oxen of the Khoe-san were _**“very marvellously fat, and very tame”**_ adding that _**“the blacks fit the fattest of them with pack-saddles made of reeds ...and on top of these some sticks to serve as litters, and on these they ride.”**_[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-3-151756517) The Khoe-san famously deployed these oxen during the battle of Table Bay in 1510. The warriors skilfully used their herd of cattle as moving shields and successfully defeated the Portuguese forces of Dom Francisco d'Almeida.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-4-151756517)
Other societies in south-west Africa, such as the Bantu-speaking Xhosa also rode on cattle as attested in the earliest documentary record about their communities in the 17th century. Trained oxen of the Khoe-san, Xhosa, and the Sotho were ridden with saddles made of sheepskin fastened by a rope girth. They usually had a hole drilled through the cartilage of their noses and a wooden stick with a rope fastened to either end to enable the rider to direct the animal.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-5-151756517)
Further north in the regions between modern Angola and Zambia, riding oxen were utilized by various African societies, especially in the drier savannah regions where large herds of cattle could be kept.
The 1798 account of the Portuguese governor of Mozambique-Island, Francisco José de Lacerda, mentions that riding oxen (bois cavallos) were the primary means of transport in the Lunda province of Kazembe, besides the more ubiquitous head porterage. While Lacerda recommended that the Portuguese should import camels or domesticate zebras, multiple attempts to introduce camels ended in failure, and the zebra remains undomesticated.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-6-151756517)
Later accounts from the 19th century document the extensive use of riding oxen in Angola by both local and foreign traders traveling as far as Congo and parts of Zambia. A particular breed of cattle from Barosteland (the Lozi kingdom) called the ‘Yenges’ were used as riding oxen in Angola[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-7-151756517). According to an account from 1875, oxen were trained for riding at Moçâmedes in southwestern Angola; _**“the cartilage of the nose is perforated, and through the opening, a thin, short piece of round iron is passed, at the end of which are attached the reigns and the animal is guided by them in the same manner as a horse.”**_[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-8-151756517)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!aw6B!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd6e53e13-11a0-44fb-9a9d-47c80594fb62_692x591.png)
_**a Sanza (thumb piano) with an equestrian figure riding a highly stylized bull**_, 19th century, Chokwe artist, Angola/D.R.Congo, Cleveland Museum
Horses appear more frequently in the earliest accounts of Portuguese visitors to the East African coast.
When Vasco Da Gama first arrived in the city of Malindi in 1498, he observed two horsemen engaged in a mock fight. The Portuguese thus sent gifts to the king of Malindi, which included a saddle, bridles, and stirrups, all of which the king utilized during a brief ceremony where he rode on horseback. In 1505, after the Portuguese invasion of Kilwa by Dom Francisco d’Almeida (before he was killed by the Khoe-San), the rival kings he installed also rode on horseback to proclaim their ascendancy, likely inspired by the ceremony witnessed at Malindi, or part of a pre-existing tradition.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-9-151756517)
An account from 1511 by Tom Pires indicates that the horses of the East African coast were imported from Yemen. He mentions that; _**“Goods are brought from Kilwa, Malindi Brava, Mogadishu, and Mombassa in exchange for the good horses in this Arabia.”**_[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-10-151756517) However, later accounts of Swahili trade and military systems indicate that these horses were used sparingly, likely only serving a ceremonial function, while donkeys and camels remained the main pack animals, and can still be seen in the modern streets of Lamu and Mombasa.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Tphe!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F22f605e0-1d14-4321-90ed-3a8eed2ed5ac_1600x1001.jpeg)
_**Donkeys carrying building material, early 20th century**_, Mombasa, Kenya.
* * *
**The defeat of European cavalries in subequatorial Africa: Portuguese Horsemen in Angola and Zimbabwe.**
The earliest encounter with European horses in the southern half of the continent began during the first wave of invasions of the mainland during the late 16th century.
In 1570-71, the Portuguese conquistador Francisco Barreto traveled up the Zambezi River at Sena (in Mozambique) with about **“twenty three horses and five hundred and sixty musqueteers”** in his [failed invasion of the kingdom of Mutapa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-mutapa-and-the-portuguese) (in Zimbabwe), where some of the horses were poisoned by rival Swahili merchants while others died due to disease.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-11-151756517)
Along the Atlantic coast in what is today modern Angola, a few horses were reportedly introduced in the kingdom of Kongo, along with Portuguese mercenaries to serve the Kongo king Afonso I as early as 1514, but both proved to be rather unsatisfactory, and the horses did not survive for long.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-12-151756517)
Significant numbers of war horses only arrived in west-central Africa during the [Portuguese invasion of the kingdom of Ndongo](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese) in the late 16th century which led to the creation of the coastal colony of Angola with its capital at Luanda.
In 1592, Francisco de Almeida (unrelated to the one mentioned above) arrived in Luanda with 400 soldiers and 50 horsemen who led a failed invasion into the Kisama province of Ndongo in order to reverse an earlier defeat inflicted on the Portuguese forces by Ndongo's army. The initial attack using the cavalry disorganized the armies of Kisama, although the latter countered the effect of cavalry by using the surrounding cover of the woods to draw and defeat the Portuguese force, forcing them to retreat.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-13-151756517)
A later invasion of the kingdom of Ndongo & Matamba in 1626 led by Bento Banha Cardoso against the famous queen Njinga was relatively successful. The Portuguese installed an allied king opposed to Njinga, whose retreating forces were unsuccessfully pursued by _**“eighty cavalry and foot soldiers.”**_ Cavalry frequently appeared in Portuguese battles with Njinga's army, but their numbers remained modest, with only 16 cavalry among the 400 Portuguese officers and 30,000 auxiliaries at the battle of Kavanga in 1646.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-14-151756517)
The small cavalry force of the Portuguese was maintained by constantly importing remounts from Brazil and other places, but these troops were never a significant factor in warfare. They typically fought dismounted, as they did at Kavanga, and even in reconnaissance or pursuit never went faster than the quick-footed pedestrian scouts.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-15-151756517)
The Portuguese who had come to central Africa hoping to repeat the feats of the Spanish horsemen in Mexico were quickly disappointed. Their early claims that one horseman was equal to a thousand infantrymen were rendered obsolete by the realities of warfare in central Africa.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-16-151756517) The last of the largest Portuguese invasions which included a cavalry unit of 50 horsemen was soundly defeated by the armies of Matamba in 1681; more than 100 Portuguese men were killed along with many of their 40,000 African auxiliaries.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-17-151756517)
It should be noted that the ineffectiveness of cavalry warfare didn’t present a significant impediment to Portuguese colonization of the southern half of the continent, as they nevertheless managed to establish vast colonies in the interior of central Africa, south-east Africa, and [the Swahili coast](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-portuguese-and-the-swahili-from?utm_source=publication-search), which at their height in the early 17th century, occupied a much larger territory than the Dutch Cape colony of south-west Africa, where the environment was more conducive to horses and cavalry warfare.
* * *
**From the Cape to the kingdoms of Southern Africa: the spread of an equestrian tradition to the Khoe-San, Xhosa, Tswana, Mpondo, Sotho, and Zulu societies.**
Horses arrived in the Dutch Cape colony in 1653, about a century after they were first sighted in the eastern Cape region by the Portuguese.
The importation of horses, which began with four Javanese horses brought by the colony’s founder Van Riebeeck in 1653, was a perilous process and their numbers remained low for most of the 17th century. African horse-sickness initially constrained horse breeding, forcing settlers to use idiosyncratic mixtures of local knowledge of disease management. They learned from the Khoe herders how to use smoky fires to discourage flies, grazing at higher elevations, and where to move horses between seasons inorder to keep the stock alive.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-18-151756517)
After gradually building up their stock of horses, settler authorities used them to display settler ascendancy to the subject population of the cape. By 1670, they established horse-based ‘commando’ units for policing the frontier; these traveled as cavalry but attacked as typical infantry units that dismounted to shoot. The number of Horses steadily rose from 197 in 1681 to 2,325 in 1715 to 5,749 by 1744. Horse riding and warfare became an important symbol of social identity and military power for the Boer population of the cape, which prompted neighbouring African societies to adopt this equestrian tradition.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-19-151756517)
Beginning in the 1780s, creolized groups of Khoe-san speakers such as the Griqua and Kora, mounted on horses, moved to the Orange River area and beyond as part of the eastward migration from the Cape colony. The small Griqua and Kora societies were primarily engaged in cattle raiding and horse trade with and against sedentary communities like the Xhosa and Sotho. Griqua and Kora warriors used horses to supply mobility but primarily fought on foot.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-20-151756517)
Other creolized groups such as the AmaTola, assimilated horses into the raiding economies, and their belief systems. They brought horses to the Drakensberg from the eastern Cape frontier and became acculturated into the neighboring sedentary societies, especially the Xhosa from whom their ethnonym is likely derived and whose equestrian tradition they initially influenced.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-21-151756517)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!GJp3!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdda4d717-fb54-4497-8e9f-18eb8106ba1e_753x557.png)
_**Spear-wielding men**_**[**San foragers**]**_**, some probably dismounted from the nearby horses, ‘hunt’ a hippopotamus**_. Traced by Patricia Vinnicombe from a rock-painting in the East Griqualand area of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-22-151756517)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!h6cV!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F85a1968d-bc95-4049-bfc0-2140d3b3a143_558x515.png)
_**Korana horseman, ca. 1836**_, illustration by Thomas Arbousset and François Daumas.
In the modern eastern cape region, the Xhosa gradually adopted the use of horses and firearms during their century-long wars against the Boers, British and neighboring African groups. The armies Xhosa king Sarhili (r. 1835-1892) won several battles against the neighbouring Thembu and Mpondo due to their skillful use of horses and firearms. By 1846, Xhosa factions were able to mobilize as many as 7,000 armed mounted men, and they soon became excellent horsemen, although horses weren't commonly used in actual combat due to the terrain.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-23-151756517)
In contrast to the Sarhili’s Xhosa kingdom, the neighboring kingdom of Mpondo under King Faku (r. 1818 -1867) did not create cavalry units. King Faku often preferred to avoid hostilities with the Boers and the British, and instead played the two groups against each other. The Mpondo nevertheless acquired horses from the neighbouring Khoe-san groups through trade and raiding, and the horses were used in transport and minor conflicts in Mpondoland.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-24-151756517)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!WqT4!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6b03da1d-6959-473f-87a5-bf78d17ad809_997x536.png)
_**procession of men on horse-back in Pondoland, ca. 1936, eastern cape region, South Africa**_. British Museum.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ALiI!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2aed6c3f-eede-42f3-b1ef-d3efe988f1c0_991x581.png)
_**two men riding on horse-back in Pondoland**_, ca. 1936, British Museum.
Raids by the Kora against the baSotho made a significant impression on the latter, whose king Moshoeshoe (r. 1822-1870) acquired his first horse in 1829 while he was consolidating his power to create the kingdom of Lesotho. Moshoeshoe's subjects quickly became more than a match for the Kora and other San groups as they acquired their own horses and guns. Some were captured from the Kora, while others were procured by individuals who had gone to work on farms in the Cape Colony, and many more were obtained through trade.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-25-151756517)
Moshoeshoe began to build up a small cavalry as he gained more followers. He attacked the predatory bands of the Kora and Griqua from the early 1830s, and traded with some who were allies. By 1839 the price of horses had increased to ten guineas (or six oxen for one horse) at Griqua Town because there was a ready buyer’s market in the neighbouring baSotho chiefs. Between 1833 and 1838 Moshoeshoe imported 200 horses and by 1842 he had 500 armed horsemen who were _**“constantly prepared for war.”**_[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-26-151756517)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!HUN1!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fde957fc1-9d92-40a9-ba38-c315d75a6784_720x425.png)
_**baSotho horsemen in the early 20th century**_, photo likely from the 1925 visit of the prince of wales.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!sy4L!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F40b6892d-ba89-415a-b585-1e151d8da8f3_1311x535.png)
_**‘A Basuto Scout’**_, engraving by Unbekannt, ca. 1880. _**‘A Mosotho Horseman’**_, undated photo at the National Archives, UK. _**Horseman from from Basutoland**_, ca. 1936, Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, UK.
Horses were used to transport mounted infantry or for cavalry action with the knobkierie and assegai (spear). By 1852 the Basotho forces stood at about 6,000, _**“almost all clothed in European costumes and with saddles.”**_ These horsemen managed to put up a successful defense against a British colonial army at the Battle of Berea.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-27-151756517)
Increased conflicts between the kingdom and the Boer Orange Free State culminated in the first First Basotho–Boer War in 1858, and a second war in 1868, which involved between 10,000 and 20,000 Basotho cavalry and infantrymen. Losses from both conflicts compelled Moshoeshoe to seek British protection in 1869, and Lesotho became part of the Cape colony by the time of his death in 1870.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-28-151756517)
Internally, the kingdom mostly remained under local authority, and horses continued to play a central role in its political administration and cultural traditions. Horses facilitated the governance of greater areas and provided a more effective communication system. The Horse population of the kingdom doubled from just under 40,000 in 1875 to over 80,000 in 1890 compared to a human population of about 120,000. Horses played a key role in the 1880-81 'Gun-war' against the Cape colony's attempt to disarm the baSotho, which ended with the latter retaining their guns and horses, even as their kingdom was placed directly under British in 1884.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-29-151756517)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ESh4!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1237147e-dc26-469b-9ab9-b0e2ade8d91d_994x615.png)
_**Horsemen in the Quthing District of Basutoland**_, ca. 1936, British Museum.
Further north in the modern province of Kwazulu Natal, the arrival of Horses is associated with the rise of the AmaThethwa king Dingiswayo, who reportedly traveled to the eastern cape region and returned on horseback with a firearm[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-30-151756517). However, horses would not be widely adopted in the military systems of the Mthethwa and Zulu kingdoms, with the late exception of the Zulu king Dinuzulu (r. 1884-1913) who included a small contingent of 30 horsemen to assist his infantry force of 4,000 during the rebellion of 1888.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-31-151756517)
Horses arrived late in the northmost provinces and were less decisive in warfare. In June 1831 a coalition of 300 Griqua horsemen and several hundred Tswana spearmen was roundly defeated by the Ndebele king Mzilikazi near present-day Sun City in the north-west province. The Ndebele captured large numbers of firearms and horses but did not make much use of them and most of the captured horses eventually died of disease.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-32-151756517)
The mixed infantry and cavalry forces of the Boers fared better against the armies of the Ndebele and the Zulu between 1836-1838, and against the horse-riding Tswana chiefdoms of Gasebonwe and Mahura in 1858. However, horses were rarely used in actual combat and horse-sickness restricted the length of some campaigns, such as in the wars with the baPedi ruler Sekhukhune in 1878. In these regions, both the Boers and the British used horses to transport troops to battle; in skirmishes to break enemy formations; and to pursue defeated foes.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-33-151756517)
These tactics were then applied to devastating effect during the second Anglo-Boer war of 1899-1902, which was the last major cavalry war in southern Africa, resulting in the deaths of at least 326,000 horses alongside nearly 200,000 human casualties.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-34-151756517)
* * *
**Horse Breeding and Trade**
The vast majority of horses in the pre-colonial societies of southern Africa originated from the ‘Cape Horse’ breed, which measured about 14.3 hands. The ‘Cape Horse’ was itself the result of a globalised fusion of the following breeds; the South-east Asian or ‘Javanese’ pony (itself arguably of Arab–Persian stock); imported Persians (1689); South American stock (1778); North American stock (1792); English Thoroughbreds (1792); and later Spanish Barbs (1807); with a particularly significant Arabian genetic influence.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-35-151756517)
The export of horses from the Cape colony began in 1769 but this trade remained very modest and erratic save for between 1857 and 1861 when thousands of Horses were exported to India. The Horse trade with neighboring African societies (often clandestine) was more significant, especially after the British conquest of the cape in 1806 which compelled some of its population to migrate beyond its borders.
Despite the recurring epidemic of horse-disease which killed anywhere between 20-30% of the horse population every two decades, the number of Horses in the cape exploded from 47,436 at the time of the British conquest to 145,000 in 1855 to 446,000 in 1899 on the eve of the Anglo-Boer war. However, this was largely the result of increased imports, as most of the remaining Cape Horses were killed by disease and in the Anglo-Boer war. By the end of the 19th century, the once redoubtable Cape horse was pronounced as being as ‘extinct as the quagga’, having been replaced by the English Thoroughbred.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-36-151756517)
The Kora, Griqua, Xhosa, and Sotho, began breeding horses as soon as they were acquired. By the early 19th century, the Griqua established a settlement in Philippolis, and were becoming increasingly equestrianised and ‘breeding good horses.’[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-37-151756517) As late as 1908, a colonial report notes that “in the fine territory of East Griqualand” (just south of Lesotho), _**“the principal industries are sheep farming, horse breeding and agriculture on a small scale, horse sickness, which is so destructive in many parts of Cape Colony, being unknown.”**_[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-38-151756517)
Trade between the British-controlled Cape colony and the Xhosa in the 1820s ensured that horses and guns were acquired by the latter, albeit illegally as it was forbidden. The Xhosa later started breeding horses themselves and by the end of the 1830s, one cape official noted: _**“Not many years ago the Africans … looked upon a horse as a strange animal which few of them would venture to mount. Now they are becoming bold horsemen, are possessed of large numbers of horses.”**_[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-39-151756517)
In Lesotho, a local horse breed known as the ‘Basuto pony’ which measures about 13.2-14.2 hands[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-40-151756517), was created from a heterogeneous stock acquired from various sources, whose diverse origins are reflected in the breed’s changing nomenclature. The earliest Sesotho phrase for the horse was _**khomo-ea-haka**_, literally translated as ‘cattle called haka’ (hacqua being the Khoisan name for a horse). Haka was then replaced by the word ‘pere’ from the Dutch/Afrikaans ‘perd’ likely obtained from the Kora. From 1830 to 1850 imported stock was mostly ‘Cape horses’ of ‘South-east Asian’ origin, that were later mixed with the English Thoroughbred horses in the second half of the 19th century.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-41-151756517)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!J4Cu!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd40cf197-e5cf-415e-bfa4-1998377d625e_1000x817)
_**a Basuto pony**_, oil on canvas painting by William Josiah Redworth, ca. 1904.
By the early 1870s, Basutoland was a major supplier of grain and horses to the Kimberly diamond fields, rivaling the Boer Free State Boers. This export trade grew rapidly on the outbreak of the Anglo-Boer wars in 1899, as the baSotho sold their horses to both sides and dictated the terms of the market. In 1900 alone the Basotho exported 4,419 horses worth £64,031 (£6,087,000 today). Basotho ponies were particularly desired, because they were famously hardy and were already acclimatized to local conditions and diseases. Their quality was praised by the imperial authorities and British press: _**“They are all very square-built active animals, just the thing for campaigning, but the Basutos would not sell their own riding horses for love or money. All they would sell were the spare horses.”**_[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-42-151756517)
As late as 1923, the “principal occupations” of Lesotho were “agriculture, horse-breeding and stock-farming” according to a detailed account of the kingdom whose author also praises the Basuto pony, describing it as a ‘fine beast’ that will _**“carry his rider in safety along the most precipitous paths in the rugged mountains amongst which he has been bred.”**_[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-43-151756517)
In the north-western region of South Africa bordering Namibia and Botswana, a type of horse breed similar to the Basuto Pony was developed and was referred to as the Namaqua pony, named after the Nama-speaking Khoe-san groups of the region. The Namaqua pony was spread to Botswana and Namibia where it was mixed with German horse breeds, although it is said to be currently extinct.[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-44-151756517)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!QZAl!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F83111a5a-ce77-46b7-9df5-dbbb7d656ca3_641x577.png)
_**Basotho Pony, ca. 1902**_, Harold Sessions.
* * *
**The Horse in the cultural history of pre-colonial Southern Africa.**
Among the Khoe-san speaking groups like the Korana and AmaTola, horse-riding became central to social identity and the economies of their frontier societies.[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-45-151756517) This is best reflected in the surviving artwork of both groups, which often includes stylized depictions of human figures on horseback, alongside other animals associated with local belief systems such as baboons. The motif of the horse and baboon was harnessed by shamans who assumed their protective power to keep the AmaTola safe on their mounted forays.[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-46-151756517)
The emphasis on horses in their art reflects the value that these animals had as one of the chief means by which desirable goods could be obtained, traded, and defended. Riders are frequently shown controlling their steeds using reins and sometimes have a thin horizontal line emanating from their shoulders, likely depicting a gun, and in one artwork riders are shown close to an elephant, likely signaling the importance that hunting ivory had for Korana, Griqua, and other frontier groups.[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-47-151756517)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!CQk3!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F712433c1-2307-4491-aaea-ec33d8d92e44_920x648.png)
_**Human figure with a baboon head and tail dances with dancing sticks while horsemen exhibiting mixed material culture (brimmed hats with feathers, spears, muskets) ride together.**_ Rock art from the headwaters of the Mankazana River in the Eastern Cape region, Image by Sam Challis and Brent Sinclair-Thomson.[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-48-151756517)
In Lesotho, the military horse was seamlessly incorporated into male domestic life. According to an account from 1875: _**“the traditional wish with every young Basuto to possess a horse and gun, without which he does not consider himself "a man", and is liable to be jeered at by his more fortunate fellows.”**_[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-49-151756517)
The longevity of this militarised masculinity is illustrated by the oral testimony of an old man, born in 1896, who spoke of riding a horse and bearing arms in the early decades of the twentieth century even when it was not strictly speaking necessary, simply to exhibit a permanent preparedness for war.[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-50-151756517)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!KMBz!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F06065da2-c316-4aec-b531-1eab45a27fa8_992x614.png)
_**Group of horseriders in Lesotho**_, ca. 1936, British Museum.
While cattle remained the main symbols of wealth, horses could be used in social transactions like _**bohali**_ (bridewealth). Men usually received their first horse from their fathers which could be given as part of _bohali_, especially the ‘Molisana’ horse. By the end of the 19th century, virtually every male adult in Lesotho had a horse.
Horse riding among baSotho women was relatively rare. According to a late account from 1923, **“**_**The women ride seldom, but young herds**(youths)**ride anything and everything that can boast four legs, from a goat to a bullock, tumbling off and then on again till the unhappy animal gives in and becomes quite a respectable mount.”**_ In contrast, elite women in Mpondoland typically rode horses.[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-51-151756517)
Beyond their military function, horses were also used in domestic contexts, not just in rural transport, but also in various activities including; hunting (typically among the San foragers but also among the Boers and the African groups); in ploughing and threshing (complementing oxen for the Boers and the Sotho); and in the transport of trade goods (everything from horse-drawn cabs of the 19th-century cape colony, to the simple loading of goods on horseback in the rest of the country).[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-52-151756517)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!IGvK!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe44046ca-04ec-4c1f-ac17-b5f394881153_804x620.png)
_**Horsewomen in Lesotho and Pondoland**_, ca. 1936, South Africa, British Museum.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!zGV3!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F99f6cfad-7b92-4131-85ec-eb0642638121_590x440.png)
_**‘Basuto ponies threshing grain’**_ ca. 1924, by E. A. T. Dutton.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!lxUM!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F177ca9b6-0d6e-44d4-a616-0c4526733788_723x621.png)
_**Transporting goods on horseback in Pondoland**_, ca. 1936, British Museum.
Horse riding and breeding went into rapid decline during the post-war period in South Africa. Despite multiple attempts to revive the use of horses during the 1920s and 40s, horses were increasingly becoming obsolete on large-scale commercial farms, in public transport, and in the military, the few remaining uses of horses became symbolic, and their breeding became intertwined with the emerging politics of the apartheid era.[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-53-151756517)
In Lesotho, Horses retained their significance in the local economy and are still widely used for general transport over the dramatic topography of the country. The Horse remains an important symbol of Sotho cultural identity and appears in the Basotho coat of arms. The cultural significance of the Horse in Lesotho and the survival of the ‘Basuto pony’ to the present day makes the country one of the most remarkable equestrian societies on the continent.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!kKmg!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0b031471-d944-434b-9f2d-bff79a4e0194_800x477.png)
_**Horsemen in Lesotho**_, photo by Lefty Shivambu/Gallo Images.
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-1-151756517)
Records of South-Eastern Africa: Collected in Various Libraries, Volume 1, edited by George McCall Theal pg 258
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-2-151756517)
The East African Coast: Select Documents from the First to the Earlier Nineteenth Century by Stewart Parker Freeman-Grenville pg 15-16, 20
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-3-151756517)
The Cape Herders: A History of the Khoikhoi of Southern Africa by Emile Boonzaier pg 55)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-4-151756517)
Remembering the Khoikhoi victory over Dom Francisco de Almeida at the Cape in 1510 by David Johnson
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-5-151756517)
Riding High: Horses, Humans and History in South Africa by Sandra Scott Swart pg 20)
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-6-151756517)
Lacerda's Journey to Cazembe in 1798 pg 19-20, A Short History of Modern Angola by David Birmingham pg 30-32
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-7-151756517)
The Use of Oxen as Pack and Riding Animals in Africa By Gerhard Lindblom pg 45-49
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-8-151756517)
Angola and the River Congo, Volume 2 By Joachim John Monteiro pg 218-219
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-9-151756517)
The East African Coast: Select Documents from the First to the Earlier Nineteenth Century by Stewart Parker Freeman-Grenville pg 54, 62-63, 95, 107
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-10-151756517)
The East African Coast: Select Documents from the First to the Earlier Nineteenth Century by Stewart Parker Freeman-Grenville pg 125
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-11-151756517)
Records of South-Eastern Africa: Collected in Various Libraries, Volume 1 edited by George McCall Theal pg 26, A History of Mozambique by M. Newitt pg 57-58
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-12-151756517)
Warfare in Atlantic Africa, 1500-1800 By John Kelly Thornton pg 108
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-13-151756517)
Njinga of Angola: Africa’s Warrior Queen By Linda M. Heywood pg 28, A History of West Central Africa to 1850 By John K. Thornton pg 101
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-14-151756517)
Njinga of Angola: Africa’s Warrior Queen By Linda M. Heywood pg 87, 101, 104, 106, 144, 146
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-15-151756517)
The Art of War in Angola, 1575-1680 by John Kelly Thornton pg 367, 375)
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-16-151756517)
The Art of War in Angola, 1575-1680 by John Kelly Thornton pg 375
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-17-151756517)
the Mbundu and their neighbours under the influence of the Portuguese 1483-1700 by D Birmingham pg 231-232
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-18-151756517)
Riding High: Horses, Humans and History in South Africa by Sandra Scott Swart pg 22-24
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-19-151756517)
Riding High: Horses, Humans and History in South Africa by Sandra Scott Swart pg 27-31
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-20-151756517)
Riding High: Horses, Humans and History in South Africa by Sandra Scott Swart pg 81-82, A Military History of South Africa: From the Dutch-Khoi Wars to the End of Apartheid by Timothy J. Stapleton pg 15-18
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-21-151756517)
The Impact of the Horse on the AmaTola 'Bushmen'” New Identity in the Maloti-Drakensberg Mountains of Southern Africa by W Challis pg 21, 121-131.
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-22-151756517)
Horse Nations: The Worldwide Impact of the Horse on Indigenous Societies Post-1492 by Peter Mitchell pg xxxi
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-23-151756517)
The House of Phalo: A History of the Xhosa People in the Days of Their Independence by Jeffrey B. Peires pg 116-117, 155-156, Riding High: Horses, Humans and History in South Africa by Sandra Scott Swart pg 79
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-24-151756517)
Faku: Rulership and Colonialism in the Mpondo Kingdom (c. 1780-1867) By Timothy J. Stapleton pg 125-127, 77, 82, 99, 102, 112-119.
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-25-151756517)
Sotho Arms and Ammunition in the Nineteenth century by A Atmore pg 536-537, Interaction between South-Eastern San and Southern Nguni and Sotho Communities c.1400 to c.1880 by Pieter Jolly pg 47, 51
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-26-151756517)
Riding High: Horses, Humans and History in South Africa by Sandra Scott Swart pg 83-84)
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-27-151756517)
A Military History of South Africa: From the Dutch-Khoi Wars to the End of Apartheid by Timothy J. Stapleton pg 39-40, Riding High: Horses, Humans and History in South Africa by Sandra Scott Swart pg 87)
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-28-151756517)
A Military History of South Africa: From the Dutch-Khoi Wars to the End of Apartheid by Timothy J. Stapleton pg 41-46)
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-29-151756517)
Riding High: Horses, Humans and History in South Africa by Sandra Scott Swart pg 84, 88-91, 94)
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-30-151756517)
Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa By Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 167-170
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-31-151756517)
A Military History of South Africa: From the Dutch-Khoi Wars to the End of Apartheid by Timothy J. Stapleton pg 108)
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-32-151756517)
A Military History of South Africa: From the Dutch-Khoi Wars to the End of Apartheid by Timothy J. Stapleton pg 19-20)
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-33-151756517)
A Military History of South Africa: From the Dutch-Khoi Wars to the End of Apartheid by Timothy J. Stapleton pg 27-30, 49,55-56, 66-69)
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-34-151756517)
Riding High: Horses, Humans and History in South Africa by Sandra Scott Swart pg 104)
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-35-151756517)
Riding High: Horses, Humans and History in South Africa by Sandra Scott Swart pg 32-33, The Arabian Horse and Its Influence in South Africa by Charmaine Grobbelaar.
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-36-151756517)
Riding High: Horses, Humans and History in South Africa by Sandra Scott Swart pg 44, 68-75
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-37-151756517)
Riding High: Horses, Humans and History in South Africa by Sandra Scott Swart pg 81)
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-38-151756517)
Handbook No. 11, South African Colonies, Transvaal Hanbook with Map, edited by Walter Paton, Emigrants' Information Office, July 1908.
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-39-151756517)
Riding High: Horses, Humans and History in South Africa by Sandra Scott Swart pg 43-44)
[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-40-151756517)
The basuto of Basutoland by Eric Aldhelm Torlough Dutton pg 65, Riding High: Horses, Humans and History in South Africa by Sandra Scott Swart pg 87
[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-41-151756517)
Riding High: Horses, Humans and History in South Africa by Sandra Scott Swart pg 85)
[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-42-151756517)
Riding High: Horses, Humans and History in South Africa by Sandra Scott Swart pg 93, 96)
[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-43-151756517)
The basuto of Basutoland by Eric Aldhelm Torlough Dutton pg 65
[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-44-151756517)
The Indigenous Livestock of Eastern and Southern Africa by Ian Lauder Mason, John Patrick Maule pg 13.
[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-45-151756517)
The Impact of Contact and Colonization on Indigenous Worldviews, Rock Art, and the History of Southern Africa “The Disconnect” by Sam Challis and Brent Sinclair-Thomson pg 101-104, Cattle, Sheep and Horses: A Review of Domestic Animals in the Rock Art of Southern Africa by A. H. Manhire et al. pg 27)
[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-46-151756517)
The Impact of the Horse on the AmaTola 'Bushmen'” New Identity in the Maloti-Drakensberg Mountains of Southern Africa by W Challis
[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-47-151756517)
Horse Nations: The Worldwide Impact of the Horse on Indigenous Societies Post-1492 by Peter Mitchell pg 306-307
[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-48-151756517)
The Impact of Contact and Colonization on Indigenous Worldviews, Rock Art, and the History of Southern Africa “The Disconnect” by Sam Challis and Brent Sinclair-Thomson pg 104
[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-49-151756517)
Sotho Arms and Ammunition in the Nineteenth Century by Anthony Atmore and Peter Sanders pg 541
[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-50-151756517)
Riding High: Horses, Humans and History in South Africa by Sandra Scott Swart pg 84, 92)
[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-51-151756517)
The basuto of Basutoland by Eric Aldhelm Torlough Dutton pg 73, Riding High: Horses, Humans and History in South Africa by Sandra Scott Swart pg 93-94, 159)
[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-52-151756517)
Riding High: Horses, Humans and History in South Africa by Sandra Scott Swart pg 42, 62 143,
[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern#footnote-anchor-53-151756517)
Riding High: Horses, Humans and History in South Africa by Sandra Scott Swart pg 164-170
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Will you be writing more about 20th Century cavalry and horse mounted military units? My time in Africa and my study of the different conflicts in Southern Africa led me to think of much of the mid-continent as tetse fly country. In the independent Congo/Zaire, there was a mounted ceremonial unit of the army (based on a Belgian Army unit) that wore a European style uniform in the colors of Mobutu’s MPR party, carrying lances and topped with large “bearskin” headgear. The unit was apparently supported in part by the local “riding club” that helped train horses and riders and provided stabling.
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Published Time: 2023-07-30T16:30:11+00:00
A history of the Buganda kingdom. - by isaac Samuel
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A history of the Buganda kingdom.
=================================
### government in central Africa.
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The land sheltered between the great lakes of east Africa was home to some of the continent's most dynamic kingdoms. Around five centuries ago, the kingdom of Buganda emerged along the northern shores of lake Victoria, growing into one of the region's most dominant political and cultural powers.
Buganda was a cosmopolitan kingdom whose political influence extended across much of the region and left a profound legacy in east Africa. Its armies campaigned as far as Rwanda, its commercial reach extended to the Nyamwezi heartland of western Tanzania, and its diplomats travelled to Zanzibar on the Swahili coast
This article explores the history of the Buganda kingdom from the 16th century to 1900.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!2CoJ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Faff9d5a9-7cc1-4a32-bdd2-8c07bc375228_410x610.png)
_**Map of the Great lakes kingdoms in the late 19th century[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-1-135545394)**_
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* * *
**Background to the emergence of Buganda: Neolithic cultures and incipient states in the lakes region.**
The lakes region of east Africa is a historical and cultural area characterized by shared patterns of precolonial political organization. The initial Neolithic iron-age cultures that emerged across the region from the 1st millennium BC to the middle of the 1st millennium AD, gradually declined before more complex societies re-emerged in early 2nd millennium the what is now western Uganda, at the proto-capitals of Ntusi and Bigo. Its these early societies of agro-pastoral communities that produced a shared cultural milieu in which lineage groups and incipient states would rise.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-2-135545394)
Prior to the founding of Buganda, the region in which the kingdom would later emerge was originally controlled by of several dozen clans (_**bakata**_), a broad social institution within which were sub-clans and lineage groups. These exogamous groups were common across the lakes region, and transcended both ethnic and political boundaries of the later kingdoms. They likely represented an older form of social complexity within which were numerous small states that would be significantly transformed as the kingdoms became larger and more centralized.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-3-135545394)
The core region of Buganda (in _Busiro_ and _Kyaddondo_) was a land teaming with shrines (_**masabo**_), enclosures invested with numinous authority that contained relics of older rulers who were gradually deified and local deities who became influential in the early state. A number of these predated the foundation of the state, and some (on Buddo hill in Busiro) were sacred enough to become grounds for installation of new kings beginning in the 18th century, and would remain under the control of ritual officiants and shrine priests after the kingdom's founding.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-4-135545394) However, not all deities were historical personalities, nor were all important historical personalities deified, and some among both groups were shared with other kingdoms.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-5-135545394)
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_**Location of Busiro in relation to the iron-age sites**_
The kingdom's legendary founder Kintu and his descendant Kimera are credited with the introduction of several cultural and political institutions to the region that became Buganda, and the creation of the civilization/state itself. various versions of this origin myth exist, combining mythical and historical figures, and collapsing centuries long events into complex stories and geneologies. They contain salient information on the early states of the region that became Buganda, and their relationship to neighboring states particulary Bunyoro where Kimera supposedly resided for some time.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-6-135545394)
While the legendary personalities are wholly mythical, they are representations of particular aspects of kingship as well as political and cultural changes that occurred in the early state, which facilitated their transmission into mythology. Arguably the most recognizable information relates to Kimera’s introduction into Buganda of several elements in the early state's political institutions, regalia and titlelature from Bunyoro[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-7-135545394). Its evident that the royal genealogists who preserved these faint memories of the early state to add to the better known history of later kings, relied on the great stock of known potencies in the land represented by the numerous shrines, deities, and cultural heroes, some of which also appear in traditions of neighboring states.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-8-135545394)
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**The early state in Buganda from the 16th-17th century**
For most of Buganda’s early history, the power of the King (_**kabaka**_) was still curbed by the clan-heads, who controlled the political make-up of the nascent kingdom.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-9-135545394) The most notable ruler during this period was Nakibinge, a 16th century king whose reign was beset by rebellion and ended with his defeat at the hands of Bunyoro. The 16th to 17th century was a period of Bunyoro hegemony. The traditions of Rwanda, Nkore, Karagwe and Ihangiro all recall devastating invasions which were repelled by kings who took the title of 'Nyoro-slayer'. In Buganda, the era of Bunyoro's suzeranity is represented by the traditions on postulated defeat of Nakibinge, all of which collapse a complex period of warfare in which Buganda freed itself of Bunyoro's suzeranity.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-10-135545394)
From the late 17th century to the mid-18th century, the kingdom built up a position of significant economic and military strength, facilitated by an efficient and centralized socio-political structure. The 17th century kings Kimbugwe and Kateregga would undertake a few campaigns beyond the core of the early state, while their 18th century sucessors Mutebi and Mawanda raised large armies and subsumed several rival states[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-11-135545394). Mwanda in particular in credited with creating the offices of the _**batongole**_ (royally appointed chiefs) thus centralizing power under the King and away from the clans.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-12-135545394)
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_**Expansion of Buganda from the 17th-19th century.**_ Map by Henri Médard and Jonathon L. Earle
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**Buganda as a regional power in the 18th-19th century**
King Mawanda (d. 1740) presided over the advance of the eastern frontier towards the Nile upto _Kyagwe_, an important center of trade. Mawanda also campaigned south, bringing his armies into Bundu and _Kooki_: a rich iron producing region on the south-western shores of lake Victoria that was home to a powerful chiefdom within Bunyoro’s orbit. Unlike its western neighbors, Buganda didn't posses significant iron deposits within its core provinces. raw iron was thus brought from outlying provinces, to be reworked and smelted across the kingdom. Mawanda's sucessor, Junju, completed the annexation of Buddu following a lengthy war. Buddu was renowned for its production of iron and high quality barkcloth, and its acquisition opened up access to a thriving industry. Junju armies also campaigned as far as the kingdom of Kiziba (in north-western Tanzania) but was forced to withdraw his overextended armies.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-13-135545394)
Junju's sucessor Semakokiro (r. ca. 1790-1810) consolidated the gains of his predecessors, and defended the kingdom against the resurgent Bunyoro whose armies were regaining lost ground in the west. A major rebellion led by Kakungulu, who was one of Semakokiro's sons that had fled to Bunyoro, nearly reached the capital before it was repulsed. Further eastern campaigns to _Bulondoganyi_ at the border of the _Bugerere_ chiefdom near the Nile river were abandoned, as the kingdom's rapid expansion momentarily came to a halt.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-14-135545394)
Semakokiro was suceeded by Kamanya (1810-1832) who resumed the expansionist campaigns of his predecessors by advancing his armies east beyond the Nile to the kingdom of Busoga, to the north as _Buruuli_ (near lake Kyoga) and as far west as _Busongora_, a polity near the Rwenzori mountains that was a dependency of Bunyoro. In retaliation, Bunyoro sent the rebellious prince Kakungulu whose armies raided deep into Buganda's territory including the region around Bulondoganyi. Buganda's initial invasion of Busoga was defeated but another campaign was more sucessful, with Busoga acknowledging Buganda's suzeranity albeit only nominally. The campaigns against Buruuli which involved the use of war canoes, carried overland from lake Victoria, established Buganda's northernmost frontier.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-15-135545394)
Kamanya was suceeded by Ssuuna (1832-1856) who consolidated the territorial gains of his predecessors while engaging in a few campaigns beyond the frontiers. Suuna campaigned southwards to the Kagera river, and his navies attacked the islands of _Sesse_ in lake Victoria just prior to the arrival of foreign merchants in Buganda.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-16-135545394) In 1844, a carravan of Swahili and Arab traders from the east African coast arrived at the capital of Buganda. Snay bin Amir, the head of the carravan was hospitably received by Ssuuna and he would return in 1852, being the first of many foreign traders, explorers, missionaries that would be integrated into Buganda’s cosmopolitan society.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-17-135545394)
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_**Expansionist wars of Buganda and direction of foreign arrivals**_, Map by D. cohen
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**The government in 19th century Buganda : state and economy.**
At the highest level of authority in Buganda was the Kabaka whose influence over the government had grown considerably in the 19th century, although his personal authority was more apparent than real. Just below the Kabaka was a large and complex bureaucracy of appointed and hereditary officials (_**abakungu**_), ministers, chiefs, clan heads and other titleholders, the most powerful among who were the _**Katikkiro**_ (vizier/prime-minister) the _**Kimbugwe**_, and the _**Nnamasole**_ (Queen-Mother), all of whom oversaw the judicial and taxing functions of the state and formed the innermost council within several concentric circles of power radiating from the capital.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-18-135545394) They resided in the transient royal capital at Rubaga (and later at Mengo), a large agglomeration with more than 20,000 residents in the mid-19th century, that was the center of political decision making where public audiences were held, official delegations were hosted and trade was regulated.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-19-135545394)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!eFqa!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F50b7f786-a036-4222-8713-8f0b46f59181_1237x810.jpeg)
_**Rubaga, the new capital of the Emperor Mtesa,**_ ca. 1875.
The kingdom was divided into ten ssaza (provinces/counties), each under an appointed chief (_**abamasaza**_), the four most important of which were Buddu, Ssingo, Bulemeezi and Kyaggwe. which inturn had several subdivisions (_**gombolola**_)[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-20-135545394) The military was led by _**Sakibobo**_ (commander-in-chief) who was often chosen by the king. Regions within the ssaza system were the basic units of the army, with each chief providing military levies for the kingdom's army. The King had his own standing army at the capital that was likely present since the kingdom's foundation, and would eventually grow into the elite corps of royal riflemen (_**ekitongole ekijaasi**_) that was garrisoned in provincial capitals across the kingdom.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-21-135545394)
Below these were the provincial chiefs were lower ranking titleholders and the common subjects/peasants (_**bakopi**_) who were mostly comprised of freeborn baGanda as well as a minority of acculturated immigrants and former captives. Freeborn baGanda were not serfs and they could attach themselves to any superior they chose.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-22-135545394) The Taxes, tributes and tolls collected from the different provinces were determined by local resources. The collection of taxes was undertaken by the hierachical network of officials, all of whom shared a percentage of the levied tribute before it was remitted to the center. Taxes were paid in the form of cowrie shells, barkcloth, trade items, and agricultural produce, with the ultimate tax burden being moderated by the mobility of the peasantry.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-23-135545394)
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_**Map of Buganda counties, in the early 20th century.**_
Corvee labour for public works was organized on a local basis from provincial chiefs, to be employed in the construction and maintenance of the kingdom's extensive road network, the enclosures and residences in the royal palaces, and the Kabaka's lake. The road network of Buganda appears in the earliest description of the kingdom.
In 1862, the explorer J. Speke observed that they were found **“everywhere”** and were **"as broad as our coach-roads"**. In 1875, Stanley estimated the great highway leading to the capital as measuring 150ft, adding that in the capital were the "Royal Quarters, around which ran several palisades and circular courts, between which and the city was a circular road, ranging from 100 to 200 feet in width, from which radiated six or seven magnificent avenues". Later accounts describe the remarkably straight and broad highways bounded by trees, crossing over rivers with bridges of interlaced palm logs, in a complex network that connected distant towns and villages to the capital. They were as much an expression of grandeur as a means of communication.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-24-135545394)
The mainstay of Buganda’s economy was agriculture, and its location on the fertile shores of lake victoria had given it a unique demographic advantage over most of the neighboring kingdoms. describing a typical estate in 1875, the explorer H.M. Stanley observed that **“In it grow large sweet potatoes, yams, green peas, kidney beans, field beans, vetches, and tomatoes. The garden is bordered by castor-oil, manioc, coffee, and tobacco plants. On either side are small patches of millets, sesamum, and sugar-cane. Behind the house and courts, and enfolding them, are the more extensive banana and plantain plantations and grain crops. Interspersed among the bananas are the umbrageous fig trees".**[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-25-135545394)
The manufacture of barkcloth was the most significant craft industry in Buganda. The cloth was derived from the barks of various kinds of fig trees, which were stripped and made flexible using a mallet in a process that took several days. They were then dyed with red and black colorants, patterned and decorated with grooves which made it resemble corduroy textiles. Barkcloth was used as clothing, beddings, packaging, burial shrouds, and wall carpets. It formed the bulk of the kingdom's exports to regional markets in Bunyoro, Nkore and as far as Nywamwezi, and remained popular well into the 1900s despite the increased importation (and later local manufacture) of cotton textiles.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-26-135545394)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!AieZ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4390725e-eef4-4eb5-a4d3-e9e7c3c007cf_762x605.png)
_**Barkcloth with geometrical patterns stencilled in black**_, ca. 1930, British museum
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_**Bark cloth with star patterns**_, inventoried 1904, Bristol museum
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_**Beating out barkcloth**_, Uganda, ca. 1906-1911, university of Cambridge.
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Smithing of iron, copper and brass also constituted a significant industry. Unworked iron bought from the frontier was smelted and reworked into implements, jewelry and weapons that were sold in local markets and regionally to neighboring kingdoms. As early as the 1860s, professional smiths attached to the court were making ammunition for imported firearms, and by 1892, a contemporary account observed that local gun-smiths **"will construct you a new stock to a rifle which you will hardly detect from that made by a London gun-maker"**.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-27-135545394)
Leatherworking and tanning was an important industry and employed significant numbers of subjects. An account from 1874 describes the tanning of leather by the _bakopi_ who made large sheets of leather than were **"beautifully tanned and sewed together"**. A resident missionary in 1879 reported purchasing dyed leather skins cut in the shape of a hat. Cowhides were fashioned into sandals worn by the elite and priests since before the 18th century, with buffalo hides specifically worn by chiefs and the elite.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-28-135545394)
The main markets in the capital was under the supervision of an appointed officer, who was in charge of collecting taxes in the form of cowrie shells, and oversaw the activities of foreign merchants. Trading centers outside the capital such as Kyagwe, Bagegere, Bale, Nsonga and Masaka were controlled by provincial chiefs, and were sites of significant domestic and export trade by ganda merchants.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-29-135545394) tobacco and cattle were imported from Nkore, in exchange for Bark cloth, while iron weapons, salt and captives were brought from Bunyoro in exchange for cloth (both cotton and barkcloth), copper, brass and glass beads, the latter coming from coastal traders.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-30-135545394)
Soon after the arrival of coastal traders, Sunna constructed a flotilla of watercraft similar in shape to the Swahili _**mtepe**_ ship intended to facilitate direct trade with the port town of Kageyi, which was ultimately linked to the town of Ujiji and the coastal cities.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-31-135545394) In the 1870s and 1880s, the enormous canoes of Buganda measuring 80ft long and 7 ft wide with a capacity to carry 50 people along with their goods and pack animals (or 100 soldiers alone), featured prominently in the organization of long-distance commerce and warfare, rendering the overland routes marginal in external trade.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-32-135545394) Most external trade consisted of ivory exports, whose demand was readily met by the established customs of professional hunting guilds, who often traversed the kingdom's frontiers to procure elephant tusks.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-33-135545394)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!GeqQ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5937781d-adda-49aa-83bb-0d04dfeeb08a_700x421.png)
_**"Mtesa, the Emperor of Uganda, Prime Minister, and Chiefs"**_ ca. 1875. The king and his officials are dressed in the distinctive swahili _kanzus_ and hats purchased from coastal merchants.
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**Buganda in the second half of the 19th century: from hegemony to decline.**
In Buganda, coastal traders, missionaries and other foreign travelers found a complex courtly life in which new technologies were welcomed, new ideas were vigorously debated and alliances with foreign powers were sought where they were deemed to further the strength of the kingdom. Ssuuna’s sucessor Mutesa (r. 1856-1884) was a shrewd monarch who readily adopted aspects of coastal culture that he deemed useful, including integrating Swahili technicians into Buganda’s institutions, adopting Islam and transforming some of political institutions of the state into a Muslim kingdom. He acquired the sufficient diplomatic tools (such as Arabic literacy) that enabled him to initiate contacts with foreign states including Zanzibar (where the traders came from) and Anglo-Egyptian Sudan (which was threatening to invade Buganda and Bunyoro from the north)[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-34-135545394)
During the 1850s, Mutesa’s predecessor was reportedly in the habit of sending armed escorts to the southern kingdom of Karagwe when they heard that coastal traders wished to visit them. By 1875, Muteesa had taken his diplomatic initiative further to Sudan, ostensibly sending his emissaries to the Anglo-Egyptian capital of Khartoum for an alliance against Bunyoro. In 1869 and 1872, Mutesa sent caravans to Zanzibar, and by late 1878 a band of 'Mutesa's soldiers was reported to be returning from a mission to Zanzibar itself.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-35-135545394) The apparently friendly envoys sent to Khartoum were infact spies dispatched to report on the strength and movements of the enemy. Mutesa had an acute appreciation of the role which diplomacy could play in protecting Buganda's independence, and the king shrewdly confined the Anglo-Egyptian delegation at his capital, blunting the planned invasion of Bunyoro and Buganda.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-36-135545394)
However, Mutesa registered less military success than his predecessors. Several wars against Bunyoro, Busoga, Buruli, and Bukedi during the 1860s and 1870s often ended with Buganda's defeat. Between 1870-1871, Mutesa sucessfully intervened in Bunyoro's sucession crisis with the installation of Kabarega, placed a puppet on the breakaway state of Tooro and in the Bunyoro dependency of Busongora but all were quickly lost when Kabarega resumed war with Buganda, Toro’s alliance was unreliable and Busongora expelled ganda armies.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-37-135545394) Mutesa also lost soldiers in aiding Karagwe's king Rumanika in quelling a rebellion. A massive naval campaign with nearly 10,000 soldiers on 300 war-canoes was launched against the islands of Buvuma in 1875/7 ended with a pyrrhic victory for Buganda, which suffered several causalities but managed to reduce the island chiefdom to tributary status. In the late 1870s, Buganda mounted a major expedition south against the Nyiginya kingdom of Rwanda but the overextended armies were defeated[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-38-135545394).
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_**Naval battle between the waGanda and waVuma**_, ca. 1875
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While Mutesa had sucessfully played off the foreign influences to Buganda's advantage the situation became more volatile with the arrival of the Anglican missionaries in 1877, who were quickly followed by the French Catholics in 1879, much to the dismay of the former. As all sects were adopted by different elites and commoners across Buganda, the structures of the kingdom's institutions were complicated by the presence of competing groups. Near the end of his reign , Mutesa increasingly relied on the royal women who played a crucial role at court especially the queen-mother whose power in the land at least equal to her son.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-39-135545394)
Mutesa was suceeded by Mwanga in 1884, who inaugurated a less austere form of government than his predecessors in response to the growing internal and foreign threats which the kingdom faced. Internal campaigning and plundering increasingly took the place of legitimate collection of tribute, as Mwanga undertook expeditions within the kingdom intended to arbitrarily seize tribute. Besides his shifting policies with regards to the presence of Christian factions at the court, the king begun an ambitious project of creating a royal lake, which required significantly more covee labour than was traditionally accepted. A combination of military losses in Bunyoro in 1887, religious factionalism, and excessive taxation that were borne by both elites and commoners ultimately ended with the brief overthrow of Mwanga in 1888.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-40-135545394)
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_**‘The Battle Against the Mohammedans’,**_ 1891, illustration depicting one of the political religious wars that were fought in this period
The years 1888–93 were a tumultuous period in the history of Buganda during which two kings briefly suceeded Mwanga in 1889 before he returned to the throne in the same year. The beleaguered king had pragmatically chosen to rely on British support represented by Lord Lugard, agreeing to the former’s suzeranity over Buganda. While the Anglo-Buganda alliance proved sucessful in reversing Bunyoro’s recent gains against Buganda, the political-religious factionalism back home had grown worse over the early 1890s as the kingdom descended into civil war. Despite the raging conflicts, the capital remained the locus of power, and was described by a British officer as a center of prosperity and industry numbering about 70,000 inhabitants.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-41-135545394)
In 1894, the British forced Mwanga to accept a much reduced status of protectorate, which he lacked the capacity to object to given the ruinous internecine conflicts at the court. By 1897 however, Mwanga ‘rebelled’ against the British and begun a lengthy anti-colonial war in alliance with Bunyoro that ended with his defeat and exile in 1899.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-42-135545394) In the following year, Buganda formally lost its autonomy, ending the kingdom’s four-century long history.
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_**The youthful king Daudi Cwa seated on the throne, flanked by Prince Albert and Lady Elizabeth during their visit to Buganda in the early 20th century**_. Getty images.
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In the 18th century, **a secret society in the Luba kingdom invented the Lukasa memory board, a sophisticated mnemonic device that encoded and transmitted the history of the Luba.**
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-1-135545394)
Map by by Jean-Pierre Chrétien
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-2-135545394)
The Great Lakes of Africa: Two Thousand Years of History by Jean-Pierre Chrétien pg 54-70)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-3-135545394)
The Great Lakes of Africa: Two Thousand Years of History by Jean-Pierre Chrétien pg 88-94, Kingship and State: The Buganda Dynasty by Christopher Wrigley pg 64-65, 166-168
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-4-135545394)
Kingship and State: The Buganda Dynasty by Christopher Wrigley pg 27-29, 64, 41
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-5-135545394)
The Great Lakes of Africa: Two Thousand Years of History by Jean-Pierre Chrétien pg 100-101
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-6-135545394)
The Great Lakes of Africa: Two Thousand Years of History by Jean-Pierre Chrétien pg 111-112
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-7-135545394)
Kingship and State: The Buganda Dynasty by Christopher Wrigley pg 193-196
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-8-135545394)
Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 31,79, Kingship and State: The Buganda Dynasty by Christopher Wrigley pg 29, 55-56)
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-9-135545394)
Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 80
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-10-135545394)
Kingship and State: The Buganda Dynasty by Christopher Wrigley pg 159-163, 199-200, 204-206
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-11-135545394)
Kingship and State: The Buganda Dynasty by Christopher Wrigley pg 172-176
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-12-135545394)
Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 186)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-13-135545394)
Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 72-74, 76-77, 187, The Great Lakes of Africa: Two Thousand Years of History by Jean-Pierre Chrétien pg 156
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-14-135545394)
Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 188-189)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-15-135545394)
Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 191-193)
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-16-135545394)
Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 196-197)
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-17-135545394)
Fabrication of Empire: The British and the Uganda Kingdoms, 1890-1902 by Anthony Low pg 33-37
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-18-135545394)
Sources of the African Past By David Robinson pg 80-85
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-19-135545394)
The Great Lakes of Africa: Two Thousand Years of History by Jean-Pierre Chrétien pg 166-167-169
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-20-135545394)
Kingship and State: The Buganda Dynasty by Christopher Wrigley pg 63)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-21-135545394)
Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 206-207, 215-217)
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-22-135545394)
Kingship and State: The Buganda Dynasty by Christopher Wrigley pg 62-64)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-23-135545394)
Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 99-102)
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-24-135545394)
Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 103-110)
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-25-135545394)
Through the dark continent by H.M.Stanely pg 383
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-26-135545394)
Bark-cloth of the Baganda people of Southern Uganda by VM Nakazibwe 62-134
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-27-135545394)
Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 83-85)
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-28-135545394)
Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 59)
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-29-135545394)
Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 141-143)
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-30-135545394)
Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg pg 30, 52, 117, 139-140)
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-31-135545394)
Lake Regions of Central Africa by Richard Francis Burton pg 195-196)
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-32-135545394)
Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 231-236)
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-33-135545394)
The Cambridge history of Africa Vol. 5 pg 283
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-34-135545394)
[Economic growth and cultural syncretism in 19th century East Africa: Trade and Swahili acculturation on the African mainland ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism)
[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/profile/44604452-isaac-samuel)
·
May 15, 2022
[](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism)
Much writing about 19th-century East Africa historiography has been distorted by the legacy of post-enlightenment thought and colonial literature, both of which condemned Africa to the periphery of universal history. Descriptions of East-African societies were framed within a contradictory juxtaposition of abolitionist and imperialist concepts that depi…
[Read full story](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism)
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-35-135545394)
Fabrication of Empire by Anthony Low pg 38-48
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-36-135545394)
Unesco general history of Africa Vol 5 pg 370-371
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-37-135545394)
The Mission of Apolo Kivebulaya by Emma Wild-Wood pg 64-65, Fabrication of Empire by Anthony Low pg 52
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-38-135545394)
Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 198-201, 274)
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-39-135545394)
Kingship and State: The Buganda Dynasty by Christopher Wrigley pg 67
[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-40-135545394)
Fabrication of Empire by Anthony Low pg 52-53, 65-66 Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 111-112)
[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-41-135545394)
Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 38)
[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-buganda-kingdom#footnote-anchor-42-135545394)
Fabrication of Empire by Anthony Low pg 124, 197-210
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Published Time: 2023-06-18T15:58:58+00:00
A history of the Damagaram sultanate of Zinder: ca. 1730-1899.
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A history of the Damagaram sultanate of Zinder: ca. 1730-1899.
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### Politics, Guns, and Trade in the pre-colonial Sahel
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The political landscape of west Africa in the 19th century consisted of a patchwork of medium sized kingdoms centered around fortified capitals defended by the fearsome knights of the Sahara. The sultanate of Damagaram was among the most powerful states in the central region of west Africa in what is now modern Niger.
From its capital, Zinder, the rulers of Damagaram controlled a powerful military armed with locally made artillery. The city of Zinder was at the crossroads of regional trade routes linking Bornu to the oases of Kawar and the city of Tripoli. It hosted a cosmopolitan population of scholars, pilgrims and merchants drawn from across west Africa.
This article explorers the political history of Damagaram from its founding in the early 18th century to its fall in 1899.
_**Map of southern Niger showing the sultanate of Damagaram in the late 19th century**_[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-1-129016190)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Ux44!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5f9d2624-eb8a-45a3-9a25-fc39263d9d4f_818x519.png)
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**The foundations of Damagaram in the early 18th century.**
The region where Damagaram would emerge was on the frontier of the Bornu empire and at the crossroads of west-africa’s diverse sedentary and nomadic population groups. The bulk of early population in Damagaram during the 16th century were the Dagira, an lineage group with mixed Kanuri-Hausa origins that claims Bornu origins. These would be later joined by other groups such as the Kanuri in the 17th century, and the Hausa -who became the largest group, Tuareg, Fulani and Arabs in the 19th century.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-2-129016190)
The founding of Damagaram is traditionally attributed to Mallam Yunus, who migrated from the Bornu empire to settle at a town called Damagaram in the early 18th century. He latter moved through different towns beginning at Geza , creating matrimonial alliances and installing his sons as chiefs before settling west of Zinder. But Damagaram retained its symbolic position as the first of the towns associated with the Mallam.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-3-129016190)
Mallam's successors consolidated his loose chiefdom in the mid to late 18th century, but failed to defend it against attacks from the Tuareg, especially the Imakiten of Damergou -their neighbor to the west. The early rulers of Damagaram were based in several different towns, they had little formal authority, and are likely to have been tribute collectors for Bornu; their suzerain. The sultanate was flanked in the east by the relatively larger states of Murya and Baabaaye with which they were often at war, and to the south by the Hausa states.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-4-129016190)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!x9T3!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F13904c89-94a3-4764-b3d6-8891acbb5fbc_776x565.png)
_**Location of Damagaram within the Bornu empire**_
At the turn of the 19th century, the Damagaram sultan Amadu who had his capital at Clihanza subsumed several towns including Zinder and sucessfully repelled the Tuareg incursions. His reign coincided with the fall of the Hausa state of Katsina to the sokoto caliphate, which sent its deposed king and many of his subjects into exile at Maradi. Damagaram then adopted several Hausa aristocratic titles and institutions such as Sarki (Sultan/King), Ciroma (crown prince). At the death of Aamadu in 1809, his Ciroma named Sulayman ascended to the throne, he moved his capital to Zinder and became the first Damagaram rulers to be crowned there.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-5-129016190)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!AbtN!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F015da896-16b4-4314-a805-5e7cc8ff5b2a_910x575.png)
_**Zinder in the mid-20th century**_
* * *
**The Damagaram kingdom at Zinder during the reign of Sarki Sulayman and Ibrahim. (1822-1851)**
Zinder was originally a small town defended by a stockade when Sulayman built his palace in the early 19th century. He later occupied the old town of Damagaram, taking on the title Sarkin Damagaram (and gave the sultanate its name). Sucession disputes in the neighboring states of Murya and Baabaaye gave Sulayman the opportunity to pick allied candidates to the throne who were then installed as vassals of Damagaram. After defeating a Sokoto invasion of Zinder, Sulayman acquired horses which he used against the Tuareg of Damergu. Sulayman later abdicated for his son Ibrahim who suceeded him as sultan.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-6-129016190)
After Sulayman's abdication, Damagaram was ruled by his sons, Ibrahim and Tanimun from 1822 to 1884. Around 1839 when Sulayman had died, Sarki Ibrahim had tried to end his vassalage to Bornu by refusing to remit Sulayman's property which was by law meant to be inherited by the Bornu ruler. This forced the reigning Bornu emperor sheikh Omar to invade Zinder, a situation that Tanimun took advantage of, compelling Ibrahim to sack his own capital and flee to a neighboring town of Kantshi (presumably Kantche). When Omar's army besieged Kantshi, Ibrahim resubmitted but later led another failed rebellion, returned to Zinder, deposed his brother and ruled.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-7-129016190)
Tanimun would again briefly re-take the throne of Zinder from his brother, and this time Bornu would intervene on behalf of Ibrahim by besieging Zinder. Tanimun reportedly constructed the walls of Zinder as the Bornu army was approaching. After a lengthy siege of 3 months and a lot of causalities on both sides, Tanimun was expelled and Ibrahim restored to the throne.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-8-129016190)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!EUS1!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F98323c0a-70fd-4486-9801-8f575480dfd7_1138x1112.jpeg)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!hD5k!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8c706d5b-40e9-4b8b-bf89-fad47ddb870e_930x594.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!muje!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3f39bc51-8337-4ffd-b112-74a9303d98a3_766x573.png)
_**Zinder City walls, exterior and interior, ca. 1922-1930, BNF, Quai branly**_
Zinder gradually expanded under Ibrahim’s reign, becoming an important regional center along the carravan routes of west Africa connecting Bornu to Agadez and Sokoto. In 1851, it was visited by the explorers James Richardson and later by Heinrich Barth, who provided fairly detailed accounts of the capital and its kingdom. Zinder had a population of 20,000-25,000, and was among the largest of about about 16 towns which made up the core of the kingdom.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-9-129016190)
The kingdom of Damagaram was ruled by the Sarki Ibrahim, who was assited by several chiefs including; four viziers; the ciroma (who also commanded the military in Zinder); a qadi; a secretary; a treasury chief who had three other officers; and a customs chief. The army at Zinder consisted of an infantry of about 9,000 soldiers who were primarily archers, and a cavalry of about 2,000 horsemen who mostly carried swords and javelins.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-10-129016190)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!CmCO!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F019df262-b4fb-4615-82a1-1af9a2ad5c75_929x457.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!MU_L!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3ec6a63c-1f98-482f-955d-c1cf46ccd419_989x490.png)
_**Knights of Zinder, ca. 1901, quai branly**_
Most of Zinder’s inhabitants lived in the mudbrick houses characteristic of the region, while the elites and the Sarki lived in large, fortified houses. It had a vibrant market supplied with goods produced domestically such as indigo dyed textiles, as well as imported manufactures primarily acquired in Bornu which is where most of its trade was directed.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-11-129016190) Zinder imported most of the salt mined in the Kawar oasis town of Bilma, this salt trade was mostly handled by the Tuaregs.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-12-129016190) other external traders in Zinder included the Kanuri and Tubu, as well as Arabs and Berbers that came from Murzuk. These external merchants were allowed to trade without paying tribute, which gradually brought more traders to the city.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-13-129016190)
* * *
**Damagaram during the reign of Sarki Tanimun: 1851-1884: Gunpowder technology and trade in the Sahel**
Sarki Ibrahim was eventually suceeded by Tanimun in the early 1850s. It was during the reign of Tanimon than Damagaram became a major regional power, extending over 70,000 km2.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-14-129016190) According to the travel account of Gustav Nachtigal who was in Bornu’s capital around 1870, Tanimun aspired to create a rival empire in the west of Bornu by declining to send tribute to Bornu and conquering several towns under Bornu’s suzerainty including Munio which was sacked in 1863. The Bornu emperor conditioned Tanimun’s pardon on the latter surrendering his cannon and muskets, but the Sarki initially refused to until he was threated with war.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-15-129016190)
Tanimun had greatly reformed Zinder's military, which unlike his predecessor, was equipped was modern weapons. According to Nachitgal, the king had with him several cannon and muskets. This would be confirmed much later by a French visitor in 1911 who reported that the King _**“orders from Tripoli both flintlock and percussion rifles , together with supplies of powder , lead and percussion caps ; he manufactures all the powder he needs , produces cannon and cannon balls and manufactures gun carriages”.**_ Such weapons were by then common in Bornu and many of them, especially cannons, were also made by local blacksmiths with assistance of ‘turks’ at its capital Kukawa[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-16-129016190).
Tanimun’s officers mixed imported sulfur; with locally produced saltpeter as well as firewood acquired near Zinder which served as coal. The blacksmiths also made copper cannons locally that were mounted on wheels, and fired iron balls with a diameter of 5-6 centimeter. In the 1870s, Damagaram had over 6,000 imported rifles and 40 locally-made cannons. This local manufacture of artillery at Zinder was continued into the first decade of the 20th century, and the cannons were often placed in the gates of the walls[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-17-129016190).
Around the year 1856, Tanimun expanded the monumental city walls of Zinder, with more gates.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-18-129016190) a visitor in 1900 described the 10 meter high walls as extending over 10km around the circumference of the city, it was pierced by seven gates and cut along its length by saw-tooth battlements through which archers standing on the galleries could fire off volleys of arrows.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-19-129016190)
The capital would thereafter became an important trading city in the region, as merchants from Bornu and Agadez settled in the city, attracted by its agricultural resources, indigo dyeing and leather tanning industries. The king personally organized carravans to the supply regional and north African markets, through the services of local merchants like El Hadj Kaaku as well as foreign traders.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-20-129016190)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!LhQk!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F947f9e49-9139-4bc0-930f-2c588182b015_870x561.png)
_**Hausa and Tripoli merchants in Zinder**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!btIJ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe0246b9d-9824-40d6-a705-51c915a57dfd_806x439.png)
_**Trumpeters in front of one the gates of Zinder, ca. 1925, quai branly**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!m5i7!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5950d6a3-e186-4d8b-81f8-646f0b9197fb_740x555.png)
_**Hausa-style houses in Zinder, mid-20th century**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ZVZ-!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F79a84760-a7fb-4666-a057-cbf5b6fea8bf_518x616.png)
_**Plan of Zinder in the early 20th century showing the seven gates.**_
* * *
**Damagaram from independence to colonialism:**
After the death of Tanimun in 1884, three of his children succeeded each other on the throne of Damagaram. Tanimun's son Ibrahim Goto was elected by the council as sultan, but was challenged by his brother Sulayman dan Aisa who defeated the former in battle and seized the throne in the same year. He gained the recognition of Bornu by gifting his suzerain 10 cannons, 840 flintlocks and 12 breech-loading rifles.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-21-129016190)
Sulayman consolidated the large kingdom left behind by his father, and organized campaigns across the region, sending his dreaded riflemen against old foes such as the Tuaregs, and powerful states like the Sokoto province of Kano. Sulayman died in 1893 and was suceeded by Amadu dan Tanimun.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-22-129016190)
Islamic learning proliferated during Amadu’s reign. Initially, many of the scholars and faqih (jurists) in Zinder came from Bornu as observed by visitors the 1850s. They made their living off writing talismanic charms and were respected, with one being credited for the choice of Sulayman moving his capital to Zinder.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-23-129016190) But Zinder later came to host a sizeable population of scholars and pilgrims including the Senusi order. These included Abu Hassan Ali, a teacher of the Sokoto leader Abdullah dan Fodio, as well as a Bornu scholar named Mallam Musa, who in the 1880s composed a travelogue of his pilgrimage from Zinder to Mecca.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-24-129016190)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!0yGv!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0bc62978-714f-46ac-81b1-0e75fcfaf151_573x381.png)
_**19th century writing board, Zinder, quai branly**_
Shortly after the Amadu’s rise to the throne, the empire of Bornu was sacked by the Sudanese general Rabeh, freeing Damagaram from Bornu’s suzerainty. The now independent kingdom of Damagaram sought to expand its frontier without seeking authority from Bornu. Amadu's armies campaigned extensively to Kano, Matsina, Gumel and Guru. However, none of these campaigns gained any territory for Zinder, as the well-defended cities it attacked could withstand its armies.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-25-129016190)
The brief period of Damagaram’s autonomy was to be cut short with the arrival of French colonial forces in the last years of the 19th century. In 1898, a French campaign led by Captain Cazemajou arrived at Zinder where it was initially hospitably received by the Sarki. But Amadu became suspicious of his guests whom he thought were allied with Rabeh, and some of the courtiers of the sultan who were Sanusi adherents compelled him to order Cazemajou's execution.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-26-129016190)
The following year, another French mission was sent to Zinder to avenge Cazemajou. In 1899, the armies of Sarki Amadu fell at the battle of Tirmini. The sultanate was initially retained under a puppet ruler installed by the French but was later formally annexed in 1906.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-27-129016190)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!GYG_!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd7b08c52-c982-47eb-a1a8-4682c9f76609_951x597.png)
_**Zinder, Old town.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!mEbg!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff042f1fb-c4e7-4123-9d63-91825499d246_866x573.png)
_**Ruined walls of Zinder, ca. 1956, quai branly**_
* * *
Beginning in the 1500s, African states acquired guns from the Ottomans and the Portuguese to create their own gun-powder empires. **The west african empire of Bornu obtained guns and European slave-soldiers whom it used extensively in its campaigns**. Read more about it here:
[GUNS & EUROPEAN SLAVE-SOLDIERS IN AFRICA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/first-guns-and-84319870)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!gkeh!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9047e10c-443e-4711-8fa9-96ac6dabceef_611x1200.jpeg)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-anchor-1-129016190)
original map by André Salifou
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-anchor-2-129016190)
Le Damagram ou Sultanat de Zinder au Xix Siecle by André Salifou pg 32-33)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-anchor-3-129016190)
Le Damagram ou Sultanat de Zinder au Xix Siecle by André Salifou pg 37-39)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-anchor-4-129016190)
Le Damagram ou Sultanat de Zinder au Xix Siecle by André Salifou pg 40-41)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-anchor-5-129016190)
Le Damagram ou Sultanat de Zinder au Xix Siecle by André Salifou pg 43-46)
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-anchor-6-129016190)
Le Damagram ou Sultanat de Zinder au Xix Siecle by André Salifou 47-48)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-anchor-7-129016190)
African Native Literature, Or Proverbs, Tales, Fables, & Historical by Sigismund Wilhelm Koelle pg 243-248
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-anchor-8-129016190)
Narrative of a Mission to Central Africa, 1850-1851, Vol 2, by James Richardson pg 201-202)
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-anchor-9-129016190)
Narrative of a Mission to Central Africa, 1850-1851, Vol 2, by James Richardson pg 187, 194, 226)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-anchor-10-129016190)
Narrative of a Mission to Central Africa, 1850-1851, Vol 2, by James Richardson pg 194)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-anchor-11-129016190)
Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa Vol4 by Heinrich Barth pg 78,
Narrative of a Mission to Central Africa, 1850-1851, Vol 2, by James Richardson pg 191,227, 217-218
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-anchor-12-129016190)
Narrative of a Mission to Central Africa, 1850-1851, Vol 2, by James Richardson pg 282) Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa Vol4 by Heinrich Barth pg 78-79)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-anchor-13-129016190)
Narrative of a Mission to Central Africa, 1850-1851, Vol 2, by James Richardson pg 179-180 , 194)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-anchor-14-129016190)
Le Damagram ou Sultanat de Zinder au Xix Siecle by André Salifou pg 50-58, 82)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-anchor-15-129016190)
Sahara and Sudan, Volume 2 By Gustav Nachtigal pg 267-269, Sahara and Sudan Volume 4: Wadai and Darfur By Gustav Nachtigal pg 12
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-anchor-16-129016190)
Sahara and Sudan IV: Wadai and Darfur By Gustav Nachtigal pg 9 n.1, pg 183, Colonial Rule and Changing Peasant Economy in Damagherim, Niger Republic by Marie-Hélène J. Collion pg 176
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-anchor-17-129016190)
Colonial Rule and Changing Peasant Economy in Damagherim by Marie-Hélène J. Collion pg 176, Le Damagram ou Sultanat de Zinder au Xix Siecle by André Salifou pg 62
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-anchor-18-129016190)
Le Damagram ou Sultanat de Zinder au Xix Siecle by André Salifou pg 62-64)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-anchor-19-129016190)
Nearly Native, Barely Civilized: Henri Gaden’s Journey through Colonial French West Africa by Roy Dilley pg 166
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-anchor-20-129016190)
Le Damagram ou Sultanat de Zinder au Xix Siecle by André Salifou pg 67-69)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-anchor-21-129016190)
Le Damagram ou Sultanat de Zinder au Xix Siecle by André Salifou pg83-84)
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-anchor-22-129016190)
Le Damagram ou Sultanat de Zinder au Xix Siecle by André Salifou pg 89-82
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-anchor-23-129016190)
Narrative of a Mission to Central Africa, 1850-1851, Vol 2, by James Richardson pg 211, 246-247, 268-269, Le Damagram ou Sultanat de Zinder au Xix Siecle by André Salifou pg 94
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-anchor-24-129016190)
A Geography of Jihad: Sokoto Jihadism and the Islamic Frontier in West Africa by Stephanie Zehnle pg 259, 64, 201
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-anchor-25-129016190)
Le Damagram ou Sultanat de Zinder au Xix Siecle by André Salifou pg 98-101)
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-anchor-26-129016190)
Nearly Native, Barely Civilized: Henri Gaden’s Journey through Colonial French West Africa by Roy Dilley pg 169, Le Damagram ou Sultanat de Zinder au Xix Siecle by André Salifou pg 102-109)
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate#footnote-anchor-27-129016190)
Historical Dictionary of Niger By Abdourahmane Idrissa, Samuel Decalo pg 161
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[Jun 1, 2025](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-damagaram-sultanate/comment/121892355 "Jun 1, 2025, 8:54 AM")Edited
Liked by isaac Samuel
More details on how they were defeated in battle would have been ideal. Seeing as they had their own locally produced artillery.
By the way, I wanted to read the Patreon article but couldn't. I was able to read the Benin guns article by paying a one-time $5 fee. But the option isn't available for this article.
I'm from Nigeria and committing to pay $10 every month is quite difficult. Although I can cough up one time payments...
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Published Time: 2023-07-02T15:03:58+00:00
A history of the Gonja Kingdom: (1550-1899)
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A history of the Gonja Kingdom: (1550-1899)
===========================================
### State and society in nothern ghana after the Mali empire's decline.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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Near the end of the Mali empire, several sucessor states emerged across its southern frontier that inherited some of the empire's cultural and political institutions. One of the most remarkable heirs to the legacy of Mali was the Gonja kingdom in northern Ghana.
The kingdom of Gonja was an important regional power, linking the region of Mali to the Hausalands in northern Nigeria and the Gold-coast. Its cosmopolitan towns drew scholars and merchants from across west Africa, who left a significant intellectual and economic contribution to the region's history.
This article explores the history of the Gonja kingdom, including its political structure, intellectual history and architecture.
_**Map of Ghana showing the kingdom of Gonja at its height in the early 19th century[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-1-131194168).**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!U3Rh!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa97489db-9f58-4e92-85ec-a46f7e919db1_481x644.jpeg)
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**Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:**
[PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64)
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**The early history of Gonja during the 15th and 16th century: from the Mali empire to the Volta Basin.**
The region of northern Ghana where the kingdom of Gonja would later emerge was an important frontier for the old empire of Mali. It contained the rich gold mines of the Volta river basin, and the trading town of Begho established by merchants from Mali during the early 2nd millennium[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-2-131194168). Beginning in the 18th century, the scholars of Gonja documented their kingdom’s history, their writings constitute some of west Africa’s most detailed internal accounts and allow us to reconstruct the region’s history.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-3-131194168)
According to internal accounts, the Gonja kingdom was founded around the mid-16th century following a southern expedition from the Mali empire.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-4-131194168) The Mali emperor Jighi Jarra (this is likelyMahmud III r. 1496-1559 —who received Portuguese envoys from Elmina) requested for a tribute of gold from the ruler/governor of Begho, but the latter refused[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-5-131194168). Jarra thus raised a cavalry force led by two princes, Umar and Naba and sent it to attack Begho, which was then sucessfully conquered. While Umar stayed at Begho, Naba advanced northwards to occupy the neighboring town of Buna, but instead of returning, he conquered the land east of the town, and founded the ruling dynasty of Gonja.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-6-131194168)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Soh-!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa319d249-0095-410f-96b3-4e3c3758efbf_725x581.png)
_**Purported migration of Gonja’s founders**_
* * *
**For more on the Portuguese embassy to Mali and the conflict between Mali and Portugual see:**
[WHEN THE MALI EMPIRE MET PORTUGAL](https://www.patreon.com/posts/when-mali-empire-76281818)
* * *
Traditions about immigrant founders from Mali are common among the origin-myths of the states in the Volta basin. While such traditions may not accurately recount real events, the Mali origin of some of the region’s elites is corroborated by their use of the clan names of Mande-speakers and the archeological evidence for pre-existing Mande settlements like Begho. Additionally, many of the scholars that appear in Gonja's history including those who wrote its chronicles were Wangara/Juula (ie Mande speakers), while the majority of the subjects in Gonja spoke the Guang-languages of the Akan family. [7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-7-131194168)
A more detailed internally written account known as the _Kitab Gonja_ (Gonja chronicle) continues the early history of Gonja, identifying Naba as the first ruler of the kingdom from 1552 to 1582. Among Naba's allies was a _Malam_ (teacher/scholar) named Ismā‛īl kamaghatay, and his son Mahama Labayiru (or Muhammad al-Abyad). This al-Abyad is credited with assisting Naba's sucessor Manwura (r. 1582-1600) while the latter was at war. Impressed by al-Abyad's assistance, Manwura adopted Islam and took on the name Umaru Kura. this King Umaru of Gonja was later suceeded by his brother Amoah (1600-1622) who is credited with constructing the first mosque at the town/capital called Buipe, and he also sent a representative to go on a pilgrimage to Mecca, thus taking on the honorific of _Hajj_.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-8-131194168)
King Amoah was later suceeded by Jakpa Lanta (r. 1622–1666), a remarkable ruler who appears in several traditions as the "founder" of Gonja, or as the founder of a new dynasty. Jakpa is said to have come from ‘Mande’ (the Mali heartland) at the head of a band of horsemen, accompanied by his _Malam_ named Fatigi Morokpe. He sucessfully conquered all the regions that became Gonja, upto the borders of Dagomba in the east and Asante in the south. Jakpa then settled at the town of Nyanga (or Yagbum), where he appointed his sons to govern each of the main provincial towns of Gonja, such as Tuluwe, Bole, Kpembe, Wasipe, and Kawsaw. Jakpa created the paramount office of Yagbum _wura_, which became the title of the king of Gonja, and was to rotate among the provinces.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-9-131194168)
Conversely, the Gonja chronicle mentions that king Jakpa and his sucessor, king Sa'ara, launched several expeditions from their capital Buipe (rather than Yagbum). These included a sucessful invasion of Dagomba which seized the important town of Daboya, at the center of a salt-producing region. King Sa'ara was reportedly deposed in 1697 due to his ceaseless campaigns, he was initially suceeded by weak kings until the brief but sucessful reign of Abbas who sacked the town of Buna and Fugula in 1709. After the death of Abbas, central authority in Gonja was permanently weakened as each provincial chief retained power in their own capital. The now federated state, centered at Yagbum, consolidated its borders and would remain largely unchanged throughout most of the 18th and 19th century.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-10-131194168)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Jg1s!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F47379540-b055-43b0-b21f-824168996710_1014x608.png)
_**Sketch showing the southern expansion of the Juula (in green) to the cities of Begho and Buna.**_[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-11-131194168)
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_**Map of the Gonja kingdom by Jack Goody, showing the main provinces/chiefdoms**_
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[Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share)
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**The government in Gonja during the 18th century.**
The kingdom Gonja was a federated state, power was vested with the provincial chiefs, who owed ceremonial and ritual allegiance to the king at Yagbum. Effective authority lay in the hands of the chiefs of the roughly 15 provinces, the most prominent of whom were at Buipe, Bole, Wasipe, Kpembe, Tuluwe and Kawsaw[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-12-131194168). Each of the chiefs had their own royal courts and armies, collected tribute and regulated trade. All chiefs were united in claiming descent from Jakpa, and were eligible for the role of king which was intended to be a rotating office, but was in practice often decided by the strongest chief.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-13-131194168)
Gonja’s elite governed their subjects through representatives at the royal court and through matrimonial alliances with re-existing elites. The Gonja hierachy also included a class of Muslim scholars who formed an integral part of the state's political structure since its foundation. The kingdom was thus made up of three major social groups; the ruling elite called the _Ngbanya_, the Muslim scholars known as the _Karamo_ and the rest of the subjects who were commonly known as the _Nyemasi_. The royals often resided in their capitals at some distance from the trading towns where the scholars lived, while the bulk of the subjects lived in the countryside.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-14-131194168)
The archeological site of ‘Old Buipe’ in nothern Ghana has recently been identified as the location of the ancient town of Buipe, it was built around the late 15th century but abandoned in the 1950s.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-15-131194168) Excavations have uncovered complex structures in field A, C, D, E, and F of Old Buipe, which indicate that the site was relatively large urban settlement of significant political importance prior to the emergence of Gonja and during most the kingdom’s early history. The ruins of the site included several large courtyard houses with an orthogonal design, and flat roofs —some of which had an upper storey. The architecture of Old Buipe (which was also found at Gonja town of Daboya) challenges the mechanistic model of diffusion which assume that such building styles were introduced after the Islamization of the region.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-16-131194168)
The largest structures excavated at Old Buipe were located in Fields; A, C and D, with a complex plan of juxtaposed rectangular rooms and courtyards, plastered cob walls (these are built with hardened silt, clay and gravel rather than brick), laterite floors, and a flat terrace-roof. The ruins of Field A included a large architectural complex of 16 rooms, built in the 15th cent and occupied until around the 18th century, while the ruins of Field C included a large structure of 14 rooms built in the 15th century, but abandoned in the early 16th century.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-17-131194168)
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_**Partially excavated ruins of a 15th century building complex at Field A, Old Buipe, Ghana**_ (photo by photo Denis Genequand, drawing Marion Berti)
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_**ruins of a 15th century building complex at Field C, Old Buipe, Ghana**_ (photo by Denis Genequand)
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_**ruins of a 15th century building complex at Field C, Old Buipe, Ghana**_ (photo by photo Denis Genequand). Like the structure in A, this building was in use until around the 18th century.
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**The Scholars of Gonja**
Both the written and oral traditions of Gonja often attribute king Naba and king Jakpa's military success to the role of their Malams; Ismail and al-Abyad (or Fatigi Morokpe). Gonja's scholars who descendend from these two figures formed distinct groups of urban-based imams, teachers and traders across the kingdom, all with varying relationships to the royal court.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-18-131194168) The scholary community of Gonja was part of a regional network that pre-existed the kingdom. According to the _Kitab Gonja_, town of Begho was the origin of Isma'il Kamagate and his son Muhammad al-Abyad[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-19-131194168). Besides Begho, the scholars of Gonja were closely associated with their peers at Buna despite the town being a target of Gonja's attacks as it was virtually autonomous.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-20-131194168)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!LxVT!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffbcbec0b-9b8b-40d9-b292-8ccfb33f6a05_887x532.png)
_**Old mosque of Bouna (Côte d'Ivoire). Photo AOF, 1927**_
Like Begho, the town of Buna was Juula settlement and the capital of an independent chiefdom which pre-dated the founding of Gonja[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-21-131194168). It became regional scholarly center, and by the 18th century, scholars from across west Africa converged at Buna, especially following the decline of Begho. These included Abū Bakr al-Siddīq of Timbuktu, who was a student in Buna around 1800, and mentioned several leading scholars of the town, including Shaykh ‘Abd al-Qādir Sankarī from Futa Jallon (in Guinea), Ibrāhīm ibn Yūsuf from Futa Toro (in Senegal) and Ibrāhīm ibn Abī’l-Hasan from Dyara (in Mali). Buna's scholary community was led by a local Juula named ‘Abdallāh ibn al-Hājj Muhammad Watarāwī.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-22-131194168)
The relations between Buna and the Imams of Gonja, especially at Buipe and Bole, were close, and the authors of Gonja chronicle (_Kitab Gonja_) are among the scholars likely to have come from Buna[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-23-131194168). The _Kitab Gonja_, was written in 1751 by the Gonja imam Sidi 'Umar b. Suma, who assumed office at Buipe in 1747. Umar was a descendant of al-Abyad and would be suceeded in office by his son 'Umar Kunandi b. 'Umar, who later updated the chronicle in 1764. Besides providing a detailed account of Gonja's history, the chronicle also records important events among Gonja's neighbors including the kingdoms of Asante, Dagomba, Bonduku, Mamprusi, Buna and Kong.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-24-131194168)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Nzh-!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe5cb0122-df3e-48d7-b05f-b1b759a74c98_826x557.png)
_**19th century copy of the prayerbook 'Dalāʾil al-Khayrāt'**_, written in northern Ghana, most likely by a scholar in Gonja or Dagomba, Ms. Or 6575, British library.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-25-131194168)
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_**19th century work titled kitāb al-balagh al-minan, (The Book of Attaining Destiny)**_, written in northern Ghana, most likely by a scholar from Gonja or Dagomba, Ms Or. 6576, British Library. [26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-26-131194168)
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**The mosques of Gonja**
There are four of Gonja old mosques still in use today, these include the mosques at Larabanga, Banda Nkwata, Maluwe and Bole. The construct of atleast two of these mosques; Larabanga and Banda Nkwata, is firmly dated to before 1900. While most local traditions date the construction of the Larabanga mosque to the 17th century, the present structure was built in the 19th century, with a few recent modifications[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-27-131194168). The oldest mosque in Gonja was at Buipe, where the _Kitab Gonja_ places its construction in the late 16th century, but the town was abandoned in the 1950s and the mosque is yet to be excavated.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-28-131194168) The mosque of Banda Nkwata was most likely built in the late 19th century[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-29-131194168), while the mosques of Maluwe and Bole were built in the early 20th century, possibly ontop of older structures.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-30-131194168)
The mosques of Larabanga, Banda Nkwanta, and Bole share a number of common elements: a square plan 10 to 12m wide, façades that are structured by buttresses surmounted by pinnacles and linked together by horizontal wooden poles, a prayer hall subdivided into three naves and three bays by four massive pillars and accessible through three doors, a terrace on the roof that is accessible by a staircase covered by a dome (the minaret-tower), and a protruding quadrangular mihrab sheltered at the base of another tower covered by a dome and situated in the centre of the qibla wall. The thick walls ensure the stability of the structure, while the wooden poles serve as scaffolding and decoration. Larabanga and Bole were built with cob, while the rest were built with mud-brick.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-31-131194168)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!MvtE!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcb25e961-eb2a-4a71-9815-13c946882a23_1024x683.jpeg)
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_**Banda Nkwata mosque**_[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-32-131194168)
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[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!L_xV!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F435cd0f2-2ae0-4ced-8f4b-3125e0de412a_1024x680.jpeg)
_**Larabanga mosque**_[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-33-131194168)
While islam played an important role in the kingdom’s social and political institutions, Gonja’s royal court was only partially Islamized, largely due to the accommodationist theology of the Wangara scholars who followed the Suwarian tradition of pacifism.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-34-131194168) Chiefs depended on both the imams and the earth-priests, and were only nominally Muslim despite claiming descent from the Islamized heartlands of Mali. The participation of the scholars in the state's creation and growth had earned them an influencial position in adminsitration but Gonja society’s differentiation into distinct social estates remained largely unchanged.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-35-131194168)
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**Trade and Economy in Gonja**
The kingdom of Gonja had a predominantly agro-pastoral economy, largely determined by its semi-arid ecology. The kingdom's towns, especially Buipe and Kaffaba were centers of significant craft industries including textile production and cloth dyeing, smiting, leatherworking, and salt mining. They posessed regular markets that were also connected to regional trade routes where external trade was undertaken by the old commercial diasporas of west Africa.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-36-131194168)
The region of Gonja was at the crossroads of important trade routes which linked the gold and kola producing forests of the Voltaic basin to the trading hubs of Jenne to the north and Kano in Hausaland to the north-east. "Gonja" is itself a toponym of Hausa origin (ie: Gonjawa) which prexisted the kingdom and from which it would later derive its name. The chronicle Kano, mentions that the route from Kano to Gonja was first opened in the mid 15th century. Over the centuries, the commercial diasporas of the Hausa and the Wangara converged in Gonja and extended southward to Asante.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-37-131194168)
Some of the towns in eastern Gonja such as Kafaba and Salaga pre-existed the founding of the kingdom and they included communities that claim to be of Hausa and Bornu origin. The Gonja chronicles also mention the presence of Hausa traders at Buipe whom came to buy Kola derived from Asante and Bunduku.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-38-131194168)
As a result of the activities of external traders, the kingdom of Gonja appears on the 18th century maps made by the geographers De L'isle in 1707 and D'anville in 1749. The latter indicated Gonja as 'Gonge' and included its principal tows; Gbuipe as 'Goaffy', Tuluwe as 'Teloue' and Kafaba 'caffaba'. The names of the towns, which are rendered in Hausa, were transmitted by traders at the coast.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-39-131194168)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!yEFn!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1ff43ab1-aa5a-4cd1-9e51-65e762cda211_854x490.png)
_**position of Gonja in the Mande trade network**_[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-40-131194168)
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**Gonja in the 19th century; from Asante domination to the onset of colonialism.**
In the 1830s, the kingdom of Gonja became embroiled in a sucession crisis between Safo, the chief of Bole, and Kali, the chief of Tuluwe. The scholars of Buna agreed to mediate the dispute but ultimately failed, enabling Kali to defeat Safo's forces. After Safo's defeat his sons and followers fled to Wa, during which time, Kali's brief reign ended with the ascension of Saidu, the chief of Kongo . Saidu then requested ruler of Wa to repatriate Safo's followers but the latter refused. Saidu invaded Wa but was defeated, he then formed an alliance with the armies of Gyaman, but this too was defeated, forcing him to retreat to Daboya. The ruler of Wa then requested the Asante king Kwaku Dua (r. 1720-1750) to intervene, and the combined forces of Wa and Asante expelled Saidu from Daboya and killed him.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-41-131194168)
Most of Gonja thereafter became a vassal of Asante, after several wars between most of the kingdom’s provinces. Written accounts from Gonja mention that the Asante first campaign into central and western Gonja occurred in 1732 (related to the abovementioned dispute with Wa), followed by an attack on Gonja’s eastern province of Kpembe in 1745 and 1751.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-42-131194168) The Asante invasion was initially perceived negatively by Gonja's scholars, especially the chronicler Sidi Umar who included an obituary of Opoku Ware that called the Asante king an oppressor that "harmed the people of Gonja". However, by the early 19th century, Gonja's scholars were praising the Asante for securing the region and protecting their interests at Kumase and at the town of Salaga.[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-43-131194168)
Founded around the late 16th century, Salaga was the trading town of the Gonja province of Kpembe and later became a trading emporium after its conquest by Asante. The cosmopolitan town with an estimated population of 30,000 during the early 19th century included diverse groups of scholars and merchants from across west africa that transformed it into a major center of education and trade. However, the brief disintegration of Asante following the British invasion of 1874 led to the independence of its northern vassals. The town Salaga expelled its Asante governors and gradually declined as it was displaced by other towns like Kitampo and Kete-Krachi, all of which were outside Gonja.[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-44-131194168)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!JXTo!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2c5fec49-7e94-4bc1-b6fb-127eae992a50_783x568.png)
_**a mosque at Salaga, ca. 1886-1890**_, Edouard Foa, Getty research institute
After it had thrown off Asante's suzeranity, Gonja had to contend with the growing power of the northern kingdom of Wa and the expansionist empire of Wasulu led by Samori Ture. The forces of Gonja’s nothern province of Kong had advanced towards Gonja’s border with Wa, prompting the ruler of Wa to assemble a large army and defeat Kong, annexing parts of the province[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-45-131194168). This forced Jamani, chief of Kong, to ask Samori for support in his bid to retake his province and for the Gonja throne. In the late 1880s, Samori sent his son Sarankye Mori, who established himself at Bole after crushing local resistance, subsumed Wa, and briefly added most of Gonja to the Wasulu empire before Samori’s army fell to the French in 1898.[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-46-131194168)
In eastern Gonja, a conflict that begun in 1882 between the province of Kpembe and the kingdom of Dagbum, escalated into a major war by 1892 which destroyed Salaga.[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-47-131194168) In 1894, Kpembe chief and the chiefs of Bole had signed treaty of ‘friendship’ with the British on the Gold coast, who were preparing to invade Asante in 1895 and didn’t want Gonja to aid Asante. The British presence angered the Germans who were now just east of Kpembe in what would later become Togo and considered Gonja a neutral zone. The Germans thus invaded Kpembe in 1896 and expelled its chief, around the same time that the British were occupying Asante and occupying Samori’s territories in Gonja by 1897. The British compelled most of Gonja’s chiefs into becoming part of the Gold-coast colony (Ghana) and the Germans gave up their claim of Kpembe. By 1899, Salaga formally came under British control, formally ending Gonja’s autonomy.[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-48-131194168)
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Beginning in the late 18th century, **Freed Slaves from the Americas resettled on west Africa’s coast and established themselves as influencial cultural intermediaries and wealthy merchants. These liberated Africans made a significant contribution to west-Africa’s economic and cultural growth in the 19th century**, read more about them in this article:
[CONTRIBUTIONS OF LIBERATED AFRICANS](https://www.patreon.com/posts/85011401?pr=true)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!MhZY!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe0dca157-5444-4ff9-a508-0b27d727fac3_616x1219.png)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-1-131194168)
Map by Marion Berti
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-2-131194168)
Wangara, Akan and Portuguese in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries. 1. The Matter of Bitu by Ivor Wilks pg 336-349 Outsiders and Strangers: An Archaeology of Liminality in West Africa By Anne Haour pg 68-73
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-3-131194168)
Arabic Literature of Africa : The writings of Western Sudanic Africa, Volume 4 by J. Hunwick, pg 542-547
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-4-131194168)
The Ethnography of the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast by J. Goody pg 12, 54-55)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-5-131194168)
Wangara, Akan and Portuguese in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries II. The Struggle
for Trade by Ivor Wilks pg 468-472
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-6-131194168)
Between Accommodation and Revivalism: Muslims, the State, and Society in Ghana from the Precolonial to the Postcolonial Era by Holger Weiss pg 53-54,
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-7-131194168)
Between Accommodation and Revivalism by Holger Weiss pg 62-63, Jakpa and the Foundation of Gonja by D.H.Jones pg 6-12, Imams of Gonja The Kamaghate and the Transmission of Islam to the Volta Basin by Andreas Walter Massing pg 82-85
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-8-131194168)
The Ethnography of the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast by J. Goody pg 36-37, Between Accommodation and Revivalism by Holger Weiss pg 71)
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-9-131194168)
Jakpa and the Foundation of Gonja by D.H.Jones pg 4-6, Between Accommodation and Revivalism by Holger Weiss pg 71)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-10-131194168)
Unesco General History of Africa vol 5, pg 339, The Ethnography of the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast by J. Goody pg 11, 39, Jakpa and the Foundation of Gonja by D.H.Jones 17-20)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-11-131194168)
[Foundations of Trade and Education in medieval west Africa: the Wangara diaspora. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education)
[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/profile/44604452-isaac-samuel)
·
September 18, 2022
[](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education)
As the earliest documented group of west African scholars and merchants, the Wangara occupy a unique position in African historiography, from the of accounts of medieval geographers in Muslim Spain to the archives of historians in Mamluk Egypt, the name Wangara was synonymous with gold trade from west Africa, the merchants who brought the gold, and the …
[Read full story](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-12-131194168)
West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century by Daryll Forde, P. M. Kaberry pg 188-189
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-13-131194168)
Jakpa and the Foundation of Gonja by D.H.Jones pg 6)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-14-131194168)
Jakpa and the Foundation of Gonja by D.H.Jones pg 27-28, West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century by Daryll Forde, P. M. Kaberry 186-187)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-15-131194168)
Excavations in Old Buipe and Study of the Mosque of Bole (Ghana, Northern Region): Report on the 2015 Season of the Gonja Project by Denis Genequand pg 28-29
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-16-131194168)
Preliminary Report on the 2019 Season of the Gonja Project, Ghana by Denis Genequand et al. pg 287, Excavations in Old Buipe and Study of the Mosque of Bole (Ghana, Northern Region) by Denis Genequand et al. pg 26
_**For similar architectural complexes prior to Islamization, see**_: Oursi Hu-beero: A Medieval House Complex in Burkina Faso, West Africa edited by Lucas Pieter Petit
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-17-131194168)
see the “Preliminary Reports” of the Gonja Project by Denis Genequand et al. from 2015-2020
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-18-131194168)
West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century by Daryll Forde, P. M. Kaberry pg 73-74)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-19-131194168)
Imams of Gonja The Kamaghate and the Transmission of Islam to the Volta Basin by Andreas Walter Massing pg 61 n.18
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-20-131194168)
The History of Islam in Africa edited by Nehemia Levtzion, Randall L. Pouwels pg 99, Wa and the Wala: Islam and Polity in Northwestern Ghana by Ivor Wilks pg 86)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-21-131194168)
Imams of Gonja The Kamaghate and the Transmission of Islam to the Volta Basin by Andreas Walter Massing pg 71-72
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-22-131194168)
Between Accommodation and Revivalism by Holger Weiss pg 55)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-23-131194168)
Baghayogho: A Soninke Muslim Diaspora in the Mande World by Andreas W. Massing pg 914, Imams of Gonja The Kamaghate and the Transmission of Islam to the Volta Basin by Andreas Walter Massing pg 71
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-24-131194168)
The History of Islam in Africa edited by Nehemia Levtzion, Randall L. Pouwels pg pg 99)
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-25-131194168)
[link](https://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/FullDisplay.aspx?index=3&ref=Or_6575)
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-26-131194168)
[link](https://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/FullDisplay.aspx?index=4&ref=Or_6576)
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-27-131194168)
Architecture, Islam, and Identity in West Africa: Lessons from Larabanga By Michelle Apotsos pg 93-94, Historic Mosques in Sub-Saharan Africa By Stéphane Pradines pg 93-94)
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-28-131194168)
The Ethnography of the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast by J. Goody pg 37, Imams of Gonja The Kamaghate and the Transmission of Islam to the Volta Basin by Andreas Walter Massing pg 60
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-29-131194168)
Preliminary Report on the 2016 Season of the Gonja Project by Denis Genequand pg 103)
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-30-131194168)
Excavations in Old Buipe and Study of the Mosque of Bole by Denis Genequand pg 53-54, Preliminary Report on the 2017 Season of the Gonja Project by Denis Genequand pg 302)
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-31-131194168)
Preliminary Report on the 2016 Season of the Gonja Project by Denis Genequand pg 96-108
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-32-131194168)
Photos from wikimedia commons and by Denis Genequand
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-33-131194168)
photos from wikimedia commons and Sue Milks on flickr
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-34-131194168)
Between Accommodation and Revivalism by Holger Weiss pg 57-58)
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-35-131194168)
The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 5 edited by J. D. Fage, pg 194)
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-36-131194168)
West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century by Daryll Forde, P. M. Kaberry pg 183-184)
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-37-131194168)
The Ethnography of the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast by J. Goody pg 7, Between Accommodation and Revivalism by Holger Weiss pg 97-99)
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-38-131194168)
Accommodation and Revivalism by Holger Weiss pg 100-101, 109, n.311, Salaga: A Nineteenth Century Trading Town in Ghana by Levtzion Nehemia, pg 208 n. 3)
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-39-131194168)
The Historian in Tropical Africa: Studies Presented and Discussed at the Fourth International African Seminar at the University of Dakar, Senegal 1961 by J. Vansina, R. Mauny, L. V. Thomas, Salaga: A Nineteenth Century Trading Town in Ghana Levtzion, Nehemia, pg 212-213)
[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-40-131194168)
map by Holger Weiss
[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-41-131194168)
Wa and the Wala: Islam and Polity in Northwestern Ghana by Ivor Wilks pg 100)
[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-42-131194168)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century by Ivor Wilks pg 20-21
[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-43-131194168)
The History of Islam in Africa edited by Nehemia Levtzion, Randall L. Pouwels pg 104-105)
[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-44-131194168)
Accommodation and Revivalism by Holger Weiss pg 110-112, 120-121, Salaga: A Nineteenth Century Trading Town in Ghana Levtzion, Nehemia, pg 218-222, 230-234)
[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-45-131194168)
West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century by Daryll Forde, P. M. Kaberry pg 199, Wa and the Wala: Islam and Polity in Northwestern Ghana by Ivor Wilks pg 106)
[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-46-131194168)
Wa and the Wala: Islam and Polity in Northwestern Ghana by Ivor Wilks pg 121-123
[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-47-131194168)
Salaga: A Nineteenth Century Trading Town in Ghana by Levtzion, Nehemia, pg 236-240)
[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-gonja-kingdom-1550#footnote-anchor-48-131194168)
Salaga: A Nineteenth Century Trading Town in Ghana by Levtzion, Nehemia pg 242, Making History in Banda: Anthropological Visions of Africa's Past by Ann Brower Stahl pg 97-98
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[Timothy Burke](https://substack.com/profile/39555188-timothy-burke?utm_source=substack-feed-item)
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Liked by isaac Samuel
This is a professor-type comment, but I am struck in this essay by something that is a part of your other essays, it's just more notable here, which is that you don't actually do much historiographical discussion in your narration. e.g., you are often focusing on states or periods where there are some substantial questions about how much we know and how we know it--and when I look at your footnotes, you do a really interesting mixture of very old sources, of the major "first generation" of mainstream academic Africanists, and then a smattering of more recent archaeological and linguistic work often. But you don't talk about how you approach that mix of expertise, all of which presents at least a few issues. I really like the confidence and clarity of these essays, the straightforward narration of a knowable history, but I am a bit curious about how you see your approach to assembling the expert knowledge that informs these essays.
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Thank you, really interesting to learn a more about that region of Africa.
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Published Time: 2023-05-07T12:45:51+00:00
A history of the Loango kingdom (ca.1500-1883) : Power, Ivory and Art in west-central Africa.
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A history of the Loango kingdom (ca.1500-1883) : Power, Ivory and Art in west-central Africa.
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### Africa's past carved in ivory
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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For more than five centuries, the kingdom of Loango dominated the coastal region of west central Africa between the modern countries of Gabon and Congo-Brazzaville. As a major regional power, Loango controlled lucrative trade routes that funneled African commodities into local and international markets, chief among which was ivory.
Loango artists created intricately carved ivory sculptures which reflected their sophisticated skill and profound cultural values, making their artworks a testament to the region's artistic and historical heritage. Loango ivories rank among the most immediate primary sources that offer direct African perspectives from an era of social and political change in west-central Africa on the eve of colonialism
This article explores the political and economic history of Loango, focusing on the kingdom's ivory trade and its ivory-carving tradition.
_**Map of west-central Africa in 1650 showing the kingdom of Loango**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!gsht!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fea1ef028-8254-43ec-8cf9-26acaef01d55_625x473.png)
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**The government in Loango**
Beginning in the early 2nd millennium, the lower Congo river valley was divided into political and territorial units of varying sizes whose influence over their neighbors changed over time. The earliest state to emerge in the region was the kingdom of Kongo by the end of the 14th century, and it appears in external accounts as a fully centralized state in the 1480s. The polity of Loango would have emerged not long after Kongo's ascendance but wouldn't appear in the earliest accounts of west-central Africa.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-1-119689450)
Loango was likely under the control of Kongo in the early 16th century, since the latter of which was nominally the suzerain of several early states in the lower Congo valley where its first rulers had themselves originated. Around the end of his reign, the Kongo king Diogo I (r. 1545-1561) sent a priest to named Sebastião de Souto to the court of the ruler of loango. Traditions documented in the 17th century credit a nobleman named Njimbe for establishing the independent kingdom of Loango.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-2-119689450)
Njimbe built his power through the skillful use of force and alliances, conquering the neighboring polities of Wansi, Kilongo and Piri, the last of which become the home of his capital; Buali (_**Mbanza loango**_) near the coast. In the Kikongo language, a person from Piri would be called a _**Muvili**_, hence the origin of the term Vili as an ethnonym for people from the Kingdom of Loango[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-3-119689450). But the Vili "ethnicity" came to include anyone from the so-called Loango coast which included territories controlled by other states.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-4-119689450)
Kongo lost any claims of suzerainty over Loango by 1584, as the latter was then fully independent, and had disappeared from the royal titles of Kongo's kings. In the 1580s, caravans coming from Loango regularly went inland to purchase copper, ivory and cloth. And increasing external demand for items from the interior augmented the pre-existing commercial configurations to the benefit of Loango, which extended its cultural and political influence along the coast as far as cape Lopez.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-5-119689450)
Once a vassal of Kongo, Loango became a competitor of its former overlord as a supplier of Atlantic commodities. After the death of Njimbe in 1565, power passed to another king who ruled over sixty years until 1625. Loango had since consolidated its control over a large stretch of coastline, established the ports of Loango and Mayumba, and was expanding southward. The pattern of conquest and consolidation had given Loango a complex government, centered in a core province ruled directly by the king and royals, while outlying provinces remained under their pre-conquest dynasties who were supervised by appointed officials.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-6-119689450)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!6Fxm!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe7d28453-2714-41a6-b8e0-803cb4c6c4f5_1962x1407.jpeg)
_**Colorized illustration of Olfert Dapper’s drawing of the Loango Capital, ca. 1686**_
By 1624, Loango expanded eastwards, using a network of military alliances to attack the eastern polities of Vungu and Wansi. These overtures were partly intended to monopolize the trade in copper and ivory in Bukkameale, a region that lay within the textile-producing belt of west-central Africa. This frontier region of Bukkameale located between Loango and Tio/Makoko kingdom, contained the copper mines of Mindouli/Mingole, and was the destination of most Vili carravans which regulary travelled through the interior both on foot and by canoe.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-7-119689450)
The importance of Ivory, Cloth and Copper to Loango's rulers can be gleaned from this account by an early 17th century Dutch observer;
_**"**_[The king]_**has tremendous income, with houses full of elephant’s tusks, some of them full of copper, and many of them with lebongos**_[raphia cloth]_**, which are common currency here… During my stay, more than 50,000 lbs.**_ [of ivory]_**were traded each year. … There is also much beautiful red copper, most of which comes from the kingdom of the Isiques**_[Makoko] _**in the form of large copper arm-rings weighing between 1½ and 14 lb., which are smuggled out of the**_[Makoko]_**country".**_[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-8-119689450)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!rFeZ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F06e0ac8a-3d98-4719-9388-081b98cf92c0_431x677.png)
_**detail on a carved ivory tusk from Loango, depicting figures traveling by canoe and on foot. 1830-1887, No. TM-A-11083, Nationaal Museum van Wereldculturen**_
Before the unnamed king's death in 1625, he instituted a rotation system of sucession in which each of the rulers of the four districts (Kaye, Boke, Selage, and Kabongo) within the core province would take the title of king. The first selected was Yambi ka Mbirisi from Kaye, who suceeded to the throne but had to face a brief sucession crisis from his rival candidates. The tenuous sucession system held for a while but evidently couldn't be maintained for long. In 1663, Loango was ruled by a king who, following a diplomatic and religious exchange with Kongo's province of Soyo, had taken up the name 'Afonso' after the famous king of Kongo.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-9-119689450)
Afonso hoped his connection to Soyo would increase his power at the expense of the four other nobles meant to suceed him in rotation, since he’d expect to be suceeded by his sons instead. But this plan failed and Afonso was deposed by rival claimant who was himself deposed by another king in 1665. This started a civil war that ended in the 1670s, and when the king died, the rotation system was replaced by a state council (similar to the one in Kongo and other kingdoms), which elected kings. _**“they could raise one king up and replace him with another to their pleasure.”**_[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-10-119689450)
For most of the 18th century, the king's power was reduced as that of the councilors grew with each election. These councilors included the Magovo and the Mapouto who managed foreign affairs, the Makaka who commanded the army, the Mfuka who was in charge of trade, and the Makimba who had authority over the coast and interior. The king's role was confined to judicial matters such as resolving disputes and hearing cases.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-11-119689450)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!xKC3!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F511fed62-2c13-45c7-be6b-528f976f8c0e_561x670.png)
_**Detail of 19th century tusk, showing the emblem of the “Prime Minister of Loango ‘Mafuka Peter’” in the form of a coat of arms consisting of two seated animals in semi-rampant posture holding a perforated object between them. No. 11.10.83.2 -National Museums Liverpool.**_[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-12-119689450)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!iIm3!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb9d33d51-99e9-4f99-8f17-5d84cb8a545f_794x599.jpeg)
_**“Audience of the King of Loango”, ca. 1756, Thomas Salmon**_
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[Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share)
* * *
After the death of a king, the election period often extended for some time while the country was nominally led by a 'Mani Boman' (regent) chosen by the king before his death. In 1701, no king had been elected despite the previous one having died nine months earlier, the kingdom was in the regency of Makunda in the interim. After the death of a king named Makossa in 1766, none was elected to succeed him in the 6 years that followed during which time the kingdom was led by two "regents". In 1772, Buatu was finally elected king, but when he died in 1787, no king was elected for nearly a century.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-13-119689450)
From 1787 to 1870, executive power in Loango was held by the Nganga Mvumbi (priest of the corpse), another pre-existing official figure whose duty was to oversee the body of the king as he awaited burial. During the century-long interregnum, seven people holding this title acted as the leaders of the state. Their legitimacy lay in the claim that there was no suitable sucessor in the pool of candidates for the throne. The Nganga Mvumbi became part of the royal council which thus preserved its power by indefinitely postponing the election of the king. But the kingdom remained centralized in the hands of this bureaucracy, who exercised power in the name of the (deceased) king, collecting taxes, regulating trade, waging war and engaging with regional and foreign states.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-14-119689450)
Descriptions of Loango in 1874 show a country firmly in the hands of the Nganga Mvumbi and his officers, although in the coastal areas, local officials begun to usurp official titles such as the Mafuk, which was sold to prominent families. New merchant classes also emerged among the low ranking nobles called the Mfumu Nsi, who built up power by attracting followers, dependents and slaves, as a consequence of increasing wealth from the commodities trade.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-15-119689450)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ZEkB!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1c2c8a20-f7bb-476b-b6b4-80f2c6377444_442x662.png)
_**detail of a 19th century Loango tusk depicting pipe-smoking figures being carried on a litter, No. TM-6049-29 -Nationaal Museum van Wereldculturen**_
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**External Ivory trade from Loango**
Loango, like most of its peers in central Africa had a mostly agricultural economy with some crafts industries for making textiles, iron and copper working, ivory and wood carving, etc. They had regular markets and used commodity currencies like cloth and copper and were marginally engaged in export trade. External trade items varied depending on demand and cost of purchase, but they primarily consisted of ivory, copper, captives, and cloth. These were acquired by private Vili merchants who were active in the segmented regional exchanges across regional trade routes, some extending as far as central Angola.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-16-119689450)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!_ggS!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F10ca3d45-ea9d-40c3-b5e7-c5888a1c3e8e_458x622.png)
_**detail on a 19th century Loango tusk depicting an elephant pinning down a hunter while another hunter aims a rifle at its head.**_ No. 96-28-1 _**-**_ Smithsonian Museum
The Vili's external trade was an extension of regional trade routes, no single state and no single item continuously dominated the entire region's external trade from the 16th to the 19th century. Cloth and salt was used as a means of exchange in caravans leaving Loango to trade in the interior. Among the goods acquired on these trade routes were ivory, copper, redwood and others. Most products were used for local consumption or intermediary exchange to facilitate acquisition of ivory and copper. Ivory was mostly acquired from the frontier regions, which were occupied by various groups including foragers ("pygmies"). The latter obtained the ivory using traps, and competitively sold it to both Loango and Makoko traders.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-17-119689450)
The earliest external demand for Loango's ivory came from Portuguese traders. The Portuguese crown had attempted to monopolize trade between its own agents active along Loango's coast but this proved difficult to enforce as the Loango king refused the establishment of a Portuguese post in his region. This confined the Portuguese to the south and effectively edged them out of the ivory trade in favor of other buyers like the Dutch.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-18-119689450)
Such was Loango's commitment to open trade that when the Dutch ship of the ivory trader Van den Broecke was captured by a Portuguese ship in 1608, armed forces from Loango intercepted the Portuguese ship, executed its crew and freed the Dutch prisoners.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-19-119689450) The Portuguese didn't entirely abandon trade with loango, and would maintain a token presence well in to the 1600s. They also used other European agents as intermediaries. Eg from 1590-1610, the English trader Andrew Battell who had been detained in Luanda, visited Loango as an agent for the governor of Luanda. He mentions trading some fabric for three 120-pound tusks and cloth.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-20-119689450)
The Dutch become the most active traders on the Loango coast beginning in the early 17th century. The account of the Dutch ivory trader Pieter van den Broecke who was active in Loango between 1610 and 1612 provides some of the most detailed descriptions of this early trade. Broecke operated trading stations in the ports of Loango and Maiomba, where he specialized in camwood, raffia cloth and ivory, items that were cheaper and easier to store than the main external trade of the time which was captives. The camwood (used for dyeing cloth) and the raffia cloth (used in local trade) were mostly intermediaries commodities used to purchase ivory.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-21-119689450)
Broecke and his agents acquired about 311,000 pounds of ivory after several trading seasons in Loango across a 5-year period. Most of the ivory came from private traders in the kingdom with a few coming from the Loango king himself. At the same time, Loango continued to be a major exporter of other items including cloth called makuta, of which up to 80,000 meters were traded with Luanda in 1611.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-22-119689450)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!f3S2!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fed00d656-d491-4921-88ff-f2f891cf95dd_599x386.jpeg)
_**work made by ivory carvers in Loango, ca. 1910**_
The Dutch activities in Loango must have threatened Portuguese interests in the region, since the kings of Kongo and Ndongo sucessfully exploited the Dutch-Portuguese rivalry for their own interests. In 1624 the Luanda governor Fernão de Souza requested the Loango King to close the Dutch trading post, in exchange for buying all supplies of ivory, military assistance and a delegation of priests. But the Loango king rejected all offers, and continued to trade with the Dutch.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-23-119689450)
Loango's ivory exports continued in significant quantities well into the late 17th century, but some observers noted that the advancement of the ivory frontier inland. Basing on information received from merchants active in Loango, the Ducth writer Olfert Dapper indicated that by the 1660s, supplies of ivory at the coast were decreasing because of the great difficulties in obtaining it.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-24-119689450)
The gradual decline in external ivory trade coincided with the rise in demand of slaves.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-25-119689450) In the last decades of the 17th century, the Loango port briefly became a major embarkation point for captives from the interior, as several routes converged at the port.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-26-119689450) But Loango's port was soon displaced by Malemba, (a port of Kakongo kingdom) and later by Cabinda (a port of Ngoyo kingdom) in the 18th century, and lastly by Boma in the early 19th century, the first three of which were located on the so-called 'Loango coast'. Mentions of Loango in external accounts therefore don't exclusively refer to the kingdom, anymore than 'the bight of Benin' refers to areas controlled by the Benin kingdom.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-27-119689450)
External Ivory trade continued in the 18th century, with records of significant exports in 1787, and the trade had fully recovered in the 19th century as the main export of Loango and its immediate neighbors after the decline of slave trade. The rising demand for commodities such as palm oil, rubber, camwood and ivory, reinvigorated established systems of trade and more than 78 factories were established along Loango's coast. Large exports of ivory were noted by visitors and traders in Loango and the kakongo kingdoms as early as 1817 and 1820, especially through the port of Mayumba.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-28-119689450)
Vili carravans crossed territorial boundaries in different polities protected by toll points, and shrines with armed escorts provided by local rulers. Rising prices compensated the distances and capital invested by traders in acquiring the ivory whose frontier continued to expand inland. The wealth and dependents accumulated by the traders and the 'Mafuk' authorities at the coast gradually eroded the power of the central authorities in the capital. Factory communities created new markets for Vili entrepreneurs including ivory carvers who found new demand beyond their usual royal clientele. Its these carvers that created the iconic ivory artworks of Loango.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-29-119689450)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!W4m7!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F89b9ec82-7e3a-4792-be31-6c3f74b703c4_630x620.png)
Detail on a carved ivory tusk from Loango, ca. 1890, No. 71.1973.24.1 -Quai branly, depicting a European coastal ‘factory’
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!IEEk!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F087c069c-5cd2-4012-b775-36a0a60440cb_862x556.png)
_**Carved ivory tusk from Loango, ca. 1906, No. IIIC20534, Berlin Ethnological Museum**_. depicting traders negotiating and giving tribute, and a procession of porters carrying merchandise.
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**The Ivory Art tradition of Loango**
The carving of ivory in Loango was part of an old art tradition attested across many kingdoms in west central Africa.
For example, the earliest records of the Kongo kingdom mention the existence of carved ivory artworks that were given as gifts in diplomatic exchanges with foreign rulers. A 1492 account by the Portuguese chronicler Rui de Pina narrates the conversion of Caçuta (called a “fidalgo” of the Kongo kingdom) and the gifts he brought to Portugal which included _**“elephant tusks, and carved ivory things…”**_ Another account by Garcia de Resende in the 1530s describes _**“a gift of many elephant tusks and carved ivory things..”**_ among other items. Ivory trumpets and bracelets are also mentioned as part of the royal regalia of the king of Kongo.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-30-119689450)
In Loango, the account of the abovementioned English trader Andrew Battell also refers to the ivory trumpets (called pongo or mpunga) at the King's court. He describes these royal trumpets as instruments made with an elephant's tusk, hollow inside, measuring a yard and a half, with an opening like that of a flute. He also mentions a royal burial ground near the capital that was encompassed by elephant tusks set into the ground.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-31-119689450)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Z_nH!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdbc3fd12-c278-43de-beb1-03d659f03974_1000x601.png)
_**side-blown ivory Oliphant from the kingdom of Kongo, ca. 1552, Treasury of the Grand Dukes, italy**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!qj70!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffd8e53ed-967b-4d14-84fb-2d398ac1394f_599x387.jpeg)
_**Ivory sculptors in Loango, ca. 1910**_
More detailed descriptions of Loango's ivory carving tradition were recorded in the 19th century. These include the account of Pechuël-Loesche's 1873 visit of Loango which includes mentions of ivory and wood carvings depicting the Loango king riding an elephant, that was a popular motif carved onto many private pieces, especially trumpets. Such instruments were costly and only used in festivals after which they were carefully stored away. Pechuël-Loesche believed these royal carvings inspired the pieces carved by private artists of whom he wrote _**"many have an outstanding skill in meticulously carving free hand”.**_[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-32-119689450)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!uI6N!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F717497cc-28fe-4293-a882-57d7bd5ff3a8_1172x406.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!-7Zs!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6ec271bd-d84b-4d9d-a531-428110148291_740x588.png)
_**Carved ivory tusk from Loango, ca. 1875, no. III C 429, Berlin Ethnological Museum.**_ It depicts a succession of genre-like scenes arranged in rows spiraling around the longitudinal axis, it shows activities associated with coastal trading stations as well as hunting and processions of porters.
Artists in Loango were commisioned by both domestic and foreign clients to create artworks based on the client's preferences. For European clients, the carvers would reproduce a paper sketch on alternative surfaces such as wood using charcoal as ink, and then carefully render the artwork on ivory using different tools
One visitor in 1884 describes the process as such;
_**"On a spiral going all around the large tusk like the arrangement upon the column of trajan, there were depicted a multitude of figures (40 to 100) first incised with a sharp piece of metal; then, by means of two small chisels, sometimes also nails, a bas-relief was produced with a wooden mallet; and then the whole thing was smoothed off with a small knife.**_[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-33-119689450)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!xicj!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd5195451-1001-424b-a1de-8e8dfd412f15_620x784.png)
_**Elaborately carved ivory tusk depicting human and animal figures in various scenes, ca. 1890, No. 71.1966.26.16, 71.1966.26.15, 71.1890.67.1 Quai branly**_
The main motifs were human and animal figures depicted in scenes that revolve around specific themes. The human figures include both local and foreign individuals, who are slightly differentiated by clothing, activities and facial hair.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-34-119689450) The figures are always viewed from the side, in profile while the top often has a three-dimensional figure. Themes depicted include trade, travel, hunting in the countryside as well as activities around the factory communities. The latter scenes in particular reflect the semi-colonial contexts in which they were made, with artists exerting subversive criticism through selected imagery.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-35-119689450)
While most of the extant Loango tusks in western institutions were evidently commissioned for European clients, the artists who carved the tusks asserted control over the narratives they depicted.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-36-119689450) Despite the de-centralized nature of the artists’ workshops across nearly a century, the narratives depicted remained remarkably consistent. The collector Carl Stecklemann who visisted Loango before 1889 suggests that the vignettes on the carved tusks chronicled “stirring events” in a great man’s career and were “carefully studied”, while another account from the 1880s suggests that they were “intended to tell stories and to point morals,” [37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-37-119689450)
One particulary exceptional tusk recreates four postcard images that were photographed by the commissioner of the tusk, German collector Robert Visser. In this tusk, the Loango artist skillfully returned his German surveyors’ surveillance by including a carving showing the latter taking a photo of the site.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-38-119689450) The Loango kingdom formally ended in 1883 when its capital was occupied by the French, but its art tradition would continue throughout the colonial and post-colonial era, with Vili artists creating some of the most exquisite tourist souvenirs on the continent.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ChzF!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe6c11a64-4e52-40c7-821a-b483f4fcce2f_856x541.png)
_**detail of a 19th century Loango ivory tusk depicting the harvesting of palm oil, on the right is a postcard by Robert Visser in Loango**_, photos by Smithsonian[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-39-119689450)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!8__V!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7081462c-c130-48b6-90be-6a841cae3729_1032x389.png)
_**Carved ivory tusk, made by a congolese artist, ca. 1927, No. TM-5969-203 Nationaal Museum van Wereldculturen**_
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The African religion of Bori and its Maguzawa Hausa practitioners, are some of the best-documented traditional african practices described by pre-colonial African historians. **Kano's Muslim elite recognized the significance of the traditional Bori faith and the Maguzawa in the city-state's history and ensured that their contributions were documented.**
Read more about it here:
[KANO'S MAGUZAWA AND THE BORI RELIGION](https://www.patreon.com/posts/82189267?pr=true)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!1w5M!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F01f6330e-3f4e-4087-8908-cc1f4e821489_615x1207.jpeg)
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_**If you like this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal**_
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-1-119689450)
Paths in the rainforests by Jan Vansina pg 155-156, A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 64)
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-2-119689450)
A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 65)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-3-119689450)
A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 65
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-4-119689450)
Paths in the rainforests by Jan Vansina pg 202-204, Kongo: Power and Majesty By Alisa LaGamma pg 75
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-5-119689450)
"Por conto e peso” by Mariza de Carvalho Soares pg 71-72, A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 66, Paths in the rainforests by Jan Vansina pg 159)
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-6-119689450)
A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 137-138, Paths in the rainforests by Jan Vansina pg 159)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-7-119689450)
A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 138-139, The External Trade of the Loango Coast, 1576-1870 by Phyllis Martin pg 17-18)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-8-119689450)
The Archaeology and Ethnography of Central Africa by James R. Denbow pg 145)
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-9-119689450)
A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 177)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-10-119689450)
A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 178)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-11-119689450)
A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 249)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-12-119689450)
Trade, Collecting, and Forgetting in the Kongo Coast Friction Zone during the Late Nineteenth Century by Zachary Kingdon pg 29
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-13-119689450)
A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 305-306)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-14-119689450)
A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 306-307)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-15-119689450)
A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 345)
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-16-119689450)
Paths in the rainforests by Jan Vansina pg 201-202)
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-17-119689450)
"Por conto e peso” by Mariza de Carvalho Soares 63, 71, A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 138
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-18-119689450)
"Por conto e peso” by Mariza de Carvalho Soares pg 73-74)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-19-119689450)
Brothers in Arms, Partners in Trade: Dutch-Indigenous Alliances in the Atlantic World, 1595-1674 by Mark Meuwese pg 86-87)
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-20-119689450)
"Por conto e peso” by Mariza de Carvalho Soares pg 74)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-21-119689450)
“Por conto e peso” by Mariza de Carvalho Soares pg 75)
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-22-119689450)
A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 13,196,Por conto e peso” by Mariza de Carvalho Soares pg 76-77
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-23-119689450)
Brothers in Arms, Partners in Trade: Dutch-Indigenous Alliances in the Atlantic World, 1595-1674 by Mark Meuwese pg pg 83-86, A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 134-136)
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-24-119689450)
The External Trade of the Loango Coast, 1576-1870 by Phyllis Martin pg 71)
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-25-119689450)
The Universal Traveller Or a Compleat Description of the Several Foreign Nations of the World, Volume 2 by Thomas Salmon pg 401-403
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-26-119689450)
Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade by David Eltis pg 137-139,
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-27-119689450)
Paths in the rainforests by Jan Vansina pg 204, A general collection of voyages and travels, digested by J. Pinkerton, Volume 16, pg 584-586)
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-28-119689450)
African Voices in the African American Heritage By Betty M. Kuyk pg 32-33, Kongo: Power and Majesty By Alisa LaGamma pg 78, 80)
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-29-119689450)
African Voices in the African American Heritage By Betty M. Kuyk pg 34-37, Kongo: Power and Majesty By Alisa LaGamma pg 79)
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-30-119689450)
“Por conto e peso” by Mariza de Carvalho Soares pg 64)
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-31-119689450)
“Por conto e peso” by Mariza de Carvalho Soares pg 74, The Portuguese in West Africa, 1415–1670 M. D. D. Newitt pg 185-186)
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-32-119689450)
Kongo: Power and Majesty By Alisa LaGamma pg 80)
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-33-119689450)
Kongo: Power and Majesty By Alisa LaGamma pg 81)
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-34-119689450)
Trade, Collecting, and Forgetting in the Kongo Coast Friction Zone during the Late Nineteenth Century by Zachary Kingdon pg 22
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-35-119689450)
A Companion to Modern African Art edited by Gitti Salami, pg 64
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-36-119689450)
Nineteenth-Century Loango Coast Ivories by della Jenkins
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-37-119689450)
Trade, Collecting, and Forgetting in the Kongo Coast Friction Zone during the Late Nineteenth Century by Zachary Kingdon pg 22-23
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-38-119689450)
A Companion to Modern African Art edited by Gitti Salami, pg 63
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-loango-kingdom-ca1500#footnote-anchor-39-119689450)
[spirals of History](https://www.smithsonianmag.com/arts-culture/spirals-of-history-30472491/)
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Published Time: 2024-03-11T14:45:19+00:00
A history of the Lozi kingdom. ca. 1750-1911.
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A history of the Lozi kingdom. ca. 1750-1911.
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### state and society in south-central Africa
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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In the first decade of the 20th century, only a few regions on the African continent were still controlled by sovereign kingdoms. One of these was the Lozi kingdom, a vast state in south-central Africa covering nearly 250,000 sqkm that was led by a shrewd king who had until then, managed to retain his autonomy.
The Lozi kingdom was a powerful centralized state whose history traverses many key events in the region, including; the break up of the Lunda empire, the _Mfecane_ migrations, and the colonial scramble. In 1902, the Lozi King Lewanika Lubosi traveled to London to meet the newly-crowned King Edward VII in order to negotiate a favorable protectorate status. He was met by another African delegate from the kingdom of Buganda who described him as **"a King, black like we are, he was not Christian and he did what he liked"**[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-1-142449070)
This article explores the history of the Lozi kingdom from the 18th century to 1916, and the evolution of the Lozi state and society throughout this period.
_**Map of Africa in 1880 highlighting the location of the Lozi kingdom (Barosteland)**_[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-2-142449070)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!N1rN!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffc4ecf0d-3eb9-468d-b18d-bfd87d127bec_993x595.png)
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* * *
**Early history of the Lozi kingdom**
The landscape of the Lozi heartland is dominated by the Zambezi River which cuts a bed of the rich alluvial Flood Plain between the _Kalahari_ sands and the _miombo_ woodlands in modern Zambia.
The region is dotted with several ancient Iron Age sites of agro-pastoralist communities dating from the 1st/5th century AD to the 12th/16th century, in which populations were segmented into several settlement sites organized within lineage groups.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-3-142449070) It was these segmented communities that were joined by other lineage groups arriving in the upper Zambezi valley from the northern regions under the Lunda empire, and gradually initiated the process of state formation which preceded the establishment of the Lozi kingdom.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-4-142449070)
The earliest records and traditions about the kingdom's founding are indirectly associated with the expansion and later break-up of the Lunda empire, in which the first Lozi king named Rilundo married a Lunda woman named Chaboji. Rulindo was succeeded by Sanduro and Hipopo, who in turn were followed by King Cacoma Milonga, with each king having lived long enough for their former capitals to become important religious sites.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-5-142449070)
The above tradition about the earliest kings, which was recorded by a visitor between 1845-1853, refers to a period when the ruling dynasty and its subjects were known as the Aluyana and spoke a language known as siluyana. In the later half of the 19th century, the collective ethnonym for the kingdom's subjects came to be known as the lozi (rotse), an exonym that emerged when the ruling dynasty had been overthrown by the Makololo, a Sotho-speaking group from southern Africa. [6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-6-142449070)
King Cacoma Milonga also appears in a different account from 1797, which describes him as _**“a great souva called Cacoma Milonga situated on a great island and the people in another.”**_ He is said to have briefly extended his authority northwards into Lunda’s vassals before he was forced to withdraw.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-7-142449070) He was later succeeded by King Mulambwa (d. 1830) who consolidated most of his predecessors' territorial gains and reformed the kingdom's institutions inorder to centralize power under the kingship at the expense of the bureaucracy.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-8-142449070)
Mulambwa is considered by Lozi to have been their greatest king, and it was during his very long reign that the kingdom’s political, economic, and judicial systems reached that degree of sophistication noted by later visitors.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-9-142449070)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!d-z0!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc647eb47-4090-4519-9f8c-6e30ab288345_842x769.png)
_**the core territories of the Lozi kingdom**_[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-10-142449070)
* * *
**The Government in 19th century buLozi**
At the heart of the Lozi State is the institution of kingship, with the Lozi king as the head of the social, economic and administrative structures of the whole State. After the king's death, they're interred in a site of their choosing that is guarded by an official known as _**Nomboti**_ who serves as an intermediary between the deceased king and his successors and is thus the head of the king's ancestral cult.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-11-142449070)
The Lozi bureaucracy at the capital, which comprised the most senior councilors (_**Indunas**_) formed the principal consultative, administrative, legislative, and judicial bodies of the nation. A single central body the councilors formed the National Council (_**Mulongwanji)**_ which was headed by a senior councilor (_**Ngambela)**_ as well as a principal judge (_**Natamoyo)**_. A later visitor in 1875 describes the Lozi administration as a hierarchy of “officers of state” and “a general Council” comprising “state officials, chiefs, and subordinate governors,” whose foundation he attributed to “a constitutional ruler now long deceased”.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-12-142449070)
The councilors were heads of units of kinship known as the _**Makolo**_, and headed a provincial council (_**kuta**_) which had authority over individual groups of village units (_**silalo**_) that were tied to specific tracts of territories/land. These communities also provided the bulk of the labour and army of the kingdom, and in the later years, the Makolo were gradually centralized under the king who appointed non-hereditary Makolo heads. This system of administration was extended to newly conquered regions, with the southern capital at Nalolo (often occupied by the King’s sister _**Mulena Mukwai**_), while the center of power remained in the north with the roving capital at Lealui.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-13-142449070)
The valley's inhabitants established their settlements on artificially built mounds (_**liuba**_) tending farms irrigated by canals, activities that required large-scale organized labor. Some of the surplus produced was sent to the capital as tribute, but most of the agro-pastoral and fishing products were exchanged internally and regionally as part of the trade that included craft manufactures and exports like ivory, copper, cloth, and iron. Long-distance traders from the east African coast (Swahili and Arab), as well as the west-central African coast (Africans and Portuguese), regularly converged in Lozi’s towns.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-14-142449070)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!kqUm!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fed74b26d-f1ca-4c2c-b8bf-631cfb9d8c36_961x605.jpeg)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!WFXu!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F61917170-c6f0-4090-8934-51404bb1ad2b_844x637.png)
_**Palace of the King**_ (at Lealui) ca. 1916, Zambia. USC Libraries.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!lnxh!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd8899306-6527-49e1-8e75-66751a62026c_719x625.png)
_**Palace of the Mulena Mukwai/Mokwae**_ (at Nalolo), 1914, Zambia. USC Libraries.
* * *
[Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share)
* * *
**The Lozi kingdom under the Kololo dynasty.**
After the death of Mulambwa, a succession dispute broke out between his sons; Silumelume in the main capital of Lealui and Mubukwanu at the southern capital of Nalolo, with the latter emerging as the victor. But by 1845, Mubukwanu's forces were defeated in two engagements by a Sotho-speaking force led by Sebetwane whose followers (_**baKololo**_) had migrated from southern Africa in the 1820s as part of the so-called _**mfecane**_. Mubukwanu's allies fled to exile and control of the kingdom would remain in the hands of the baKololo until 1864.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-15-142449070)
Sebetwane (r. 1845-1851) retained most of the pre-existing institutions and complacent royals like Mubukwanu's son Sipopa, but gave the most important offices to his kinsmen. The king resided in the Caprivi Strip (in modern Namibia) while the kingdom was ruled by his brother Mpololo in the north, and daughter Mamochisane at Nololo, along with other kinsmen who became important councilors. The internal agro-pastoral economy continued to flourish and Lozi’s external trade was expanded especially in Ivory around the time the kingdom was visited by David Livingstone in 1851-1855, during the reign of Sebetwane's successor, King Sekeletu (r. 1851-1864).[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-16-142449070)
The youthful king Sekeletu was met with strong opposition from all sections of the kingdom, spending the greater part of his reign fighting a rival candidate named Mpembe who controlled most of the Lozi heartland. After Sekeletu's death in 1864, further succession crisis pitted various royals against each other, weakening the control of the throne by the baKololo. The latter were then defeated by their Luyana subjects who (re)installed Sipopa as the Lozi king. While the society was partially altered under baKololo rule, with the Luyana-speaking subjects adopting the Kololo language to create the modern Lozi language, most of the kingdom’s social institutions remained unchanged.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-17-142449070)
The (re) installation of King Sipopa (r. 1864-1876) involved many Lozi factions, the most powerful of which was led by a nobleman named Njekwa who became his senior councilor and was married to Sipopa's daughter and co-ruler Kaiko at Nalolo. But the two allies eventually fell out and shortly after the time of Njekwa's death in 1874, the new senior councilor Mamili led a rebellion against the king in 1876, replacing him with his son Mwanawina. The latter ruled briefly until 1878 when factional struggles with his councilors drove him off the throne and installed another royal named Lubosi Lewanika (r.1878-84, 1885-1916) while his sister and co-ruler Mukwae Matauka was set up at Nalolo.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-18-142449070)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Cqrr!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe7081c2e-cd8b-42a5-b114-bbddac45ee15_1334x482.png)
_**The Royal Barge on the Zambezi river**_, ca. 1910, USC Library
* * *
**King Lewanika’s Lozi state**
During King Lubosi Lewanika's long reign, the Lozi state underwent significant changes both internally as the King's power became more centralized, and externally, with the appearance of missionaries, and later colonialists.
After King Lubosi was briefly deposed by his powerful councilor named Mataa in favor of King Tatila Akufuna (r. 1884-1885), the deposed king returned and defeated Mataa's forces, retook the throne with the name Lewanika, and appointed loyalists. To forestall external rebellions, he established regional alliances with King Khama of Ngwato (in modern Botswana), regularly sending and receiving embassies for a possible alliance against the Ndebele king Lobengula. He instituted several reforms in land tenure, created a police force, revived the ancestral royal religion, and created new offices in the national council and military.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-19-142449070)
King Lewanika expanded the Lozi kingdom to its greatest extent by 1890, exercising varying degrees of authority over a region covering over 250,000 sqkm[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-20-142449070). This period of Lozi expansion coincided with the advance of the European missionary groups into the region, followed by concessioners (looking for minerals), and the colonialists. Of these groups, Lewanika chose the missionaries for economic and diplomatic benefits, to delay formal colonization of the kingdom, and to counterbalance the concessionaries, the latter of whom he granted limited rights in 1890 to prospect for minerals (mostly gold) in exchange for protection against foreign threats (notably the powerful Ndebele kingdom in the south and the Portuguese of Angola in the west).[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-21-142449070)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!WQct!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8ca62ecb-d5b9-41ec-bf6a-256d965d7bbb_998x642.png)
_**The Lozi kingdom at its greatest extent in the late 19th century**_
Lewanika oversaw a gradual and controlled adoption of Christianity (and literacy) confined to loyal councilors and princes, whom he later used to replace rebellious elites. He utilized written correspondence extensively with the various missionary groups and neighboring colonial authorities, and the Queen in London, inorder to curb the power of the concessionaires (led by Cecil Rhodes’ British South Africa company which had taken over the 1890 concession but only on paper), and retain control of the kingdom. He also kept updated on concessionary activities in southern Africa through diplomatic correspondence with King Khama.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-22-142449070)
The king’s Christian pretensions were enabled by internal factionalism that provided an opportunity to strengthen his authority. Besides the royal ancestral religion, lozi's political-religious sphere had been dominated by a system of divination brought by the aMbundu (from modern Angola) whose practitioners became important players in state politics in the 19th century, but after reducing the power of Lewanika's loyalists and the king himself, the later purged the diviners and curbed their authority.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-23-142449070)
This purge of the Mbundu diviners was in truth a largely political affair but the missionaries misread it as a sign that the King was becoming Christian and banning “witchcraft”, even though they were admittedly confused as to why the King did not convert to Christianity. Lewanika had other objectives and often chided the missionaries saying; _**"What are you good for then? What benefits do you bring us? What have I to do with a bible which gives me neither rifles nor powder, sugar, tea nor coffee, nor artisans to work for me."**_[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-24-142449070)
The newly educated Lozi Christian elite was also used to replace the missionaries, and while this was a shrewd policy internally as they built African-run schools and trained Lozi artisans in various skills, it removed the Lozi’s only leverage against the concessionaires-turned-colonists.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-25-142449070)
* * *
**The Lozi kingdom in the early 20th century: From autonomy to colonialism.**
The King tried to maintain a delicate balance between his autonomy and the concessionaries’ interests, the latter of whom had no formal presence in the kingdom until a resident arrived in 1897, ostensibly to prevent the western parts of the kingdom (west of the Zambezi) from falling under Portuguese Angola. While the Kingdom was momentarily at its most powerful and in its most secure position, further revisions to the 1890 concessionary agreement between 1898 and 1911 steadily eroded Lewanika's internal authority. [26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-26-142449070)
Internal opposition by Lozi elites was quelled by knowledge of both the Anglo-Ndebele war of 1893 and the Anglo-Boer war of 1899-1902. But it was the Anglo-Boer war that influenced the Lozi’s policies of accommodation in relation to the British, with Lozi councilors expressing _**“shock at the thought of two groups of white Christians slaughtering each other”.**_[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-27-142449070) The war illustrated that the Colonialists were committed to destroying anyone that stood in their way, whether they were African or European, and a planned expulsion of the few European settlers in Lozi was put on hold.
Always hoping to undermine the local colonial governors by appealing directly to the Queen in London, King Lewanika prepared to travel directly to London at the event of King Edward’s coronation in 1902, hoping to obtain a favorable agreement like his ally, King Khama had obtained on his own London visit in 1895. When asked what he would discuss when he met King Edward in London, the Lozi king replied: **“When kings are seated together, there is never a lack of things to discuss.”**[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-28-142449070)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ygo_!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3a239501-8f87-4ad5-977a-eabd8b3ab64b_500x385.jpeg)
_**King Lewanika (front seat on the left) and his entourage visiting Deeside, Wales, ca. 1901**_, Aberdeen archives
It is likely that the protection of western Lozi territory from the Portuguese was also on the agenda, but the latter matter was considered so important that it was submitted by the Portuguese and British to the Italian king in 1905, who decided on a compromise of dividing the western region equally between Portuguese-Angola and the Lozi. While Lewanika had made more grandiose claims to territory in the east and north that had been accepted, this one wasn’t, and he protested against it to no avail[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-29-142449070)
After growing internal opposition to the colonial hut tax and the King’s ineffectiveness had sparked a rebellion among the councilors in 1905, the colonial governor sent an armed patrol to crush the rebellion, This effectively meant that Lewanika remained the king only nominally, and was forced to surrender the traditional authority of Kingship for the remainder of his reign. By 1911, the kingdom was incorporated into the colony of northern Rhodesia, formally marking the end of the kingdom as a sovereign state.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-30-142449070)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!tLDl!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9888960e-f958-433b-95ab-0594224e915c_500x726.jpeg)
_**the Lozi king lewanika ca. 1901.**_ Aberdeen archives
* * *
A few hundred miles west of the Lozi territory was **the old kingdom of Kongo, which created an extensive international network sending its envoys across much of southern Europe and developed a local intellectual tradition that includes some of central Africa’s oldest manuscripts.**
Read more about it here:
[KONGO'S FOREIGN RELATIONS & MANUSCRIPTS](https://www.patreon.com/posts/99646036)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ri8t!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7935d194-6756-43b8-8e1e-532551f30444_648x1186.png)
* * *
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-1-142449070)
Black Edwardians: Black People in Britain 1901-1914 By Jeffrey Green pg 22
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-2-142449070)
Map by Sam Bishop at ‘theafricanroyalfamilies’
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-3-142449070)
Iron Age Farmers in Southwestern Zambia: Some Aspects of Spatial Organization by Joseph O. Vogel
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-4-142449070)
Iron Age History and Archaeology in Zambia by D. W. Phillipson
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-5-142449070)
A History of West Central Africa to 1850 By John K. Thornton pg 310, Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 18-20)
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-6-142449070)
Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 5, 10-15)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-7-142449070)
A History of West Central Africa to 1850 By John K. Thornton pg 310)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-8-142449070)
Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 57-59)
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-9-142449070)
The Elites of Barotseland 1878-1969: A Political History of Zambia's Western Province by Gerald L. Caplan pg 2
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-10-142449070)
Map by Mutumba Mainga
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-11-142449070)
Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 30)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-12-142449070)
Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 38-41, The Elites of Barotseland 1878-1969: A Political History of Zambia's Western Province by Gerald L. Caplan pg 3-5
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-13-142449070)
Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 33-36, 44-47, 50-54)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-14-142449070)
Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 32, 130-131)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-15-142449070)
Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 61-71)
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-16-142449070)
Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 74-82, The Elites of Barotseland 1878-1969: A Political History of Zambia's Western Province by Gerald L. Caplan pg 9-11
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-17-142449070)
Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 87-92, The Elites of Barotseland 1878-1969: A Political History of Zambia's Western Province by Gerald L. Caplan pg 11-12
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-18-142449070)
Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 103-113, The Elites of Barotseland 1878-1969: A Political History of Zambia's Western Province by Gerald L. Caplan pg 13-15
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-19-142449070)
The Elites of Barotseland 1878-1969: A Political History of Zambia's Western Province by Gerald L. Caplan pg 19- 34 Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 115- 136)
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-20-142449070)
Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia pg 150-161)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-21-142449070)
The Elites of Barotseland 1878-1969: A Political History of Zambia's Western Province by Gerald L. Caplan pg 38-56, Barotseland's Scramble for Protection by Gerald L. Caplan pg 280-285
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-22-142449070)
Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 174-175)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-23-142449070)
Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 137-138)
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-24-142449070)
Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 179-182)
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-25-142449070)
The Elites of Barotseland 1878-1969: A Political History of Zambia's Western Province by Gerald L. Caplan pg 76-81
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-26-142449070)
The Elites of Barotseland 1878-1969: A Political History of Zambia's Western Province by Gerald L. Caplan pg 63-68, 74-75
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-27-142449070)
The Elites of Barotseland 1878-1969: A Political History of Zambia's Western Province by Gerald L. Caplan pg 76
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-28-142449070)
Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 192)
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-29-142449070)
The Elites of Barotseland 1878-1969: A Political History of Zambia's Western Province by Gerald L. Caplan pg 88-89.
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-lozi-kingdom-ca#footnote-anchor-30-142449070)
The Elites of Barotseland 1878-1969: A Political History of Zambia's Western Province by Gerald L. Caplan pg 90-103
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Published Time: 2023-06-04T14:24:08+00:00
A history of the Majeerteen Sultanate: 1700-1927.
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A history of the Majeerteen Sultanate: 1700-1927.
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### Maritime trade and diplomacy in the northern Horn of Africa.
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The north-eastern coast of Somalia was home to some of Africa's most dynamic maritime societies since antiquity. During the 18th century, the region was controlled by the Marjeerteen sultanate which became a major regional power linking the Somali mainland to the western Indian ocean.
From their fortified coastal towns, Marjeerteen’s rulers controlled a lucrative spice trade with southern Arabia, enforced maritime laws along a major shipping lane, and initiated diplomatic contacts with foreign states while halting the advance of colonial powers.
This article explores the history of the Majeerteen sultanate and its role as an important regional power in the northern horn of Africa from the 18th century to 1927.
_**Map showing the Majeerteen sultanate in north-eastern Somalia.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-1-125742347)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!cGfS!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4c6a0985-8b42-4fb4-bde2-c710ac03fc6e_773x721.png)
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**A brief history of the northern-eastern Somalia before the rise of Majeerteen.**
The northern coast of the horn of Africa was home to several ancient settlements since antiquity. Archeological surveys of the settlements at Hafun, Alula and Cape Guardafui, revealed evidence of trade links between the settlements and the Sabean kingdom (in Yemen) and the Romans, including ruined buildings of sandstone and sherds of amphorae dated to the 2nd century.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-2-125742347) According to the 1st century guidebook, _Periplus of the Erythraen Sea_, there were several trading ports along the coast of northern Somalia, which was known as the Spice Coast, named after its aromatic and medicinal resins exports, notably frankincense.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-3-125742347)
The empire of Aksum and the sultanate of Adal controlled parts of the northern horn of Africa’s coastline between late antiquity and the middle ages, but the region in which Majeerteen would emerge remained outside their political spheres. Around the 14th century, the north-eastern tip of the Horn was controlled by a vast confederation of Somali-speaking clan groups of the Darod family, of which the Harti sub-group were the most prominent. Among the Harti were the Majeerteen clan who were the nominal head of the confederation, but by the 18th century, this confederation had splintered into several independent states including Majeerteen.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-4-125742347)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Fuvu!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe55ff250-1e11-4592-8bb5-a0a6a08a428d_582x465.png)
_**Coastal towns of the Majeerteen sultanate.**_[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-5-125742347)
* * *
**The sultanate of Majeerteen.**
The Majeerteen state was led by a ruler (variously refered to as Sultan or Boqor). while such titles carried little defined authority among some of the neighboring lineage groups[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-6-125742347), the Majeerteen sultan exercised significant authority over the affairs of the state[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-7-125742347). The Majeerteen ruler was assisted by a council of officers (including chiefs, qadis, etc) often appointed by himself[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-8-125742347), taxes were paid by foreign merchants (often Arab and Indian) but not by his subjects[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-9-125742347), he engaged with foreign diplomats as an independent sovereign albeit in the presence of his subordinate chiefs[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-10-125742347), and he enforced laws regarding fort construction, security, marine salvage, and transhumance (pastoral rights on land, wells, etc).[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-11-125742347)
The capital/residence of Majeerteen sultan shifted with each successive ruler, it was initially at Bandar Meraya in the early 19th century[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-12-125742347) before moving to Bargal and Bandar Gedid in the late 19th century[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-13-125742347). Besides the capitals, a number of coastal towns were established along Majeerteen's shores during the 19th century including; Bandar Ziada, Bandar Cassim/Kasin (Bosaso), Kandala, Bandar Kor, Durbo, Filuk and Alula. Many of these were under the authority of princes and other kinsmen of the sultan.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-14-125742347) But the degree of control exercised over each subordinate chief, prince or kinsman of the Sultan was attimes tenuous, such as at the chiefs of Alula who often ‘rebelled’ against Majeerteen’s authority.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-15-125742347)
As a coastal state, Majeerteen regulated the activities of foreign traders, travelers and shipwrecked sailors through the pre-existing somali social institution of abban ( mediator). It was the abban who took responsibility for a visitor’s security, acted as broker for business transactions, made introductions, and played the role of host and interpreter. In exchange, the abban levied a fee on all purchases made by the person under their protection, often in addition to presents and gifts. In the Majeerteen worldview, the abbans, who often came from the royal lineages, integrated guests into the society for the duration of their stay.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-16-125742347)
The abban institution was utilized as a diplomatic system which mediated everyday interactions between the Majeerteen and envoys of foreign states including the Ottoman-Egyptian Khedive (which nominally claimed parts of the region), the Naqib of Mukalla (in Yemen), the sultan of Oman, and later European powers. Majerteen's regional diplomacy involved mutual recognition, gift giving and treaty signing, in a system of international relations common across the indian ocean littoral.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-17-125742347)
Majeerteen rulers signed commercial treaties with the sultan of Oman (Zanzibar), as well as with the ruler of Mukalla. But as an independent state, Majerteen only accepted treaties which conformed to their own interests, and demonstrated this by turning down the Oman Sultan's request to build a his own lighthouse at Cape Guardafui. Such treaties and international relations strengthened and enhanced the Majeerteen sultans’ position as rulers in a contested political landscape.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-18-125742347)
Among the foreign states which Majeerteen singed commercial treaties with were the British who had in 1839, occupied the port-city of Aden in Yemen. While Aden remained a relatively minor port in the first half of the 19th century, the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, imbued the region with a strategic political and economic significance, leading to a significant increase in maritime traffic. What was once a six-month around Africa was transformed into a two-week steamship passage via the Red Sea.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-19-125742347)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!zrLq!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe4223ce7-fddc-4b1d-a7e3-1401f04ad612_773x575.png)
_**The precolonial commercial and diplomatic connections across the north-western Indian Ocean**_[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-20-125742347)
* * *
**Trade and Economy of Majeerteen: Frankincense and Fort-building.**
The growth of Aden and Muscat (Oman) increased maritime trade in the western Indian ocean ,creating more demand for Somali commodities including incenses, livestock, spices, coffee and hides. In 1837, an estimated 732 tonnes of Frankincense collected from the capital’s hinterland was sold at Merayah annually, more than half of which went to Bombay, while the rest went to the Red sea region and southern Arabia.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-21-125742347)
By the 1870s, Majeerteen’s trade with the city of Aden alone amounted to around 5% of the city’s total imports valued at around 500,000 British Rupees per year by the 1870s, or about £25,000–50,000 sterling (about £30–60 million today), a figure that would double by the end of the century. While most of the export trade was in the hands of foreign merchants, a significant share was also undertaken by Majeerteen merchants. By the mid-19th century, local merchants owned 40 large merchant sailboats between them, each capable of carrying one hundred tons.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-22-125742347)
Increasing numbers of local merchant vessels in Marjeerteen’s ports enabled its merchants to control more of its export trade to southern Arabia and sail southwards along Somali’s coast for trade goods. Majeerteen exports were sold across the entire stretch of Yemen's coast, the sultanate's traders travelled as far south as the Benadir coast between Mogadishu and Kismayo, to purchase grain for sale in Arabia. Their activities partly contributed to the agricultural boom of southern Somalia in the late 19th century.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-23-125742347)
The uptick in commerce amplified pre-existing social patterns, trade routes and commercial institutions. Majeerteen aristocrats imported a range of markers of social distinction such as horses, cavalry warfare, forts and multi-story houses built in the style of the Hadhramaut. A visitor to Meraya in 1872 described the Majeerteen capital as occupied by about 700 inhabitants, with three mosques, a school and a multi-story palace of the Sultan built in the 1830s.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-24-125742347)
Majeerteen’s rising prosperity attracted diverse clan groups from the interior who built more settlements within the port towns. Conflicts between the new communities were resolved by the Majeerteen sultan, and through the construction of forts for each community that were used to store weapons, as well as to provide security for each community. Most of them were built using materials acquired from Aden, By 1906, Meraya had 4 forts, Ziada had 3 forts, Bosaso had 7 forts, Kandala had 6 forts, Durbo had 4 forts, Filuk had 4 forts, and Alula had 3 forts.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-25-125742347)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!iDj6!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1cd39d2a-0f31-42e7-b857-89cf881c9ecc_700x443.jpeg)
_**Fort of Hafun**_, early 20th century, Archivio Aperto di Ateneo Università degli studi Roma Tre, Italy.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!sUmq!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7e74347a-75a9-4f4b-b4a0-9f121ab4b651_800x585.png)
_**Majeerteen fort at Alula,**_ ca. 1891, archivio fotografico
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!xyt8!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc83d7474-c8d7-49c4-929c-4a33ccd497ef_796x600.jpeg)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!zmcd!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fef9f3e02-41a1-4004-b4aa-677089efa94b_793x600.jpeg)
_**Majeerteen fort at Bender Gasim**_ (Bandar Cassim), ca. 1891, archivio fotografico
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!lBMF!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F70dbd4fc-9e33-4ae5-878d-8e0cd66777ac_783x600.jpeg)
_**House in Bender Gasim**_, ca. 1891, archivio fotografico
* * *
**Majeerteen, the British and the founding of Hobyo: Diplomacy and Marine Salvage in 19th century Somalia.**
After the opening of the suez, the entire Red Sea region became crowded with rival imperial superpowers competing to advance their interests. Despite is importance along a major shipping lane, the coast of Majerteen was unusually dangerous for navigation, its surrounding waters had reefs, and its habours weren’t deep enough for large ships. A traveler who visited the region in the late 1870s counted more than 6 steamships which had floundered there in less than 3 years between 1877-1880.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-26-125742347) The threat to foreign shipping created a need for laws regarding marine security and marine salvage, which Majeerteen regulary enforced through treaties.
In 1843, the shipwrecked crew of the British steamer _memnon_ signed a treaty with the Majeerteen regent Nur Muhammad, in which the latter promised assistance for stranded British ships along the Majerteen coast in exchange for payment/stipends. But when a similar incident occurred to a stranded British ship in 1858, its crew rejected Majerteen's assistance, abandoned their vessel, and fled to Aden in their lifeboats.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-27-125742347)
The crew then urged the British resident of Aden to avenge the "piracy" which they had claim to have suffered at the hands of the Majeerteen authorities, so the British bombarded the forts of Bandar Meraya. When a similar shipwreck occurred in 1858, the sultan's forces rescued its crew, sucessfully using them to initiate negotiations with the British. But in 1862 when a stranded steamer off the coast of Alula mistook the Majeerteen rescue crew to be raiders, a fight broke out which ended with the crew deserting its ship in the town of Baraada.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-28-125742347)
The British blamed Majeerteen’s capital in retaliation to the incident at Baraada, and requested the reigning Sultan Mahmud Yusuf to find the culprits and execute them, threatening further bombardment if he didn't. The British chipped away some of the Sultan’s authority by forcing the latter to let the British search all its vessels and patrol its coasts, using the pretext of an anti-slavery treaty. (none of Majerteen's ports lay along any major slave route). More wrecks in the late 1870s near Alula exacerbated the divide between the town’s chief/governor, named Yusuf Ali, and Mahmud’s sucessor Sultan Uthman, as the former enriched himself and sought British recognition.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-29-125742347)
Between the late 1870s and early 1880s, Yusuf had sucessfully rescued a few shipwrecked crews, which he sent to Aden and received recognition as “sultan” in return. But despite Yusuf's insubordination, sultan Uthman managed to retain most his authority with treaty signed between 1884-6[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-30-125742347). Yusuf then sought new allies in Zanzibar, whose sultan had claims to southern Somalia's coast, enabling Yusuf to establish his own state with its capital at Hobyo, about 200 miles south of Alula.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-31-125742347) A brief alliance between Yusuf and the Germans in 1885 ended when the latter pulled out of east Africa and were replaced by the Italians in 1889, with whom Yusuf immediately signed a treaty.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-32-125742347)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!0jh-!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F311d21a1-9912-4e9c-a625-50c5574a80b1_800x513.jpeg)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!CBpl!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F02cf8ebc-9823-499b-b521-2918d85790e0_800x492.jpeg)
_**Obbia (Hobyo) showing the Sultan’s residence and a fort.**_ ca. 1924, archivio fotografico
* * *
**Majeerteen between the anti-colonial movement of Abdille Hassan and the Italians.**
With the British losing interest in Majeerteen’s coast in the late 1880s, and Italians arming Yusuf at Hobyo, sultan Uthman pragmatically chose to sign a protectorate treaty with Italy in 1889. To counter-balance the gradual loss of Majeerteen's power, Uthman begun selling some of the guns he bought (about 3,000 a year) to the anti-colonial movement of Muhammad Abdille Hassan in the hinterland[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-33-125742347). He used the threat of Hassan's movement to sign an advantageous treaty with the Italians in 1901 that resulted in double the trade with Aden (about 5m lira ) and more guns for Majeerteen ( an estimated 20,000 rifles in 1901 alone).[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-34-125742347)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!BVCc!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F47ccd3c0-b5b9-480b-b039-36f19418fab5_530x581.png)
However, Uthman's involvement with Hassan's movement brought unwanted attention on Majeerteen's coast with frequent naval patrols by the British and Italians, both of whom claimed parts of northern Somalia. In 1904, a Majeerteen broker working for Hassan's movement was arrested by the Italians and revealed that Uthman supported Hassan. Yusuf Ali tried to capitalise on Uthman's fallout with the Italians by allowing the latter to use Hobyo as base against Hassan's movement. But Yusuf soon fell out with his allies, was deposed and Hobyo was occupied by the Italians. Uthman tried to restore his trust among the British and Italians by sending token support against Hassan, but once the latter was defeated in 1905, the Italians occupied Majeerteen port of Alula.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-35-125742347)
In 1908, Hassan resumed his anti-colonial movement against the British, Italians and against the Majeerteen as well after he had fallen out with sultan Uthman. Faced with an invasion by Hassan’s forces, internal challenges to his authority and disapproving Italians, sultan Uthman ceded more of his power to the Italians in a 1909 treaty. Uthman assisted the Italians in fighting Hassan who was eventually defeated in 1921 and his movement dispersed[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-36-125742347). Sultan Uthman later rebelled against Italian rule in1925 and made attempts to rebuild Hassan’s old forts in the interior, but his forces eventually fell to the Italians in 1927, formally marking the end of Majeerteen.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-37-125742347)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!oHEW!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff9fa3cf2-441c-47c3-aed9-dbe575330267_800x336.jpeg)
_**Bender Cassim**_ in 1938, archivio fotografico.
* * *
**What was the extent of pre-colonial African knowledge about their own continent?** In medieval north-east Africa, visitors from the Kingdoms of Makuria and Ethiopia including bishops, envoys and pilgrims, travelled to each other’s country and founded disporic communities abroad.
read more about it here: **AFRICANS EXPLORING AFRICA CHAPTER 2;**
[CONTACTS BETWEEN NUBIA AND ETHIOPIA](https://patreon.com/posts/83663994)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!dVha!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa95aee8d-292f-4287-98dc-a347d242dd7e_626x1200.jpeg)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-1-125742347)
Map by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-2-125742347)
An Archaeological Reconnaissance in the Horn: The British-Somali Expedition, 1975 by Neville Chittick pg 120-124, Early ports in the Horn of Africa by Neville Chittick pg 274-276
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-3-125742347)
Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 31, Imperialism Ancient and Modern: a study of British attitudes to the claims to Sovereignty t the Northern Somali coastline by David Hamilton pg 11
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-4-125742347)
The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 130)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-5-125742347)
Map by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith, additions taken from Luigi Bricchetti Robecchi’s 1893 map
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-6-125742347)
Historical Aspects of Genealogies in Northern Somali Social Structure by I. M. Lewis pg 11
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-7-125742347)
On the Neighbourhood of Bunder Marayah by S. B. Miles pg 69
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-8-125742347)
Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 49-50
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-9-125742347)
The Promontory of Cape Guardafui by Giulio Baldacci pg 62
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-10-125742347)
Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 67-68
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-11-125742347)
The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 51, n24,
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-12-125742347)
On the Neighbourhood of Bunder Marayah by S. B. Miles pg 61
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-13-125742347)
Bollettino della Società geografica italiana By Società geografica italiana, pg 274-275.
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-14-125742347)
The Promontory of Cape Guardafui by Giulio Baldacci 59-69)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-15-125742347)
Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 47-49, 57-58
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-16-125742347)
Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 42, The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 156-158
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-17-125742347)
Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 43-44.
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-18-125742347)
Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 44-45)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-19-125742347)
Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 8, 50-52)
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-20-125742347)
Map by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-21-125742347)
Transactions of the Linnean Society, Volume 27 By Linnean Society of London pg 133-134
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-22-125742347)
Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 35-36)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-23-125742347)
The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 180
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-24-125742347)
Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 39, On the Neighbourhood of Bunder Marayah by S. B. Miles pg 61
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-25-125742347)
The Promontory of Cape Guardafui by Giulio Baldacci pg 60-61
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-26-125742347)
From Slaves to Coolies: Two Documents from the Nineteenth-Century Somali Coast by LE Kapteijns pg 2
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-27-125742347)
Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 48-52)
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-28-125742347)
Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 53-57)
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-29-125742347)
Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 57-59, 64-70)
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-30-125742347)
The scramble in the Horn of Africa pg 239-244, From Slaves to Coolies: Two Documents from the Nineteenth-Century Somali Coast by LE Kapteijns pg 3-4
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-31-125742347)
Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 74-84)
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-32-125742347)
The scramble in the Horn of Africa pg 236-238, 247
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-33-125742347)
Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith 82-85, The Arms Trade in East Africa in the Late Nineteenth Century pg 464
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-34-125742347)
The Promontory of Cape Guardafui by Giulio Baldacci pg 71-72, Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith 86-91
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-35-125742347)
Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 91-94)
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-36-125742347)
The 'Mad Mullah' and Northern Somalia by Robert L. Hess pg 426-433
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate#footnote-anchor-37-125742347)
The Coinage of Ethiopia, Eritrea and Italian Somalia by Dennis Gill pg 324 The King's African Rifles - Volume 2 By Lieutenant-Colonel H. Moyse-Bartlett pg 450
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[ahmed](https://substack.com/profile/196571291-ahmed?utm_source=substack-feed-item)
[Jan 10, 2024](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate/comment/46995113 "Jan 10, 2024, 10:20 AM")Edited
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why there is no one making a YouTube video about the history of this sultanate?
Thanks for sharing this article
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[Jamajuice](https://substack.com/profile/147404520-jamajuice?utm_source=substack-feed-item)
[Jul 16, 2023](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate/comment/20860526 "Jul 16, 2023, 12:59 AM")
interesting can we value the quality of life during those time periods
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Published Time: 2023-07-09T15:05:06+00:00
A history of the Massina empire (1818-1862)
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A history of the Massina empire (1818-1862)
===========================================
### the sucessor of Songhai
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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Buried in the pages of an old west African chronicle is a strange prophecy foretelling the emergence of a charismatic leader from the region of Massina in central Mali. According to the chronicle, the Songhai emperor Askiya Muhammad was transported into a spiritual realm where he was told that he would be suceeded as ‘Caliph’ of west Africa by one of his descendants named Ahmadu from Massina.
The empire of Massina emerged in 1818 and conquered most of the former territories of Songhai, ending the two centuries of political fragmentation that had followed Songhai's collapse. From its capital of Hamdullahi, the armies of Massina created a centralized government over a vast region extending from the ancient city of Jenne to Timbuktu, and nurtured a vibrant intellectual community whose scholars composed many writings including the chronicle containing the 'prophesy' related above.
This article explores the political history of the Massina empire, and its half a century long attempt to restore the power of Songhai.
_**Map of central Mali showing the extent of the Massina empire.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-1-133913518)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!RCwj!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F49d6ce9b-eaa3-43f0-9c2f-ce9f9df7f30b_859x503.png)
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**West Africa from the fall of Songhai to the rise of the revolution movements.**
After the collapse of Songhai in 1591, the empire’s territories reverted to their pre-existing authorities as the remaining Moroccan soldiers (Arma) were confined to the cities of Djenne and Timbuktu where they established a weak city-state regime that was independent of Morocco. This state of political fragmentation continued until the early 18th century, when the Bambara empire expanded from its capital of Segu, and came to control much of the Niger river valley from Jenne to Timbuktu during the reign of N'golo Diara (1766-1795). At the turn of the 19th century, most of the region was under the Bambara empire’s suzeranity, but wasn’t fully centralized as local authorities were allowed to retain their pre-conquest status, these included the Arma of Jenne and Timbuktu, and the Fulbe/Fulani aristocracy of Massina.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-2-133913518)
A reciprocal relationship existed between the (muslim) elites Djenné, the Arma, the Fulani, and their (non-Muslim) Bambara overlords, all of whom supported and legitimized each other to maintain the status quo. By the late 1810s the rising discontent over the political situation of Massina, characterized by the dominion of the powerful Bambara emperors and the local Fulani aristocracy, led an increasingly large number of followers to rally around Ahmadu Lobbo, a charismatic teacher who had spent part of his early life near Djenne where he had established a school.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-3-133913518)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!CNYj!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc47948c4-e133-4c33-bdf2-3ac185cf1d95_1000x618.jpeg)
Djenne street scene, ca.1905/6
The antagonistic relationship between the elites of Djenne allied with the local Fulbe prince named Ardo Guidado against Ahmadu Lobbo and his followers eventually descended into open confrontation between the two groups that ended with prince Guidado's death. Ahmad Lobbo had by then written a polemic treatise titled _Kitab al-Idtirar_, in which he outlined his religious and political grivancies against the local authorities and against what he considered blameworthy practices of Jenne's scholary community.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-4-133913518)
The political-religious movement of Ahmadu was part of a series of revolutions which emerged across west Africa’s political landscape in the 18th and 19th century. Prior to these revolutions, political power was in the hands of “warrior elites,” such as the Bambara of Segu, the Fulani aristocracy of Massina, and the Arma in Jenne and Timbuktu. while scholars/clerics occupied a high position in the region’s social hierachy, they were often barred from holding the highest political office. But as the power of the warrior-elites weakened, more assertive political theologies were popularized among the scholars who advocated political reform and made it permissible for their peers to hold the highest office. The scholars then seized power and established distinct forms of clerical rule in Futa Jallon (1725), Futa Toro (1776), Sokoto (1804) Massina (1818), and Tukulor (1861), where religious authorities become the government and attempt to exercise secular power with the weapons of religious ideology.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-5-133913518)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!JhXv!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F33766965-3e20-4708-8035-6d16c6bbb94b_1200x657.jpeg)
_**Map of the 19th century ‘revolution’ states in west Africa.**_(map by LegendesCarto)
Having openly defied the authorities, Ahmad Lobbo's followers prepared for war. The local Fulbe chief Ardo Amadou, whose son (prince Guidado) had been killed by Lobbo's followers, successfully sought the support of the Bambara king Da Diarra (r. 1808-1827), as well as other Fulbe warriors, including Gelaajo, the chief of Kounari. Their combined army moved against Ahmad Lobbo and his followers, who had retreated to Noukouma. The battle between Lobbo's followers and the Bambara army occurred in March 1818, ended with the defeat of the Bambara who had attacked before the arrival of Arɗo Amadou and Gelaajo. Discouraged by this, the latter decided to abandon the war. By contrast, the ranks of Ahmad Lobbo swelled substantially after the victory at Noukouma, such that by mid-May 1818 Ahmad Lobbo emerged as the leader of a new state centered in Masina.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-6-133913518)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!IDC2!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbbf86bdf-979a-44d2-8f5d-32989c40d8ad_686x509.png)
copy of the _**Kitab al-Idtirar**_ by Amhadu Lobbo
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**Empire building and Government in Massina during the reign of Ahmadu I (1818-1845)**
Like the Songhai armies centuries earlier, Lobbo's expansion was primarily conducted along the middle section of the Niger river between Djenne and Timbuktu, where he could combine overland and riverine warfare to capture the region's main cities. The city of Djenné was conquered twice, in 1819 and 1821 after some minimal resistance, and Ahmadu's son, named Ahmadu Cheikou was appointed its governor.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-7-133913518) By 1823, Ahmadu had defeated the armies of al-Husayn Koita at Fittuga, where a competing Fulbe movement had emerged, instigated by Sokoto’s rivary with Massina.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-8-133913518)
Lobbo's armies also advanced northwards beginning in 1818, when they were initially defeated by a Tuareg force which controlled the area. But by 1825, Massina's army crushed the Tuareg forces at the battle of Ndukkuwal and incorporated the region from Timbuktu to the city of Gao into the Massina empire. An insurrection in Timbuktu was crushed in 1826 and Lobbo appointed Pasha Uthman al-rimi as governor, while San Shirfi became the imam of the Djinguereber Mosque.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-9-133913518)
Internal challenges to Ahmadu's rule came primarily from the deposed Fulbe aristocracy such as Buubu Arɗo Galo of Dikko whose army was defeated in 1825. More threatening was the rebellion of Gelaajo of Kounari who controlled the region extending upto Goundaka in the bandiagara cliffs of Dogon country. After around seven years of intense fighting, Gelaajo was defeated and forced to flee to Sokoto.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-10-133913518)
By the mid-1820s Ahmadu Lobbo had consolidated his control over most of the Middle section of the Niger river upto the Bandiagara cliffs, as well as the region extending northwards to Timbuktu. He established his capital at Hamdullahi, which was founded around 1821, and developed as the administrative center of the state. The walled city was divided into 18 quarters with a large central mosque next to Lobbo's palace, it also included a “parliament” building (called 'Hall of seven doors'), a court, a market, 600 schools and the residences of Massina's elite.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-11-133913518)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!eJm2!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5783c3c5-9abb-4459-a64a-7045a804b895_775x497.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!0k61!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fad8c1af9-7660-4880-82b7-197d19172c57_800x535.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!PUQL!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbb067e3e-ca27-4c7d-b35f-efca3a69be3b_796x470.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Pfrs!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F03092400-8227-4414-a8ea-7df2cbb99994_795x263.png)
Ruins of Hamdullahi’s walls, the third photo includes the mausoleum of Ahmad I and Nuh al-Tahir, and a roofed structure where the ‘Hall of seven doors’ was located. [12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-12-133913518)
The administration of Massina was undertaken by the Great Council (batu mawɗo), an institution composed of 100 scholars that ruled the empire along with Ahmad Lobbo. This council was the official state assembly/parliament, and it was further dived into a 40-person house of permanent members headed by 2 scholars closest to Ahmad Lobbo, named Nuh al-Tahir and Hambarké Samatata. The council oversaw the governance of the empire's five major provinces and appointed provincial governors that were inturn assisted by their own smaller councils. The Great council made their rulings after consulting various (Maliki) legal and political texts used across the wider Muslim world including those written by west African scholars such as the Fodiyawa family of Sokoto. The council permanently resided in the capital, they regulary assembled in the parliament building, and also oversaw the policing of the capital.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-13-133913518)
The administrative units of Massina were towns and villages called ngenndis, an conglomeration of these formed a canton (lefol leydi), which were inturn grouped together to form provinces (leyde). Each province was governed by an amir chosen by the Great Council, and was to be in charge of collecting taxes, overseeing the forces of each province. He was assisted by a Qadi appointed by the Great council to oversee provincial judicial matters that didn’t need to be sent to the Qadi in the capital.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-14-133913518)
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**The intellectual tradition of Massina**
The centralization of Massina was possible due to the substantial development of literacy in the region. literacy became the crucial tool for the development of an administrative apparatus based on orders that emanated from the capital and circulated through a capillary system of letters and dispatches to the different local administrative units. Members of the Great coucil were all highly accomplished scholars in their own right, and all provincial governors down to the lowest village were required to be literate.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-15-133913518)
The scholary community of Massina produced many prominent figures and reinvigorated the region’s intellectual production as evidenced by the manuscript collections of Djenne. In Hamdullahi, most notable scholar from Massina was Nuh al-Tahir al-Fulani, one of the two leaders of the Great council, and the author of the famous west-African chronicle; _the tarikh al-Fattash_. Nuh al-Tahir was in charge of Hamdullahi's education system that managed the over 600 schools in the capital. Like most contemporary education systems in Muslim west-Africa, the schools of Hamdullahi were individualized, led by highly learned scholars who received authorization from Nuh al-Tahir to teach various subjects ranging from theology to grammar and the sciences.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-16-133913518)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!xv7w!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F97cd783f-7259-4cc9-bda8-ba7b0380c944_736x565.png)
Nuh al-Tahir’s commentary on the _**Lamiyyat al-af‘al of Ibn Malik**_ (d. 1274), and a short treatise titled _**Khasa’is al-Nabi**_, manuscripts found at the Ahmed Baba Institute of Higher Learning and Islamic Research, photos by M. Nobili.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!5DMG!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdb2a7e37-3cb3-4471-bffd-ef454bcacc7c_745x494.png)
_**Kitāb fī al-fiqh by Sīdī Abūbakr b. ‘Iyāḍ b. ‘Abd al-Jalīl al-Māsinī**_ written in 1852, now at Djenné Manuscript Library.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-17-133913518)
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**Intellectual disputes between Massina and Sokoto, and the creation of a west African chronicle**
Both the political movement of Ahmadu, and the scholary community at Hamdullahi were in close contact with the Sokoto movement of Uthman Fodio in northern nigeria. Uthman Fodio had intended to expand his political influence over the middle Niger region, especially through his connection with the Kunta clerics and the scholars of Masina. Although Lobbo and Uthman never met, the influence of the latter's movement on the former can be gleaned from the correspondence exchanged between the Fodiyawa family of Uthman Fodio that closely corresponded with Ahmadu before and after Massina was founded.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-18-133913518)
Ahmadu Lobbo reportedly sent a delegation to Uthman requesting the latter's support in his impending war against Segu, and the delegation came back with a flag representing his authority. But Lobbo's eventual military success and Uthman's death obfuscated any need for him to derive authority from Sokoto, and following the sucession disputes in Sokoto, Lobbo even made attempts to request that Sokoto submits to Massina prompting the then Sokoto leader Muhammad Bello (sucessor of Uthman Fodio) to inspire the abovementioned rival movement of al-Husayn Koita at Fittuga. The ideological and intellectual disputes between the two states eventually led to the creation of the _Tarikh al-Fattash_ by Nuh al-Tahir, which contained sections which legitimated Lobbo's claim of being a Caliph and a sucessor of the Songhai emperor Askiya Muhammad.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-19-133913518)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!OAmM!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F07a39dd6-e3d0-4f24-8b46-90f8cdc4abf9_854x562.png)
_**Letters by Sokoto ruler Muhammad Bello to the Massina ruler Ahmadu Lobbo on various questions of government including that of Massina’s allegiance to Sokoto,**_ copy from 1840 now at National Archives Kaduna, Nigeria.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-20-133913518)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!PKdV!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5af2aa7b-8369-4c5e-94f7-db0781b2df58_542x596.png)
_**Letter on the Appearance of the Twelfth Caliph**_ by Nuh b. al-Tahir, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Ms. Arabe 6756. (Photo by M. Nobili)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!0RDC!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff28e8f48-7898-4cd4-ba7e-b25a241325fe_710x467.png)
Nuh al-Tahir’s _**Tarikh al-Fattash**_ (Photo by DeAgostini/Getty Images)
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**The expansion of Massina under Amhadu I and the city of Timbuktu.**
Massina owed much of its expansion to its armies, divided into the five major provinces of the empire. It was led by five generals (_**amiraabe**_), below whom were the pre-conquest war chiefs that had submited to Lobbo's rule. The soldiers were divided into infantry, cavalry and a river-navy, and their equipment, horses and rations were largely supplied by the state. Most of the soldiers were recruited by the individual war-chiefs, but a permanent cavalry corps was also maintained in garrisons on the outskirts of important cities such as Hamdullahi, Ténenkou, Dienné, and Timbuktu. Owing to the nature of its formation as an outgrowth of Lobbo's movement, the army's command structure was relatively less centralized with each unit fighting more or less independently under their leader albeit with the same goals.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-21-133913518)
Massina's conflict with Segu continued on its western and southwestern fronts, with several battles fought around Djenne especially with the Bambara provinces of Sarro and Nyansanari. While Sarro largely remained at war with Massina, Nyansanari eventually surrendered to Massina and was incorporated into the state, with its leader being formally installed by Amhad Lobbo.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-22-133913518)
Massina's expansion into the region between the Mali-Niger border and north-eastern Burkina Faso was more sucessful, and marked the southernmost limit of the empire, which it shared with the Sokoto empire. The various chiefdoms of the region, most notably Baraboullé and Djilgodji, were subsumed in the late 1820s after a serious of disastrous battles for the Massina army that ultimately ended when threats from the Yatenga kingdom forced the local chieftains to place themselves under Massina's protection. The conflict that emerged with the Bambara state of Kaarta, however, was more serious, with Massina's army suffering heavy casualties, especially in 1843–44. every attempt by to expand westward proved equally futile.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-23-133913518)
After the first conquest of the north-eastern regions between Timbuktu and Gao in 1818-1826, Arma and the Tuareg who controlled the region rebelled several times, trying to escape the imposition of direct rule by Lobbo’s appointed governor Abd al-Qādir (who took over from Pasha Uthman al-rimi). This prompted Massina to firmly control the town in 1833 when a Fulbe governor was appointed that controlled the entire region upto Gao.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-24-133913518) A Tuareg force drove off the Massina garrison in 1840 but were in the following year defeated and expelled. The Tuareg then regrouped in 1842-1844 and managed to defeat the Massina forces and drive them from Timbuktu, but the city was later besieged by Massina and its inhabitants were starved into resubmitting to Massina's rule by 1846. Disputes between Massina and Timbuktu were often mediated by the Kunta scholary family led by Muhammad al-Kunti and his son al-Mukhtar al-Saghir .[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-25-133913518)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!kFkJ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F91f05e20-8b98-4dc8-88a9-523f5a97bcfc_480x640.jpeg)
A letter from Mawlāy ‘Abd al-Qādir to Aḥmad Lobbo, which includes at the bottom the response of the caliph of Ḥamdallāhi. Ahmed Baba Institute of Higher Learning and Islamic Research, photo by Mohamed Diagayété
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!zOoY!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8a0cd1e7-4025-4fd1-a564-77e6fdb91d60_788x512.png)
Folios from two letters sent by Muhammad al-Kunti addressed to Ahmadu Lobbo, advising the latter on good governance, written around 1818-1820, now at the Djenné Manuscript Library.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-26-133913518)
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**The reign of Ahmadu II and the consolidation of Massina (1845-1853)**
In the later years of Ahmadu's reign, the ageing ruler asked the Great Council to nominate his sucessor. The choice for the next ‘Caliph’ of Massina was narrowed down to two equally qualified candidates; an accomplished general named BaaLobbo, and the Caliph’s son, Ahmadu Cheikou who was a renowned scholar and administrator. The Great council picked Ahmadu Cheikou, who suceeded his father in March 1845 as Ahmadu II, and they chose BaaLobbo as the head of the military inorder to placate him and avoid a sucession dispute.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-27-133913518)
Throughout his reign, Ahmadu II had to fight against the Tuaregs in the region of the Niger river’s bend near Timbuktu, as well as the Bambara empire of Segu which had resumed hostilities with Massina. However, none of the expansionist wars of Ahmadu’s reign were undertaken by Ahmadu II, who chose to retain the status quo especially between the Segu empire and the rebellious Tuareg-Kunta alliance near Timbuktu. This was partly done to prevent BaaLobbo from accumulating too much power, but it may have undermined Massina’s ability to project its power in the region. [28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-28-133913518)
In 1847, Ahmadu II re-imposed the ruinous blockade of Timbuktu to weaken the Tuareg-Kunta alliance which had resumed its revolt against Massina soon after Ahmadu’s death. This blockade partially sucessful politically, as some of the Kunta allied with Massina against their peers led by Ahmad al-Bakkai al-Kunti who suceeded al-Mukhtar al-Saghir. al-Bakkai later travelled to Hamdullahi, negotiated a truce and Timbuktu resubmitted to Massina. But commercially, the blockade, which lasted nearly the entirety of Ahmadu II’s reign, ruined Timbuktu and drained the old city of its already declining fortunes.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-29-133913518) When the German explorer Heinrich Barth visisted Timbuktu and Gao around 1853-4, he provided a detailed description of both cities which were now long past their glory days, with Gao having been reduced to a village, while Timbuktu was a shadow of its former self.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-30-133913518)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!b1-6!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F760b4faf-0486-4a6e-a2ba-d32bcda7bb1d_1024x655.jpeg)
Illustration of Timbuktu by Heinrich Barth (1853)
* * *
**The reign of Amhadu III and the collapse of Massina** (1853-1862)
Ahmadu II died in 1853, and the problem of succession reemerged even more strongly than before. The best candidates to succeed him were, again, BaaLobbo and another of Ahmad Lobbo’s sons named Abdoulay, as well as Ahmad II’s son named Amadou Amadou. Feeling sidelined again, BaaLobbo quickly formed an alliance with Amadou Amadou who had been close to him and he considered easy to influence than Abdoullay. BaaLobbo then requested his allies on the Great council to consider his proposition, which was accepted by the majority and Amadou Amadou was installed as Ahmadu III.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-31-133913518)
Ahmadu III inaugurated a less austere form of government in Massina that was harshly criticized by his contemporaries, and was immediately faced with rebellion from Abadulay which was only diffused after a lengthy seige of the capital and negotiation[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-32-133913518). He also centralized all the power that had been divided between the caliph and the Great Council. In this way, he alienated the veteran leaders of the empire, transforming the Great Council into a mere mechanism for approving his decisions. Hence, most of its members abandoned both Ahmadu III and the Great Council shortly after his ascension. Ahmadu III lost the support of the Kunta when Ahmad al-Bakkai broke off his relationship with Hamdullahi. With little support from inside the capital or from Timbuktu, Ahmadu III initiated a policy of rapprochement with the Bambara rulers of Segou who became allies of Massina.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-33-133913518)
This open alliance between a clerical Muslim state and a non-Muslim state was soon challenged by the Futanke movement of al-Hajj Umar Tal, a powerful cleric whose nascent empire of Tukulor had expanded from Futa jallon in Guinea to take over the kingdom of Kaarta in 1855 that had eluded Massina. The capture of Kaarta opened the road for the Tukulor armies to conquer Kaarta’s suzerain; the Segu empire, which threatened Massina despite both Umar and Amhadu III drawing legitimacy from the same political-religious teachings. Ahmadu III moved Massina’s armies to confront Tukulor’s forces in 1856 at Kasakary and in 1860 at Sansanding, all while exchanging letters justifying each other’s expansionism and challenging the legitimacy of either’s authority. Segu was eventually conquered by Umar in March 1861 forcing its ruler to flee to Hamdullahi for protection.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-34-133913518)
After a series of diplomatic exchanges between Umar Tal and Ahmadu failed to secure the release of Segu’s deposed ruler, Umar decided to declare war against Massina. The Tukulor marched on Massina in April 1862 and the empire’s capital was occupied in the following month after Ahmadu III’s divided forces had treacherously abandoned him and the beleaguered leader had died from wounds sustained during the battle. The ever ambitious BaaLobbo had surrendered to Umar Tal hoping the latter would retain him as ruler of Hamdullahi, but Umar instead appointed his son (also called Ahmadu). Enraged by Umar’s duplicity, BaaLobbo raised a rebellion, laid siege on Hamdullahi, and forced Umar to flee to his death in 1864.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-35-133913518)
The capital of Massina would be reduced to ruins after several battles as it switched between Umar’s sucessors and the “rebels”. The empire of Massina was erased from west-Africa’s political landscape, ending the nearly half a century long experiment to restore Songhai.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!WjF2!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8e588407-c3e3-42c1-8fff-203d65fa997a_768x612.png)
* * *
When Europe was engulfed in one of the history’s deadliest conflicts in the early 17th century, **the African kingdoms of Kongo and Ndongo took advantage of the European rivaries to settle their own feud with the Portuguese colonialists in Angola**. **Kongo’s envoys traveled to the Netherlands, forged military alliances with the Dutch and halted Portugal’s colonial advance**. Read more about this in my recent Patreon post:
[HOW KONGO EXPLOITED EUROPEAN RIVARIES](https://www.patreon.com/posts/how-kongo-and-85683552)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!AmLD!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F18f2c1a1-d6b5-4a4a-be08-7ef756f64cd2_782x605.png)
* * *
[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-1-133913518)
Map by M. Ly-Tall
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-2-133913518)
The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 4 pg 177-178)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-3-133913518)
UNESCO general history of Africa volume VI pg 601-603
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-4-133913518)
Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 137-141, L'empire peul du Macina by Amadou Hampâté Bâ pg 26-27)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-5-133913518)
Beyond jihad: The pacifist tradition in West African Islam by L. Sanneh
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-6-133913518)
Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 10-11)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-7-133913518)
L'empire peul du Macina by Amadou Hampâté Bâ 199-203)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-8-133913518)
UNESCO general history of Africa volume VI pg 603
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-9-133913518)
Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 155-160, 170-173 )
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-10-133913518)
Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 149-151, L'empire peul du Macina by Amadou Hampâté Bâ pg 146-163)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-11-133913518)
L'empire peul du Macina by Amadou Hampâté Bâ pg 46-51)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-12-133913518)
photos from [this site](http://alesk.canalblog.com/archives/2009/12/20/16075713.html)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-13-133913518)
L'empire peul du Macina by Amadou Hampâté Bâ pg 64-68, 52)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-14-133913518)
Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 211-212)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-15-133913518)
Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 213, L'empire peul du Macina by Amadou Hampâté Bâ pg 68, 88
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-16-133913518)
L'empire peul du Macina by Amadou Hampâté Bâ pg 51, 70-71)
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-17-133913518)
photos from [this link](https://eap.bl.uk/archive-file/EAP879-6-42)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-18-133913518)
Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 132-133, 135-137)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-19-133913518)
Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 182-200, Frontier Disputes and Problems of Legitimation: Sokoto-Masina Relations 1817-1837 by C. C. Stewart pg 499-500
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-20-133913518)
photos from [this link](https://eap.bl.uk/archive-file/EAP535-1-2-10-3)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-21-133913518)
L'empire peul du Macina by Amadou Hampâté Bâ pg 75-88)
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-22-133913518)
L'empire peul du Macina by Amadou Hampâté Bâ pg 184-191, 206-209)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-23-133913518)
L'empire peul du Macina by Amadou Hampâté Bâ pg 214-220
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-24-133913518)
L'empire peul du Macina by Amadou Hampâté Bâ pg 269, A note on Mawlāy ‘Abd al-Qādir b. Muḥammad al-Sanūsī and his relationship with the Caliphate of Ḥamdallāhi by Mohamed Diagayété
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-25-133913518)
Travels and discoveries in North and Central Africa by Heinrich Barth vol 4 pg 433-436, Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 160-176
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-26-133913518)
Photos from [this link](https://eap.bl.uk/archive-file/EAP879-36-1) and [this link](https://eap.bl.uk/archive-file/EAP879-36-1)
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-27-133913518)
L'empire peul du Macina by Amadou Hampâté Bâ pg 312-314, 326
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-28-133913518)
UNESCO general history of Africa volume VI pg 608-609
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-29-133913518)
Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 176-181
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-30-133913518)
Travels and discoveries in North and Central Africa by Heinrich Barth vol 5 pg 1-94, pg 215-220
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-31-133913518)
L'empire peul du Macina by Amadou Hampâté Bâ pg 360-361
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-32-133913518)
UNESCO general history of Africa volume VI pg 610
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-33-133913518)
Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 233)
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-34-133913518)
UNESCO general history of Africa volume VI pg 613-618, In the Path of Allah: The Passion of Al-Hajj ʻUmar by John Ralph Willis pg 171-184
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818#footnote-anchor-35-133913518)
In the Path of Allah: The Passion of Al-Hajj ʻUmar by John Ralph Willis pg 185-188, 218-222
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[Anita Williams](https://substack.com/profile/25167494-anita-williams?utm_source=substack-feed-item)
[Jul 9, 2023](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818/comment/18315767 "Jul 9, 2023, 6:08 PM")
Liked by isaac Samuel
I know you work very hard to produce your African history posts. And I’m sorry it doesn’t seem like many people read/rate your articles.
Honestly speaking and from a Black American point of view, I am very interested in the topic on your least favorite subject: African Slavery and the Diaspora of Africans around the globe.
What we don’t know, hear or understand about the slavery of our ancestors is
1. Why us and who are we?
2. What do today’s Africans know about this history and how do they feel about their slave trading ancestors? How do they feel about us?
3. How can we, today’s Black Americans and Africans, build or mend our relationship?
4. How can we forgive and forget the past and try to move forward in some kind of partnership of kinship?
My husband and I plan to visit a couple of African countries in the next several years. We want to walk on the land of our forefathers and feel the essence of our ancestors.
Thank you for reading my message.
Anita
Atlanta, Georgia
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[Aug 3, 2023](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-massina-empire-1818/comment/21791714 "Aug 3, 2023, 10:48 AM")
Liked by isaac Samuel
This is very helpful I would be reading more of your articles
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Published Time: 2025-02-23T12:30:50+00:00
A history of the medieval coastal towns of Mozambique ca. 500-1890 CE.
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A history of the medieval coastal towns of Mozambique ca. 500-1890 CE.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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The East African coast is home to the longest contiguous chain of urban settlements on the continent. The nearly 2,000 miles of coastline which extends from southern Somalia through Kenya and Tanzania to Mozambique is dotted with several hundred Swahili cities and towns which flourished during the Middle Ages.
While the history of the northern half of [the ‘Swahili coast’](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-political-history-of-the-swahili?utm_source=publication-search) has been sufficiently explored, relatively little is known about the southern half of the coast whose export trade in gold was the basis of the wealth of the Swahili coast and supplied most of the bullion sold across the Indian Ocean world.
From the town of Tungi in the north to Inhambane in the southern end, the coastline of Mozambique is home to dozens of trade towns that appeared in several works on world geography during the Islamic golden age and would continue to thrive throughout the Portuguese irruption during the early modern period.
This article outlines the history of the medieval coastal towns of Mozambique and their contribution to the ancient trade of the Indian Ocean world.
_**Map of Mozambique highlighting the medieval towns mentioned below[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-1-157684668)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!I3se!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe9b85403-e1ba-49b6-ad7b-a4ae4ff2cb13_602x1031.png)
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**Foundations of a Coastal Civilization in Mozambique: ca. 500-1000CE.**
Beginning in the 6th century, several coeval shifts took place along the East African coast and its immediate hinterland. Archaeological evidence indicates that numerous iron-age farming and fishing settlements emerged across the region, whose inhabitants were making and using a new suite of ceramics known as the ‘Triangular Incised Ware’ (TIW), and were engaged in trade between the Indian Ocean world and the African mainland. These settlements were the precursors of the Swahili urban agglomerations of the Middle Ages that appear in external accounts as _**‘the land of the Zanj.’**_[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-2-157684668)
The greater part of the territory that today includes the coastline and hinterland of Mozambique was in the Middle Ages known as _**‘the land of Sofala**_.’ Located south of the Zanj region, it first appears as the country of al-Sufālah in the 9th-century account of the famous Afro-arab poet Al-Jāḥiẓ.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-3-157684668)
The coast of Sofala was later described in more detail in the geographical work of Al Masudi in 916: _**“The sea of the Zanj (Swahili coast) ends with the land of Sofala and the Waq-Waq, which produces gold and many other wonderful things”**_ The account of the Persian merchant Buzurg ibn Shahriyar in 945, describes how the WaqWaq (presumed to be Austronesians) sailed for a year across the ocean to reach the Sofala coast where they sought ivory, tortoiseshell, leopard skins, ambergris and slaves. In 1030 CE, al-Bîrûnî writes that the port of Gujarat (in western India)_**“has become so successful because it is a stopping point for people traveling between Sofala and the Zanj country and China”.**_[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-4-157684668)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!CRN2!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5f90baaf-2730-48c9-bc9a-43938f24b74b_1182x567.png)
(left) _**A simplified copy of Al-Idrisi’s map made by Ottoman scholar Ali ibn Hasan al-Ajami in 1469, from the so-called “Istanbul Manuscript”, a copy of Al-Idrisi’s ‘Book of Roger.’**_ (right) _Translation of the toponyms found on the simplified copy of al-Idrisi’s world map, showing Sofala between the Zanj and the Waq-Waq._
However, excavations at various sites in northern Mozambique revealed that its coastal towns significantly predated these external accounts. The oldest of such settlements was the archaeological site of Chibuene where excavations have revealed two occupational phases; an early phase from 560 to 1300 CE, and a later phase from 1300–1700 CE. Another site is Angoche, where archaeological surveys date its earliest settlement phases to the 6th century CE.
The material culture recovered from Chibuene included ceramics belonging to the ‘TIW tradition’ of the coastal sites and the ‘Gokomere-Ziwa tradition’ found across many iron-age sites in the interior of southeast Africa. It also contained evidence of lime-burning similar to the Swahili sites (albeit with no visible ruins); a crucible with a lump of gold likely obtained from the Zimbabwe mainland; as well as large quantities of imported material such as glass vessels and beads, green-glazed ware and sgraffito from Arabia and Siraf.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-5-157684668)
Chibuene gradually lost its prominence after 1000CE, as trade and/or settlement shifted to Manyikeni, a ‘[Zimbabwe tradition](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/stone-palaces-in-the-mountains-great)’ stone-walled settlement situated 50 km inland, and possibly further south near Inhambane, where a site with earthenwares similar to those at Chibuene but without any imports, has been dated to the 8th century.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-6-157684668) Chibuene likely became tributary to Manyikeni, as indicated by later written documents which suggest that the lineage of Sono of Manyikeni controlled its coastal area, and the presence of pottery in the later occupation in Chibuene that is similar to the ceramics found at Manyikeni.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-7-157684668)
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_**Manyikeni ruins in the mid-20th century**_. image reproduced by Eugénia Rodrigues
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_**Manyikeni ruins**_, images from Facebook.
To the north of Chibuene was the early settlement at Angoche, which consists of a cluster of sites on several islands that contain ceramics of the ‘TIW tradition’ dated to the second half of the 1st millennium CE, as well as imported pottery from Arabia and the Gulf. In the period from 1000-1500CE, settlement expanded with new sites that contained local ceramics of the ‘Lumbo tradition’ (similar to Swahili pottery from Kilwa) and imported wares from the Islamic world and China. Around 1485-90 CE, Angoche was occupied by royals from Kilwa who settled at the sites of Quilua and Muchelele, according to the Kilwa chronicle and local traditions. There's evidence for coral limestone construction and increased external trade at several sites that now comprised the ‘Angoche Sultanate’ just prior to the arrival of the Portuguese.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-8-157684668)
Further north of Angoche are the settlements of the Quirimbas archipelago, which stretches about 300 km parallel to the coast of northern Mozambique.
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_**Map of the Quirimbas islands**_ by Marisa Ruiz-Galvez et. al.
One early settlement found in this region was the site C-400 at Ibo, which contained local pottery similar to the ‘Lumbo tradition’, it also contained; bronze coins similar to those found at Kilwa; imported sherds from the gulf dated to between the 8th and the 13th centuries; glass-beads from India; and many local spindle-whorls, which confirms the existence of textile activity described by the Portuguese in their first reports of the Quirimbas archipelago. A locally manufactured gold bead found at Ibo also points to its links with the Zambezi interior and the Swahili coast. The assemblage of materials indicates a date of the 11th and 12th centuries CE.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-9-157684668)
Further north in Mozambique's northernmost district of Palma, the sites of Tungui/Tungi, Kiwiya and Mbuizi also provided evidence for early settlement. Archaeological surveys recovered pottery belonging to different traditions, beginning with Early Iron Age wares (3rd-6th century CE), 'upper Kilwa' wares, and ‘Lumbo Tradition’ wares (after the 13th century) and recent Makonde pottery (15th-19th century). The three sites also contained imported ceramics from the Islamic world and China, glass beads, and remains of coral-stone structures from later periods.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-10-157684668)
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_**Ruins of a mosque at Tungi, northern Mozambique**_. image by Leonardo Adamowicz.
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**The historical period in Mozambique: on the coast of Sofala (1000-1500CE)**
The archaeological evidence outlined above therefore indicates that the urban coastal settlements of late medieval Mozambique gradually emerged out of pre-existing farming and fishing villages that were marginally engaged in regional and long-distance trade, much like their Swahili peers in the north. It also indicates that there were multiple settlements along the coast —rather than a single important town of Sofala as is often presumed, and that the region later became an important part of the Indian Ocean trade.
The aforementioned account of Al-Idrīsī for example, described the voyages of people from the Comoros and Madagascar to the Sofala coast in order to acquire iron and gold:_**“The country of Sofāla contains many iron mines and the people of the islands of Jāvaga [Comorians] and other islanders around them come here to acquire iron, and then export it throughout India and the surrounding islands. They make large profit with this trade, since iron is a very valued object of trade, and although it exists in the islands of India and the mines of this country, it does not equal the iron of Sofala, which is more abundant, purer and more malleable.”**_ The account of Ibn al-Wardī in 1240 reiterates this in his section on the Sofala coast: _**“The Indians visit this region and buy iron for large sums of silver, although they have iron mines in India, but the mines in the Sofala country are of better quality, [the ore being] purer and softer. The Indians make it purer and it becomes lumps of steel.”**_[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-11-157684668)
According to the account of Abu Al-Fida (d. 1331), who relied on earlier sources, the capital of Sofala was Seruna where the king resided. _**“Sofala is in the land of the Zanj. According to the author of the Canon, the inhabitants are Muslims. Ibn Said says that their chief means of existence are mining gold and iron.”**_ He also mentions other towns such as Bantya, which is the northernmost town; Leirana, which he describes as _**“a seaport where ships put and whence they set out, the inhabitants profess Islam,”**_ and Daghuta which is _**“the last one of the country of Sofala and the furthest of the inhabited part of the continent towards the south.”**_[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-12-157684668)
The globe-trotter Ibn Battuta, who visited Kilwa in 1331, also briefly mentioned the land of Sofala in his description of [the city of Kilwa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/kilwa-the-complete-chronological?utm_source=publication-search): _**“We set sail for Kilwa, the principal town on the coast, the greater part of whose inhabitants are Zanj of very black complexion. Their faces are scarred, like the Limiin at Janada. A merchant told me that Sofala is halfa month’s march from Kilwa, and that between Sofala and Yufi in the country of the Limiin is a month’s march. Powdered gold is brought from Yufi to Sofala.”**_[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-13-157684668) Yufi was a site in the interior, identified by historians to be Great Zimbabwe, where gold was collected and dispatched to the coast. The coast/town of Sofala which Ibn Battuta mentioned must have been within Kilwa’s political orbit.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-14-157684668)
The Kilwa chronicle, which was written around 1550, mentions that Kilwa's sultans had in the late 13th century managed to assume loose hegemony over large sections of its southern coast, likely encompassing the region of Sofala. The chronicle describes the sultan Ḥasan bin Sulaymān as _**“lord of the commerce of Sofala and of the islands of Pemba, Mafia, Zanzibar and of a great part of the shore of the mainland”**_ The 14th century Sultan al-Hasan bin Sulaiman is known to have issued coins with a trimetallic system (gold, silver, and copper), one of these coins was found at Great Zimbabwe, which, in addition to the coins found near Ibo, provide evidence of direct contact between the Swahili coast, the coast of Sofala and interior kingdoms of the Zambezi river.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-15-157684668)
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_**Ruins of the Husuni Kubwa Palace of the 14th-century ruler of Kilwa Ḥasan bin Sulaymān.**_ image by National Geographic
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_**gold coins of the Kilwa Sultan Hassan bin Sulayman from the 14th centur**_**y.**image by Jason D. Hawkes and Stephanie Wynne-Jones
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_**The location of Kilwa and the southern towns of Angoche and Sofala**_
According to oral traditions and written accounts, the emergence of the sultanate of Angoche is associated with the arrival of coastal settlers from Kilwa in 1490, and the expansion of the Indian Ocean trade with the coast of Sofala. The 15th-century account of sailor Ibn Majid mentions that _**“The best season from Kilwa to Sufāla is from November 14 to January 2, but if you set out from Sufāla, you should do it on May 11.”**_ Sufala means shoal in Arabic, most likely because its reefs and islands were reported as a navigational hazard by sailors.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-16-157684668)
On the other hand, Angoche is derived from ‘_**Ngoji**_,’ the local name for the city as known by its Koti-Swahili inhabitants which means ‘to wait’. Historians suggest Angoche was a port of call where merchants ‘waited’ until goods coming from the Zambezi interior via the region of Sofala arrived or they awaited permission to proceed further south. Angoche’s use as a port of call can be seen in a 1508 account, when the Portuguese captain Duarte de Lemos anchored by _**“an island that lies at the mouth of the river Angoxe [Angoche] and gathered freshwater supplies from a welcoming village.”**_[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-17-157684668)
The region of Sofala was thus the main hub of trade along the coastline of Mozambique during the late Middle Ages acting as the middleman in the trade linking the interior kingdoms like Great Zimbabwe and Swahili cities like Kilwa. Its reputation as a major outlet of gold is corroborated by the account of Ibn al-Wardi (d.1349) who wrote that the land of Sofala possessed remarkable quantities of the precious metal: _**“one of the wonders of the land of Sofala is that there are found under the soil, nuggets of gold in great numbers.”**_[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-18-157684668)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!HPzf!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4a211273-e8e3-473b-b145-7d747f2e637e_1285x603.png)
Gold objects from different ‘Zimbabwe tradition sites’: (first image) _**golden rhinoceros (A) and gold anklet coils (B) from Mapungubwe, South Africa, ca 13th century**_[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-19-157684668); (second image) _**gold beads and gold wire armlet, ca. 14th-15th century, Ingombe Ilede, Zambia**_.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-20-157684668) (last image) _**Gold and carnelian beads from Ibo in the Quirimbas islands, ca. 10th-12th century CE**_. _Archeometallurgical analysis showed a remarkable similarity between the gold bead of Ibo and the ones found at Mapungubwe._[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-21-157684668)
However, unlike the large cities of the Swahili coast, the towns on the coastline of Mozambique remained relatively small until the late Middle Ages, they were also less permanent, less nucleated and the largest boasted only a few thousand inhabitants.
It was during this period that a town known as Sofala emerged in the 15th century. Excavations at four sites around the town recovered material culture that includes local pottery still used in the coastal regions today, regional pottery styles similar to those found in southern Zambezia, and imported pottery from China dated to between the 15th and 18th centuries. Finds of elite tombs for Muslims, spindle whorls for spinning cotton, and small sherds of Indian pottery point to its cosmopolitan status similar to other Swahili towns, but with a significant local character, that's accentuated by finds of an ivory horn that bears some resemblance with those made on the Swahili coast and at Great Zimbabwe.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-22-157684668)
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_**15th/16th-century Ivory horn from the Swahili settlement at Sofala, and a similar horn from the Swahili city of Pate in Kenya**_.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-23-157684668)
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**The Mozambique coast and the Portuguese during the 16th to 18th centuries**
At the time of the Portuguese arrival in the Indian Ocean, the coastline of Mozambique was at the terminus of the main trade routes in the western half of the Indian Ocean world.
The Portuguese sailors led by Vasco Da Gama sailed past Sofala and landed on Mozambique island in January 1498, whose town was also established in the 15th century and was ruled by sultan Musa bin Bique (after whom the town was named). A contemporary chronicler described the city as such:_**“The men of this land are russet in colour (ie: African/Swahili) and of good physique. They are of the Islamic faith and speak like Moors. Their clothes are of very thin linen and cotton, of many-coloured stripes, and richly embroidered. All wear caps on their heads hemmed with silk and embroidered with gold thread. They are merchants and they trade with the white Moors (ie: Arab), four of whose vessels were here at this place, carrying gold, silver and cloth, cloves, pepper and ginger, rings of silver with many pearls, seed pearls and rubies and the like.”**_[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-24-157684668)
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_**Ruined structure on the Swahili settlement at Mozambique island**_, _dated to the 15th-16th centuries_, image by Diogo V. Oliveira
After receiving information about golden Sofala from his first voyage, Vasco DaGama landed at the port town in 1502, followed shortly after by Pero Afonso in 1504. Both sent back laudatory reports on its wealth and its legendary status as King Solomon's Ophir, which prompted Portugal to send a military expedition to colonize it and Kilwa. In 1505, Captain Pero de Anhaia made landfall at Sofala and was generously received by its ruler, Sheikh Yusuf, who granted them permission to build a stockade (fortress of wood), probably because they had learned the fate of their peers in other Swahili cities like Kilwa that had been sacked for resisting the Portuguese.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-25-157684668)
Like most of the towns described on the coast (including Sofala and Angoche), Sheikh Yusuf's Sofala was a modest town of a few thousand living in houses of wood, whose population included about 800 Swahili merchants who wore silk and cotton robes, carried scimitars with gold-decorated ivory handles in their belts, and sat in council/assembly that governed the town (like on the Swahili coast, the so-called “sultans” in this region were often appointed by these councils). The rest of the population consisted of non-Muslim groups who formed the bulk of the army, they wore cotton garments and copper anklets made in the interior.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-26-157684668)
The Portuguese soon fell into conflict with the Sheikh after their failed attempts to monopolize Sofala's gold trade. These conflicts forced local merchants to divert the gold trade overland through the newly established town of Quelimane at the mouth of the Zambezi. This gold was then carried to Angoche in the north, ultimately passing through the Quirimbas islands, and onwards to Kilwa. Political and commercial links across these cities were sustained through kinship ties and intermarriages between their ruling dynasties, such as those between the sultans of Angoche and Kilwa. Additionally, in 1514 the Portuguese geographer Barbosa wrote that Mozambique island was frequented by the _**“Moors who traded to Sofala and Cuama [the Zambesi] [. . .] who are of the same tongue as those of Angoya [Angoche]**_,” and he later wrote about the local Muslims of Quelimane that _**“these Moors are of the same language and customs as those of Angoya [Angoche].”**_[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-27-157684668)
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_**Dhows in Harbour, ca. 1896, Mozambique**_, private collection.
According to a Portuguese account from 1506, at least 1.3 million mithqals of gold were exported each year from Sofala, and 50,000 came from Angoche, which translates to about 5,744 kg of gold a year. Other more detailed accounts estimate that from an initial 8,500kg a year before the Portuguese arrival, exports from the Sofala coast fell to an estimated 573kg in 1585; before gradually rising to 716kg in 1591; 850kg in 1610; 1487kg in 1667. Another account provides an estimate of 850kg in 1600, and 1,000kg in 1614. These figures fluctuated wildly at times due to “smuggling,” eg in 1512 when the Portuguese exported no gold from Sofala, but illegal trade amounted to over 30,000 mithqals (128kg) passing through northern towns like Angoche.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-28-157684668)
**[For a more detailed account of the gold trade between Great Zimbabwe, Sofala and Kilwa, please read [this essay on Patreon](https://www.patreon.com/posts/dynamics-of-gold-111163742)]**
The wild fluctuations in the gold trade were partially a result of the Portuguese wars against the coastal cities of Mozambique and Swahili. Sofala had been sacked in 1506, Angoche was sacked in 1511, and the towns of the Quirimbas islands were sacked in 1523. Each time, the local merchants returned to rebuild their cities and continued to defy the Portuguese. While large Portuguese forts were constructed at Sofala in 1507 and at Mozambique island in 1583, the two Swahili towns remained autonomous but were commercially dependent on the Portuguese trade.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-29-157684668)
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_**Ruins of the Portuguese fort at Sofala, late 19th-early 20th century**_, Yale University Library.
Mozambique island became an important port of call, at least 108 of the 131 Portuguese ships that visited the East African coast wintered at its port. By the early 17th century, the Portuguese settlement next to the fort had a population of about 2,000, only about 400 of whom were Portuguese. However, the fort was weakly defended with just 6 soldiers when the Dutch sacked the town in 1604 and 1607. While the Swahili rulers of Mozambique had been forced to move their capital to the mainland town of Sancul in the early 16th century, about half the island was still inhabited by the local Muslim population until at least the 18th century, and was referred to as _‘zona de makuti’_. Both the Portuguese settlement and the mainland town of Sancul depended on the Makua rulers of the African mainland, from whom they obtained supplies of ivory and food, security, and captives who worked in their households.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-30-157684668)
Angoche, Quilemane, and the Quirimbas were initially largely independent of the Portuguese. According to an account by Antonio de Saldanha in 1511, Angoche had an estimated population of 12,000, with atleast 10,000 merchants active in the interior. While these figures are exaggerated, they reflect the importance of the city and place it among the largest Swahili cities of the 16th century.
Around 1544, the sultan of Angoche leased the port of Quelimane to the Portuguese. Internal dissensions among the ruling families led to the Portuguese obtaining control of the sultanate in the late 16th century, coinciding with the founding of colonial ‘_**prazos**_’ (land concessions) along the Zambezi River and [the Portuguese colonization of the kingdom of Mutapa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-mutapa-and-the-portuguese). Angoche's population fell to about 1,500 in the early 17th century, and the Portuguese formally abandoned Angoche in 1709 when its trade dwindled to insignificance. By 1753, part of the city was rebuilt and its trade had slightly recovered, mostly due to trade with the Imbamella chiefs of the Makua along the coast.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-31-157684668)
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_**The East African coast showing the location of Angoche and the colonial prazos of the Portuguese.**_ Map by Edward Pollard et al.
The era of Portuguese control in Sofala from the late 16th to the mid-18th century was also a period of decline, like in Angoche.
The fort was in disrepair and its trade consisted of small exports of ivory, and gold. A report from 1634 notes that the Sofala community resided near the fort by the indulgence of the ruler of Kiteve, whose kingdom surrounded the settlement and controlled its trade. In 1722, the Portuguese population at Sofala had fallen to just 26 settlers, a few hundred Luso-Africans, and other locals, the fort was threatened by inundation and the church was even being utilized as a cattle kraal. By 1762, Sofala was nearly underwater, and the garrison at the fort numbered just 6 soldiers. Estimates of Gold exports from Sofala, which averaged 300-400kg a year between 1750 and 1790, plummeted to just 10kg by 1820. In October 1836, Sofala was sacked by the armies of the Gaza empire from the interior, and by 1865 its inhabitants ultimately abandoned it for the town of Chiloane, 50 miles south.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-32-157684668)
Further north in the Quirimbas islands, 16th-century Portuguese mention its thriving textile industry that produced large quantities of local cotton and silk cloth. These fabrics were coveted in Sofala and as far north as Mombasa and Zanzibar, whose merchants sailed southwards to purchase them. Accounts from 1523 and 1593 indicate that the rival rulers of Stone Town (on Zanzibar island) and Mombasa claimed suzerainty over parts of the archipelago. The Portuguese later established _**prazos**_ on the islands, especially in the thriving towns of Ibo and Matemo, by the 17th century and began exporting grain, livestock, and ivory purchased from the interior to sell to Mozambique island.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-33-157684668)
In his description of Mozambique written in 1592, Joao dos Santos makes reference to a large Swahili settlement on the island of Matemo with many houses with their windows and doors decorated with columns, that was destroyed by the Portuguese during the conquest of the archipelago. The present ruins of the mosque and other structures found at the site date to this period.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-34-157684668)
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_**Remains of a miḥrāb in the ruined mosque of Matemo**_, Quirimbas islands. image by Jorge de Torres Rodríguez et al. _“Goods appear to have been left in the miḥrāb niche in a reverential manner. The local significance imparted on the mosque was possibly why the miḥrāb was targeted and partially destroyed in early 2018 by Islamists who likely viewed such actions as ‘shirk’ ie: idolatry.”_[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-35-157684668)
In the 18th century, the islands served as a refuge for elites from Kilwa and Malindi who were opposed to the Omani-Arab occupation of the East African coast. By the late 18th century, the Quirimbas and Mozambique islands were at the terminus of trade routes from the interior controlled by Yao and Makua traders who brought ivory, grain, and captives, the former two of which were exported to the Swahili coast and the Portuguese, while the later were taken to the French colonies of the Mascarenes island. However, this trade remained modest before the 19th century when it expanded at Ibo, because Portuguese control of the islands was repeatedly threatened by attacks from the Makua during the 1750s and 60s, whose forces were active from Angoche in the south to Tungi in the north.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-36-157684668)
From 1800 to 1817, the towns of Ibo, Sancul, and Tungui/Tungi were repeatedly attacked by the navies of the Sakalava from Madagascar, who were raiding the East African coast. I covered this [episode of African naval warfare in greater detail here](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the?utm_source=publication-search).
Tungi was the northernmost town along the coast, whose foundation was contemporaneous with the other ancient settlements as described in the introduction, but little is known about its early history save for a brief mention of its northern neighbor of Vamizi in the 15th-century account of Ibn Majid, and in conflicts with the Portuguese during the 1760s.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-37-157684668)
Local chronicles and traditions attribute the “founding” of its sultanate to three **princesses*** from Kilwa who established ruling lineages that retained the ‘_**shirazi**_’ _nisba_ used by the rulers of Kilwa during the Middle Ages and the 18th century. Known rulers begin with Ahmadi Hassani in the late 18th century, who was succeeded by five rulers between 1800-1830, followed by one long-serving ruler named Muhammadi (1837-1860), who was then succeeded by Aburari, whose dispute with his uncle Abdelaziz led to the Portuguese colonization of the island in 1877.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-38-157684668)
[***** Just like in [the medieval cities of Comoros](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-6-140646735), the traditions about _shirazi_ princesses as founding ancestresses of Tungi were an attempt to reconcile the matrilineal succession of the local groups with the patrilineal succession of the Islamized Swahili]
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!EDLm!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc7d786a3-7f1a-4d2f-aa05-301270329aa7_637x398.png)
_**Location of the northernmost towns of Tungi, Mbuizi, and Kiwiya**_. Map by Nathan Joel Anderson.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!DsJa!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffb406bda-e8e0-4d8f-8f4f-3e9325c53af7_920x615.png)
_**Ruins of the Tungi palace**_. image by Nathan Joel Anderson. _The palace consists of nine narrow rooms, connected via an axial hallway and a combination of arched and squared doorways, with one exit, and an upper story._[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-39-157684668)
In external accounts, Tungi briefly appears during the Sakalava naval invasions of the East African coast that began in 1800, the different titles used for its leader represent the varying relationship it had with the Portuguese, as it considered itself independent of their authority.
A Portuguese account from Ibo, which mentions the arrival of a flotilla from Mayotte (in Comoros) that intended to attack an unnamed king, also mentions that the Tungi ‘chief’ had expelled a group of boatmen from Madagascar, who were waiting for the monsoon winds to sail back to their land. The historian Edward Alpers suggests these two events were related, especially since Tungi was later the target of a massive Sakalava invasion that devastated the island in 1808-9. However, a later Sakalava invasion in 1815 was soundly defeated by Bwana Hasan, the ‘governor’ of Tungi, and another invasion in 1816 was defeated by the Portuguese at Ibo. An invasion in 1817 devastated Tungi, then ruled by a ‘King’ Hassan, before the navy of Zanzibar ultimately put an end to the Sakalava threat in 1818.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-40-157684668)
Archaeological surveys indicate that most of the old town of Tungi was built in the 18th and 19th centuries, based on the age of the type of Chinese pottery found across the site. This includes the ruins of the old mosque, the sultan's palace, the town wall, most of the tombs, and the structures found in many of the outlying towns in the coastal region of the Palma district such as Kiwiya and Mbuizi.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-41-157684668) Tungi’s political links with Kilwa and the Swahili coast, and its dispersed nature of settlement (the site is 2km long), likely indicate that the town may have served as a port of call for the merchants of Kilwa during the 18th and 19th centuries, similar to Angoche during the 16th century.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!7Q7m!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7b50a331-c979-4725-9255-9e1cf2f7d2f3_1224x483.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!z0Bh!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0163d3af-c622-4054-afa6-6adb532ab07c_1279x428.png)
(top) _**ruins of the Tungi mosque**_; (bottom) _**ruins of the town wall and sultan’s palace**_. images by Leonardo Adamowicz
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**The coastal towns of Mozambique during the 19th century**
Trade and settlement along the northern coast of Mozambique during the 18th and 19th centuries were mostly concentrated at Tungi, Mozambique island, and at Ibo in the Quirimbas islands. The southern towns of Angoche and Sofala were gradually recovering from the decline of the previous period and had since been displaced by the rise of the towns of Quelimane and Inhambane much further south.
The 15th-century town of Quelimane, whose fortunes had risen and fallen with the gold trade from Angoche, was home to a small Portuguese fort and settlement since the 1530s. However, the town did not immediately assume great importance for the Portuguese and had less than three Portuguese families in the town by the 1570s. Its hinterland was home to many Makua chieftains and its interior was controlled by the Maravi kingdom of Lundu, whose armies often attempted to conquer the town during the early 17th century. This compelled local Makua chieftains and Muslim merchants to ally with the Portuguese, resulting in the latter creating _**prazos**_ owned by the few settlers who lived there. These were in turn surrounded by a larger settlement populated by the Makua and Muslim traders.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-42-157684668)
By the late 18th century, about 20 Portuguese lived at Quelimane with several hundred Africans surrounded by farms worked by both free peasants and captives from the interior, although most of the latter were exported. The town began to enjoy unprecedented prosperity based on the development of rice agriculture to supply passing ships. In 1806 an estimated 193,200 liters of rice (about 250 tonnes) and 82,800 liters of wheat (about 100 tonnes) were exported. After the banning of the slave trade in the Atlantic in 1817-1830, a clandestine trade in captives was directed through Quelimane; rising from 1,700 in 1836 to 4,900 in 1839, before declining to 2,000 in 1841 and later collapsing by the 1860s. It was replaced by 'legitimate trade' in commodities like sesame (about 500 tonnes in 1872) and groundnuts (about 900 tonnes in 1871).[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-43-157684668)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!VRCL!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd422ca3f-7beb-4275-b491-5a5df80ed49a_820x555.png)
_**section of the Old Town of Quelimane, Mozambique, ca. 1914**_, DigitaltMuseum.
South of Quelimane was the town of Inhambane, which was the southernmost trade settlement encountered by the Portuguese during the early 16th century, although a latter account from 1589 mentions another settlement further south at Inhapula. The settlement at Inhambane was inhabited by Tonga-speakers, possibly as far back as the heyday of Chibuene (see introduction). It had a local cotton spinning and weaving industry for which it became well-known and was engaged in small-scale trade with passing ships. This trade remained insignificant until around 1727, when trade between local Tonga chiefs and the Dutch prompted the Portuguese to sack the settlement and establish a small fort. In the mid-18th century, the expansion of Tsonga-speaking groups from the interior, followed by the Nguni-speakers pushed more Tonga into the settlement and led to the opening of a lucrative trade in ivory and other commodities.[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-44-157684668)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ZjRO!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8f3f4867-6a30-4f5a-b876-0fbc91bc5c0c_329x561.png)
_**Migrations of the Nguni and the Gaza ‘empire’**_. Map by M.D.D. Newitt.
During the 19th century, much of the southern interior of Mozambique was dominated by the Gaza Kingdom/‘empire,’ a large polity established by King Soshangane and his Nguni-speaking followers. The empire expanded trade with the coast, but the towns of Sofala and Inhambane remained outside its control, even after the former was sacked by Gaza's armies in 1836 and the latter in 1863. The empire later fragmented during the late 1860s after a succession dispute, around the same time the colonial scramble for Africa compelled the Portuguese to “effectively” colonize the coastal settlements.[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-45-157684668)
By the middle of the 1880s, the Portuguese had assumed formal control of the coastal towns from Inhambane to Tungi, and much of their prazos in the interior up to Tete. They then sent a colonial resident to the capital of the last Gaza king Gungunhana in 1886, who represented the last major African power in the region. The king initially attempted to play off the rivaling British and Portuguese against each other, and even sent envoys to London in April 1891. However, in June 1891 Britain and Portugal finally concluded a treaty recognizing that most of Gaza territory lay within the Portuguese frontiers.[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-46-157684668)
After 4 years of resistance, the empire fell to the Portuguese becoming part of the colony of Mozambique, along with the ancient coastal towns. The last independent sultan of the coastal towns died at Tungi in 1890, formally marking the end of their pre-colonial history.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!BZd8!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb91b5912-583c-4baf-b397-d05f3f168cbb_341x510.png)
_**Inscribed plaque of Sultan Muhammad ca. 1890**_, Tungi. Image by Nathan Joel Anderson
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!_oAa!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F447c399d-cacd-478a-b443-aad35c520f9a_799x570.png)
_**Mozambique island, ca. 1880**_, image by Dr. John Clark.
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Among the most widely dispersed internal diasporas in Africa is the Rwandan-speaking diaspora of East Africa, whose communities can be found across a vast region from the eastern shores of Lake Victoria to the Kivu region of D.R.Congo. Their dramatic expansion during the 19th century was driven by opportunities for economic advancement and the displacement of local elites by the expansion of the Rwanda kingdom.
**The history of the Rwandan diaspora in East Africa from 1800-1960 is the subject of my latest Patreon article, please subscribe to read more about it here:**
[THE RWANDAN DIASPORA 1800-1960](https://www.patreon.com/posts/rwandan-diaspora-122369900)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!NSe8!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F062baa88-0876-487c-8a17-9df7bf9854cf_491x1227.png)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-1-157684668)
Map by Leonardo Adamowicz
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-2-157684668)
The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones, Adria Jean LaViolette pg 8
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-3-157684668)
The Worlds of the Indian Ocean: Volume 2, From the Seventh Century to the Fifteenth Century CE: A Global History by Philippe Beaujard pg 379
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-4-157684668)
The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones, Adria Jean LaViolette pg 370, 181, 372)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-5-157684668)
Trade and society on the south-east African coast in the later first millennium AD: the case of Chibuene by Paul Sinclair, Anneli Ekblom and Marilee Wood
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-6-157684668)
The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones, Adria Jean LaViolette pg 176-181, The Archaeology of Africa: Food, Metals and Towns by Bassey Andah, Alex Okpoko, Thurstan Shaw pg 419, 431.
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-7-157684668)
Land use history and resource utilisation from A.D. 400 to the present, at Chibuene, southern Mozambique by Anneli Ekblom et al., pg 18
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-8-157684668)
Settlement and Trade from AD 500 to 1800 at Angoche, Mozambique by E Pollard. The Early History of the Sultanate of Angoche by MDD Newitt pg 398)
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-9-157684668)
The Swahili occupation of the Quirimbas (northern Mozambique): the 2016 and 2017 field campaigns. by Marisa Ruiz-Gálvez, Archaeometric characterization of glass and a carnelian bead to study trade networks of two Swahili sites from the Ibo Island (Northern Mozambique) by Manuel García-Heras et al, Quirimbas islands (Northern Mozambique) and the Swahili gold trade By Maria Luisa Ruiz-Gálvez and alicia perea
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-10-157684668)
Archaeological impact assessment conducted for the proposed Liquefied Natural Gas project in Afunji and Cabo Delgado peninsulas, Palma district By Leonardo Adamowicz pg 27-37
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-11-157684668)
The Worlds of the Indian Ocean: Volume 2, From the Seventh Century to the Fifteenth Century CE: A Global History by Philippe Beaujard pg 354, 368)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-12-157684668)
The East African Coast: Select Documents from the First to the Earlier Nineteenth Century by Greville Stewart Parker Freeman-Grenville pg 23-24)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-13-157684668)
The East African Coast: Select Documents from the First to the Earlier Nineteenth Century by Greville Stewart Parker Freeman-Grenville pg 31)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-14-157684668)
The African Lords of the Intercontinental Gold Trade Before the Black Death: al-Hasan bin Sulaiman of Kilwa and Mansa Musa of Mali by J. E. G. Sutton pg 232-233)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-15-157684668)
The Worlds of the Indian Ocean: Volume 2, From the Seventh Century to the Fifteenth Century CE: A Global History by Philippe Beaujard Vol2 pg 359-360, A Material Culture: Consumption and Materiality on the Coast of Precolonial East Africa by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 59-68,
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-16-157684668)
The Worlds of the Indian Ocean: Volume 2, From the Seventh Century to the Fifteenth Century CE: A Global History by Philippe Beaujard Vol2 pg 12, Settlement and Trade from AD 500 to 1800 at Angoche, Mozambique by E Pollard. The Early History of the Sultanate of Angoche by MDD Newitt pg 446
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-17-157684668)
The Early History of the Sultanate of Angoche by MDD Newitt pg 445
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-18-157684668)
The Quest for an African Eldorado: Sofala, Southern Zambezia, and the Portuguese, 1500-1865 by Terry H. Elkiss pg 7-8
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-19-157684668)
Dating the Mapungubwe Hill Gold by S. Woodborne, M. Pienaar & S. Tiley-Nel
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-20-157684668)
Gold in the Southern African Iron Age by Andrew Oddy
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-21-157684668)
Quirimbas islands (Northern Mozambique) and the Swahili gold trade by Marisa Ruiz-Galvez
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-22-157684668)
The Archaeology of the Sofala coast by RW Dickinson pg 93-103, An Ivory trumpet from Sofala, Mozambique by BM Fagan
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-23-157684668)
An Ivory Trumpet from Sofala, Mozambique by BM Fagan
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-24-157684668)
Empires of the Monsoon by Richard Seymour Hall pg 161-164, Mozambique Island, Cabaceira Pequena and the Wider Swahili World: An Archaeological Perspective by Diogo V. Oliveira pg 7-12, Mozambique Island: The Rise and Decline of an East African Coastal City, 1500-1700 by M Newitt pg 23-24
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-25-157684668)
The Quest for an African Eldorado: Sofala, Southern Zambezia, and the Portuguese, 1500-1865 by Terry H. Elkiss pg 14-17, A History of Mozambique By M. D. D. Newitt pg 18
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-26-157684668)
The Archaeology of the Sofala coast by RW Dickinson pg 93-103, An Ivory trumpet from Sofala, Mozambique by BM Fagan pg 84-85
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-27-157684668)
A History of Mozambique By M. D. D. Newitt pg 10-20, Mozambique Island: The Rise and Decline of an East African Coastal City, 1500-1700 by M Newitt pg 23)
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-28-157684668)
Port Cities and Intruders: The Swahili Coast, India, and Portugal in the Early Modern Era by Michael N. Pearson pg 49-51
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-29-157684668)
The Early History of the Sultanate of Angoche By M. D. D. Newitt pg 401-402, Mozambique Island: The Rise and Decline of an East African Coastal City, 1500-1700 by M Newitt 25, 29-30)
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-30-157684668)
Mozambique Island: The Rise and Decline of an East African Coastal City, 1500-1700 by M Newitt 26-27, 30-34)
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-31-157684668)
The Early History of the Sultanate of Angoche by MDD Newitt pg 402-406)
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-32-157684668)
The Quest for an African Eldorado: Sofala, Southern Zambezia, and the Portuguese, 1500-1865 by Terry H. Elkiss pg 46-50, 54-55, 58, 63-67, _See gold estimates in_ : Drivers of decline in pre‐colonial southern African states to 1830 by Matthew J Hannaford
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-33-157684668)
Quirimbas islands (Northern Mozambique) and the Swahili gold trade by Marisa Ruiz-Galvezpg 2-4, A History of Mozambique By M. D. D. Newitt pg 189-191)
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-34-157684668)
The Quirimbas Islands Project (Cabo Delgado, Mozambique): Report of the 2015 Campaign by Jorge de Torres Rodríguez et al. pg 61-62.
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-35-157684668)
The Materiality of Islamisation as Observed in Archaeological Remains in the Mozambique Channel by Anderson, Nathan Joel pg 123-125
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-36-157684668)
Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa: Changing Pattern of International Trade in East Central Africa to the Later Nineteenth Century by Edward A. Alpers pg 73-74, 94-96, 129, 131-133, 179-180, A History of Mozambique By M. D. D. Newitt pg 192-192)
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-37-157684668)
Origins of the Tungi sultanate (Northern Mozambique) in the light of local traditions’ by Eugeniusz Rzewuski, pg 195, Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa: Changing Pattern of International Trade in East Central Africa to the Later Nineteenth Century by Edward A. Alpers pg 128-129
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-38-157684668)
Archaeological impact assessment conducted for the proposed Liquefied Natural Gas project in Afunji and Cabo Delgado peninsulas, Palma district By Leonardo Adamowicz pg 15-27, _for the revival of the al-shirazi dynasty in 18th century Kilwa, see_: A Revised Chronology of the Sultans of Kilwa in the 18th and 19th Centuries by Edward A. Alpers
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-39-157684668)
The Materiality of Islamisation as Observed in Archaeological Remains in the Mozambique Channel by Anderson, Nathan Joel pg 127-132
[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-40-157684668)
East Africa and the Indian Ocean by Edward A. Alpers pg 132-138
[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-41-157684668)
Archaeological impact assessment conducted for the proposed Liquefied Natural Gas project in Afunji and Cabo Delgado peninsulas, Palma district By Leonardo Adamowicz pg 28-29, 35-38
[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-42-157684668)
A History of Mozambique By M. D. D. Newitt pg 54, 64, 72, 75-76, 91, 139-140)
[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-43-157684668)
A History of Mozambique By M. D. D. Newitt pg 140-141, 240-241, 268-270, 320
[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-44-157684668)
A History of Mozambique By M. D. D. Newitt pg 41, 55, 151-152, 156, 160-166)
[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-45-157684668)
A History of Mozambique By M. D. D. Newitt 261-262, 287-289-292, 296-297, 348)
[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-46-157684668)
A History of Mozambique By M. D. D. Newitt pg 349-355, _for the formal colonization of northern Mozambique and the manuscripts this period generated, see_: Swahili manuscripts from northern Mozambique by Chapane Mutiua, pg 43-49
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Published Time: 2023-05-14T13:41:47+00:00
A history of the Rozvi kingdom (1680-1830)
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A history of the Rozvi kingdom (1680-1830)
==========================================
### From Changamire's expulsion of the Portuguese to the ruined cities of Zimbabwe.
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After nearly a century of unchallenged political dominance in south-eastern Africa, the Portuguese colonial project in the Mutapa kingdom was ended by the formidable armies of Chagamire Dombo, who went on to establish the Rozvi kingdom which covered most of modern Zimbabwe
The Rozvi era in southern Africa is one of the least understood periods in the region's history. In its 150 year long history, the Rozvi state was a major regional power, its elaborate political system, formidable military and iconic architecture left a remarkable legacy on modern Zimbabwe's cultural landscape.
This article explores the history of the Rozvi kingdom and its capitals, which are among Africa's most impressive ruins.
_**Map showing the maximum extent of Rozvi political influence in the 18th century[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-1-121189815)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!IzWX!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F585854bd-1c2e-4c97-9a16-f5eae01590a0_603x614.png)
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**Early Rozvi history and the enigmatic figure of Changamire Dombo (1670-1695)**
The Rozvi state emerged during the period of political upheaval of the Portuguese colonization of Mutapa. In the century after the arrival of Francisco Barreto’s troops at the port of Sofala in 1571, the Mutapa kingdom had gradually come under Portuguese influence, formally becoming a colony in 1629. But by the close of the 17th century, the Portuguese were expelled from the Mutapa interior by the armies of an emerging power led by a ruler who they called Changamire Dombo.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-2-121189815)
The name/title of “Changamire/Changamira” first appears in 16th century Portuguese documents associated with several foes of the Mutapa kingdom. It was first associated with a Toloa/Torwa chief who rebelled against Mukombo, the king of Mutapa around the year 1493. Mukombo was expelled from his capital but his son managed to kill the Changamire although the Torwa (who were a ruling lineage group) retained their independence. This account was recorded in 1506 at Sofala, the same port in whose hinterland another Changamire would rise in 1544 and disrupt a Portuguese invasion force.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-3-121189815)
The Torwa lineage(s) is associated with the Butua state in south-western region of Zimbabwe and the so-called “Khami-style” ruins in the region including Khami, Naletale and Danangombe.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-4-121189815) While its unlikely that the Changamire who appears with the name ‘Dombo’ in the 17th century accounts is related to those mentioned in the earlier accounts, he was associated with the Torwa settlements of the south-west, especially since he was one of the southern vassals of the Mutapa ruler[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-5-121189815). Despite living in separate states and societies, the bulk of the populations in these regions spoke the Kalanga dialect of the Shona language, and were associated with many of the old settlements and polities which emerged in the region beginning in the 10th century.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-6-121189815)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!y4FP!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3430eaed-c066-4db2-bc49-9dc35370aa62_976x611.jpeg)
_**Map showing south-eastern Africa’s political landscape from the 13th-17th century**_
Contemporary accounts mention that the Mutapa king Mukombwe (r. 1667-1694) granted land and wealth to Changamire Dombo around 1670, in response to an earlier conflict which pitted Dombo against a combined Mutapa-Portuguese force. However, Dombo used the wealth to attract a large following (which he called the Rozvi) and rebelled again, A combined Mutapa-Portuguese army attacked Changamire's forces in 1684 at Maungwe but Changamire defeated both of them, acquiring more land from the declining Mutapa state.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-7-121189815)
Dombo's authority was extended to the region of Manyica around the late 17th century, requiring Portuguese miners and merchnats in the region to pay tribute. But when they refused to pay this tribute, Dombo’s forces attacked the Portuguese settlements in Manyika over the late 1680s.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-8-121189815) After the death of Mutapa king Makombe sometime between 1692-1694, there was a sucession dispute in which one of the candidates, Nyakunembire, allied with Changamire in 1693-1694 in a war against the Portuguese. This resulted in several devastating raids on Portuguese settlements especially Dambarare, forcing the Portuguese to evacuate all their settlements across Mutapa except at Manyika. But after Changamire descended on Manyika as well, the Portuguese withdrew to their strongholds at Tete and Sena.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-9-121189815)
Dombo's attacks across Mutapa territory were so effective that the Portuguese relinquished their occupation of most of the Mutapa state, retaining a nominal presence using strategic political alliances. These alliances paid off when they defeated a lone force of Nyakunembire around 1695-6 and installed a puppet king named Dom Pedro to the Mutapa throne.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-10-121189815) This was around the time Dombo died and was suceeded by another unamed ruler who restored Rozvi control over Mutapa with a major attack in 1702 which sent the Portuguese fleeing back to Mozambique[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-11-121189815).
The Rozvi maintained some control over Mutapa during the early 18th century, counterbalancing the Portuguese by deposing and installing allies. Most notably In 1712, when a son of Nyakunembire named Samutumbu was installed on the Mutapa throne with Rozvi support. Aware of his political weakness, Samutumbu pragmatically chose to balance his Rozvi support with a token Portuguese alliance, accepting a small garrison at his capital and received goods from Portuguese traders. The political conflict in Mutapa thereafter became a mostly internal affair as rival claimants deposed each other in close sucession. [12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-12-121189815)
The southern wing of the Rozvi state also expanded not long after Dombo’s victory at Maugwe. The Rozvi forces sacked the city of Khami in the late 1680s, the settlement was burned as its residents fled, leaving their charred possessions behind.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-13-121189815) The expansion of the Rozvi control over the south was directed against the cities of Danagombe, Manyanga and Naletale. While these settlements predate the Rozvi incursions of the late 17th century, the Rozvi based the core of their state in this region and continued to build their capitals in the pre-existing architectural styles.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-14-121189815)
By the early 18th century, Rozvi control had extended from southern Zimbabwe to Manyica, Maungwe, Butua and across the Mutapa territories. Trade was restricted to stations at Zumbo on the Zambezi river and in Inhambane. The smaller chieftaincies throughout this territory remained mostly autonomous but recognized the suzeranity of the Rozvi rulers in matters of sucession and in handling the activities of foreign traders.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-15-121189815)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!oLr2!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff42b0bbf-f6a8-43a9-880b-61eea3604500_1024x768.jpeg)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!4naz!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff46e329e-fc6e-4aab-9ac4-4a6e23efc555_2048x1401.jpeg)
**Ruins of the Butua capital of Khami, read more about the history of this kingdom here:**
[STONE TERRACES OF KINGS: KHAMI](https://www.patreon.com/posts/62065998)
* * *
**The Rozvi kingdom, Politics, Trade and Architecture**
The Rozvi state was made up of many pre-existing Kalanga polities which acknowledged the authority of the Changamire. From their impressive stone-walled towns, the Rozvi aristocracy based their rule on ownership of land and cattle, both of which were distributed to subordinate chiefs in return for tribute. They took over the rich goldfields of Butua and were also engaged in long-distance trade in ivory.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-16-121189815)
Power in Rozvi was split between the king and a body of councilors who were in charge of adminsitration. The councilors were drawn from the Rozvi aristocracy constituting pre-existing chiefs and provincial chiefs, Rozvi royals, priests, and military leaders. The priests who were involved in the investiture of vassal chiefs and the military which enforced the king's authority, were the most important Rozvi institutions. In particular, the Rozvi army's more professionalized hierarchical structure resembled the formidable 19th century armies of the Zulu more than the pre-existing war bands found in Mutapa.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-17-121189815)
Contemporary accounts describe the Rozvi royal court at the capital as consisting of several large stone houses within which Changamire used to store his goods. These included firearms that were bought and/or captured from the Portuguese, as well as ivory tusks which are said to have lined the walls of the royal residence. While this account was partly exaggerated, its reflected the external trade of the Rozvi rulers and the basis of their military power, as traditions recall that Dombo built his own capital on (presumably Danangombe) his own hill that was ascended by ivory steps, inorder to overshadow his rivals.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-18-121189815)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!M_Ce!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fff3139f9-ddd6-46c2-9092-f3e92778c674_1440x1080.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!f4h9!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fafc35f1a-6816-48a4-8797-a83c6641ed61_1440x1080.png)
_**Ruins of Danangombe**_
Danangombe is situated on a granite hill with a wide view of the countryside. Its central building complex consists of tow large sub-rectangular platforms disected by passages. The western platform covers 900 msq and has a retaining wall of well-fitted stone blocks rising over 6 meters while the larger eastern platform covers over 2,800 sqm and rises to a height of 3m. Its retaining walls are profusely decorated with checker, cord, herringbone and chevron patterns. The entire settlement housed an estimated population of 5,000 and inside its houses were found imported chinese porcelain, locally-worked gold jewelery, glass, copper bangles, all dated to between 1650-1815.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-19-121189815)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!X3ep!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4126824b-93dc-46f6-ad68-db2d7d2137eb_1339x512.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!3QTM!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6c9b27b0-ca83-4ddf-8d00-cee73f6526e1_2200x1457.jpeg)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!uHx5!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fce582b37-430d-4a4c-9024-600cb2e5fd60_1280x853.jpeg)
_**Ruins of Naletale**_
Naletale is a ruined settlement on a granite hill situated about 5km east of Danangombe, It has the most elaborately decorated walls of the dzimbabwes with chevron, herringbone, chessboard patterns. Its elliptical enclosure wall has a diameter of 55 meters, within atleast 9 battlements which makes the ruins appear like a fortress. Like on the great zimbabwe's acropolis, there were monoliths fixed ontop of four of the 9 battlements. Naletale was an important centre though its size suggests it served as an ancillary capital of Rozvi, controlling an area with similary decorated but smaller ruins.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-20-121189815)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!cU5x!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3e0c5726-ae92-4054-b445-bc03328e9b14_812x815.jpeg)
ruins of Manyanga (Ntaba-za-mambo) was the last settlement associated with the Rozvi and the site of the last major battle that marked the end of Rozvi hegemony in the early 19th century. The site hasn’t been studied as much as the other two, but a survey in the 1960s found clay crucibles for smelting gold.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-21-121189815)
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The Rozvi had a largely agro-pastoral society with less external trade and mining than the Mutapa. Tribute collected from vassal chiefs often consisted of grain and cattle, but attimes included gold, ivory, which were major exports. Many of the gold mines that were taken over by the Rozvi continued operating under their control, providing a valuable product for export that would be exchanged for several imports including Indian textiles and Chinese porcelain found in several Rozvi ruins.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-22-121189815)
However, external trade was not sufficiently important to the power of Rozvi's ruling elite, and only represented an extension of regional trade routes. Trade was not monopolized by the Rozvi rulers, who allowed subordinate chiefs and local merchnats (vashambadzi) to move from station to station trading items for local markets and for export. The vashambadzi displaced the Portuguese traders and miners who had dominated Mutapa's foreign trade during the early 17th century, and also traded on behalf of the remaining Portuguese in Rozvi territories.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-23-121189815)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!TRPL!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F531a7b76-99a1-4f2d-8dbf-de78dcc285c2_1351x584.png)
_**Gold objects and jewelry stolen from the ruins of Danangombe and Mundie**_ _**(from: The ancient ruins of Rhodesia by Richard Hall)**_
So strictly was the policy of Portuguese exclusion enforced that the Portuguese captives who were taken in the battle of Manica during 1695 remained permanent prisoners in the Rozvi capital. An attempt to ransom them in 1716 failed and the captives reportedly settled down and married, for in the middle of the century, the Rozvi king asked for a priest to be sent to minister to them.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-24-121189815)
After the Portuguese withdrew from Mutapa and recognized Rozvi authority, the only Portuguese activities in the region were limited to the activities of merchant-priests whose also handled some of Rozvi's export trade, especially at the town of Zumbo[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-25-121189815). One such merchant-priest was the vicar of Zumbo named Pedro de Tridade who in 1743, called on the Rozvi to help secure Mutapa after the latter's descent into internecine sucession wars. The Rozvi king sent an armed force of 2,000, but the dispute was sucessful reportedly quelled before there was any need for battle.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-26-121189815)
The Rozvi again defended the town of Zumbo during a Mutapa sucession war led by the Mutapa prince Ganiambaze. The Rozvi sent another force of about 3,000 strong to assist the town of Zumbo when it was under pressure from the Mutapa prince Casiresire. In the 1780s, the Rozvi sent an army to the kingdom of Manyika to guard Portuguese traders who were setting up a trading town in the region.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-27-121189815)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!AU2g!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F21f673be-079a-4f4d-96bf-8a2e582e1f51_692x485.png)
_**muzzle loading cannon from the Portuguese settlement of Dambarare found at Danangombe after it was taken by Changamire’s forces**_
Rozvi's internal politics are less known than its external activities, traditions hold that they were factions within the Rozvi elite which split from the core state after Dombo's death. One of them moved to Hwange and established a polity among the Nambya and Tonga. Another crossed the Limpompo river and founding a polity named the Thovhela kingdom among the Venda with its capital at Dzata. The latter state appears in external accounts recorded by Dutch traders active at delagoa bay in 1730.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-28-121189815)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!wysn!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff75a2711-8226-481f-b9c9-210cccd55ca4_1347x621.png)
_**Ruins of Mtoa**_
* * *
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**The last decades of the Rozvi kingdom.**
The core of the Rozvi state remained largely intact as evidenced by its firm control over the trading towns in the 1770s-1780,s and as late as 1803 when Portuguese traders were requesting the Rozvi king to monopolize trade at Zumbo using his appointed agent.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-29-121189815) The popularized use of 'Mambo' as a dynastic title within and outside the Rozvi state, attests to the continued influence of the Changamire in ratifying the sucession of subordinate chiefs and neighboring polities who recognized him as their suzerain. Internally, fluctuating alliances and the emergence of royal houses would characterize the factionalised politics of the early 19th century.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-30-121189815)
By the early 19th century, Rozvi was still in control of the core regions around Danangombe, Manyanga, and Khami, as well as parts of Manyica. But there were major splits during the reigns of; king Rupandamanhanga at the turn of the 19th century, and Chirisamhuru in the 1820s, which resulted in the migration of the house of Mutinhima, among others, during the early 1830s away from the core regions of the state. By then, only the lands around Danangombe and Manyanga were directly controlled by the king, while his subordinates controlled nearby regions. [31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-31-121189815)
Around the same time, Ngoni-speaking groups crossed the Limpopo in a nothern migration as they advanced into the Rozvi kingdom. The Ngoni chief Ngwana attacked the Rozvi settlements in the south during the 1820s, and other chiefs such as Zwangendaba and Maseko raided Rozvi territories before they were forced out by the remaining Rozvi armies. the swazi forces of queen Nyamazana ultimately killed Changamire Chirisamhuru and burnt his capital.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-32-121189815)
After the death of Chirisamhuru, no sucessor was chosen by the council until the late 1840s when his son Tohwechipi was installed using Mutinhima support. Shortly before this, a large group of Nguni-speakers called the Ndebele arrived in the Rozvi region around 1830 where they were initially confronted by the Mutinhima's forces before the two groups reached a settlement. By the time the Matebele kingdom's founder Mzilikazi assumed control of his emerging state around 1840, the remaining Rozvi houses had become subordinate, a few decades prior to arrival of the colonial armies.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-33-121189815)
Many of the walled settlements were gradually abandoned in the latter half of the 19th century, except for Manyanga which became an important religious center during the Matebele era and would become the site of a minor battle between the Matebele king Lobengula and the British in 1896. The rest of the ruins, such as Danangombe, would be plundered for gold by Cecil rhodes, while Naletale was abandoned and overgrown by vegetation.
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-1-121189815)
original map by M. Newitt
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-2-121189815)
[The kingdom of Mutapa and the Portuguese: on the failure of conquistadors in Africa (1571-1695) -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-mutapa-and-the-portuguese)
[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/profile/44604452-isaac-samuel)
·
August 14, 2022
[](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-mutapa-and-the-portuguese)
Among the most puzzling questions of world history is why most of Africa wasn’t overrun by colonial powers in the 16th and 17th century when large parts of the Americas and south-east Asia were falling under the influence of European empires. While a number of rather unsatisfactory answers have been offered, most of which posit the so-called “disease ba…
[Read full story](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-mutapa-and-the-portuguese)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-3-121189815)
A History of Mozambique by M. D. D. Newitt pg 2, 37-38
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-4-121189815)
An archaeological study of the Zimbabwe culture capital of Khami, south-western Zimbabwe by T Mukwende 7, 38
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-5-121189815)
Treatise on the Rivers of Cuama' by Antonio Da Conceicao pg xxxii
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-6-121189815)
Ndebele Raiders and Shona Power by D. N. Beach pg 634)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-7-121189815)
The Zimbabwe Culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 210 Portuguese Musketeers by Richard Gray, pg 533
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-8-121189815)
The changamire dombo by Kenneth C. Davy pg 200-201)
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-9-121189815)
The Zimbabwe Culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 210
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-10-121189815)
Portuguese settlement on the Zambesi by M. D. D. Newitt pg 71)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-11-121189815)
'Treatise on the Rivers of Cuama' by Antonio Da Conceicao pg xxix
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-12-121189815)
Portuguese settlement on the Zambesi by M. D. D. Newitt pg 72)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-13-121189815)
Great Zimbabwe: Reclaiming a 'Confiscated' Past By Shadreck Chirikure pg236,
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-14-121189815)
The Zimbabwe Culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 210-212, Ndebele Raiders and Shona Power by D. N. Beach pg 634)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-15-121189815)
Portuguese settlement on the Zambesi by M. D. D. Newitt pg 73)
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-16-121189815)
The Zimbabwe Culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 30, Becoming Zimbabwe
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-17-121189815)
The Role of Foreign Trade in the Rozvi Empire by S. I. Mudenge pg 376-379, 382, The changamire dombo by Kenneth C. Davy pg 201, Becoming Zimbabwe by Brian Raftopoulos, Alois Mlambo pg 20-21
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-18-121189815)
The Zimbabwe Culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 212)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-19-121189815)
The Zimbabwe Culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 212-214
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-20-121189815)
The Zimbabwe Culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 205-208
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-21-121189815)
The Zambesian Past: Studies in Central African History edited by Eric Stokes pg 11
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-22-121189815)
The Role of Foreign Trade in the Rozvi Empire by S. I. Mudenge pg 385-387)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-23-121189815)
The Role of Foreign Trade in the Rozvi Empire by S. I. Mudenge pg 387-390, A History of Mozambique by M. D. D. Newitt pg 201, 207)
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-24-121189815)
Portuguese settlement on the Zambesi by M. D. D. Newitt pg 73)
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-25-121189815)
'Treatise on the Rivers of Cuama' by Antonio Da Conceicao pg xxxiii-xxxvi
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-26-121189815)
The Dominican Friars in Southern Africa by Philippe Denis pg 52, 59)
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-27-121189815)
The Role of Foreign Trade in the Rozvi Empire by S. I. Mudenge pg 380-381)
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-28-121189815)
The Zimbabwe Culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 215)
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-29-121189815)
The Role of Foreign Trade in the Rozvi Empire by S. I. Mudenge 386)
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-30-121189815)
The Cambridge History of Africa. Vol 4, pg 402-403, Becoming Zimbabwe by Brian Raftopoulos, Alois Mlambo pg 21
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-31-121189815)
Ndebele Raiders and Shona Power by D. N. Beach pg 635, War and Politics in Zimbabwe, 1840-1900 by D. N. Beach pg 20
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-32-121189815)
A History of Mozambique by M. D. D. Newitt pg 255, 261, Ndebele Raiders and Shona Power by D. N. Beach pg 636)
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680#footnote-anchor-33-121189815)
Ndebele Raiders and Shona Power by D. N. Beach pg 637)
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[May 14, 2023](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680/comment/15985252 "May 14, 2023, 1:54 PM")
Liked by isaac Samuel
A very insightful article which also appeals to lovers of history with some information about early colonial encounters in the Rosvi state.
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[May 27, 2023](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680/comment/16611308 "May 27, 2023, 3:31 PM")
A much more recent account of the Rozwi state. At one time it was thought to be much earlier, I believe
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Published Time: 2023-04-30T14:20:12+00:00
A history of the south-western Saharan towns of Tichitt, Walata, Wadan and Chinguetti (800-1912)
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A history of the south-western Saharan towns of Tichitt, Walata, Wadan and Chinguetti (800-1912)
================================================================================================
### Trade and civilization on west-africa's desert frontier
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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Deep in the desert of the south-western Sahara lie four ancient towns with a rich history that spans over a millennium. The towns of Tichitt, Walata, Wadan, and Chinguetti were important nodes in west Africa's cultural and commercial networks which flourished under the empires of Mali and Songhai.
These towns were also centers of Islamic scholarship and learning, attracting scholars and students from across west and North Africa. From the libraries of Chinguetti and Walata to the stone architecture of Wadan and Tichitt, the towns retain some of the best-preserved examples of Saharan architecture and culture.
This article explores the history of the south-western Saharan towns, tracing their evolution from bustling trading centers to remote oases in the desert.
_**Map showing the old towns of the south-western Sahara**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!QDWO!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc29658bd-23e0-4d70-8361-c4e6382baef3_614x584.png)
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**The early history of the South-western Sahara and the empire of Ghana**
The emergence of towns in the South-western Sahara was closely related with the northern expansion of the Ghana empire from the southern regions of Dia and Kumbi saleh, into the northern territories of Awdaghust around the late 1st millennium[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-1-118128067). The Sahara’s southernmost towns of Tichitt and Walata were the first to be settled by Mande-speakers during the second half of the 1st millennium, some centuries after the collapse of the eponymously named Neolithic sites of Dhar Tichitt and Walata.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-2-118128067)
Walata emerges first as 'Biru', a major commercial hub linking the Saharan markets to the empires of Ghana into which it was later subsumed. Biru displaced the town of Awdaghust after the latter's collapse around the 11th/12th century to the empire of Ghana and the Almoravids. According to the Timbuktu chronicles, it was primarily settled by the Tafrast/Tafaranko people, a Azer/soninke-speaking group that migrated from the west (ie: Awdaghust).[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-3-118128067)
Conversly, Tichitt was settled in the 8th century by the Imansa/Masna, an autochthonous group of Soninke-speakers, who named the oasis after sound of spraying water (shitu). The town was an important node in the regional salt trade that would expand during the Ghana and Mali eras, and was linked to the salt trade of Ijil carried out by the Azer.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-4-118128067)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!UzqO!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1818353d-b9f1-4b8e-8304-213d24fa211c_866x541.png)
_**Walata and Tichitt in the empire of Ghana**_
The ethnonym Azer/Azayr appears frequently in the early history of the old towns in the south-western Sahara. Azer is described as a "commercial idiom" identifying groups of salt traders active between the salt mine of Ijil to the towns of Wadan, Chinguetti, Tichitt, Walata and Awdaghust. Azer is a primarily soninke language but contains words borrowed from Berber languages, It was spoken by salt traders of Mande origin settled in and around the south-western Saharan towns, who constituted a commercial diaspora that was analogous to the closely related Wangara gold traders of west Africa.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-5-118128067)
Oral tradition identifies a group known as the Maxibinnu as residents of Tichitt who carried were commercial agents of the king of Ghana in Ijil during the early 2nd millennium. The 1506 account of Duarte Pacheco also mentions the "Ezarziguy" in the town of "Audem", which have both been identified as ‘Azayr’ and ‘Wadan’ —the latter being a major town where the Portuguese would briefly establish a factory. The Azer-dominated Wadan was at the time surrounded by the "Azenegues" (zenata Berbers), who would later be joined by Bannu Hassan Arab-speakers to form the three main groups of the south-western Saharan towns.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-6-118128067)
The Azer thus constituted the predominant autochthonous groups in the early history of the more northerly towns of Wadan and Chinguetti which were first established around the turn of the 2nd millennium. The former town, as described above in the Portuguese account, was primarily settled by Azer merchants who traded gold from west Africa (although supplies were declining following the founding of el-Mina). Chinguetti was also settled by Azer speakers, the town's name being derived from an Azer phrase 'shi-n-gede' meaning 'the horses' springs. The town was preceded by an earlier settlement known as Abyair, inhabited by the Bàfùr, an agriculturalist group of Mande origin.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-7-118128067)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ddRO!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F23ece975-b98e-4a8c-a66d-2b3a2b351c68_890x594.png)
_**Walata**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!SQiO!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F487a7714-aa5a-4092-8627-63a012258f8f_910x512.jpeg)
_**Ruins of Wadan**_
* * *
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**The Mali era in the south-western Sahara. (13th-15th century)**
The rise of the empire of Mali brought major political and social changes in the south-western Sahara. The empire extended its control over most parts of the region, particulary Walata and Tichitt, the former of which was under the control of an appointed official that in the 14th century was named Farbā Ḥusayn.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-8-118128067) The towns would be transformed into major commercial and scholary hubs that lay along important pilgrimage routes (such as the one used by Mansa Musa), leading to further migration of scholars from west and north Africa into the towns.
The largest town in the region was Walata, which in the 14th century was refered to as _**“the first district of the Sudan"**_ by Ibn Battuta, who called it 'Iwalatan'. The town had became a center of scholarship, leading to an influx of 'Berber' clans that was reflected in the change of its name to the berber word Iwalatan, although the name 'Biru' remained in use in the 17th century. _**“caravans came from all directions and the cream of scholars and holymen, and the wealthy from every clan and land settled there – men from Egypt, Awjila, Fezzan, Ghadames, Tuwat, Fez, Sus, Bitu**_[Begho]_**."**_[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-9-118128067)
Besides Walata, the towns of Chinguetti, Tichitt and Wadan were also home to important scholars who were active in Timbuktu during the late Mali era and the early Songhai era. There are atleast two scholars from Tichitt and Chinguetti identified in Timbuktu during the late 15th to early 16th century. Chinguetti was the origin of Muhammad-n-Allah, the governor of Timbuktu during its brief Tuareg occupation in the late 15th century, while Tichitt was the origin of Uthman al-Hassan al-Tishit, who later served as imam of the Great Mosque in the mid 1500s before the office went to the Gidado family of Fulbe origin.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-10-118128067)
This early period of scholarly prominence for the towns coincides with the semi-legendary accounts about their "founding" by Saharan scholars who claimed sharifan origins. With a scholar named al-Hàjj ‘Uthmàn reportedly settling at Wadan, another named ‘Abd al-Mù’min ibn Íàli˙ settling at Tichitt, shortly before others would settle at Chinguetti. However, these accounts which were written during the 19th century were reconstructions of the region's history in response to contemporary changes in political organization and cultural identities of the scholary elites. [11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-11-118128067)
The oldest mosques of the towns of Tichitt, Chinguetti and Wadan are also traditionally dated to the 12th-13th century when the towns were supposedly "founded", although its more likely that they were built a few centuries later. Save for Wadan which had two mosques, each town had one mosque prior to the 19th century. These mosques are generally rectangular buildings of dry-stone covered with mud plaster, they have tall minarets and flat roofs supported by columns. Most of the mosques went into ruin around the 17th century before some repairs and extensions were undertaken in the 19th century, eg the minaret of Tichitt, which is securely dated to 1842.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-12-118128067)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!vwdT!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F86e86e00-5041-407e-bf66-25169ffb6b48_800x536.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!-gYq!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5668d416-3421-46fc-a4ab-7f0a2088ecce_730x600.png)
_**Chinguetti Mosque, Plan of the mosque**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!UqGH!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa4deda75-6b12-4e0e-b1e6-40ebd90c9629_1080x720.jpeg)
_**Tichitt mosque and minaret.**_[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-13-118128067)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!USOA!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F364c1874-14c6-46fb-844e-72e3a281e561_1024x682.jpeg)
_**15th century mosque of Wadan**_
* * *
**The Songhai era in the South-western Sahara: 15th-16th century**
Walata was eclipsed by Timbuktu as the main Saharan entreport during the Songhai era in the late 15th. The town was sacked by the Mossi forces of the Yatenga kingdom in 1480 but would later become a refuge for the Sankore scholars of Timbuktu who were being pursued by the Songhai founder Sunni Ali. Walata was later taken by Songhai forces during the reign of Askiya Muhammad and its scholars returned in droves to Timbuktu. _**"Timbuktu's growth brought about the ruin of Walata, for its development, as regards both religion and commerce, came entirely from the west".**_[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-14-118128067)
In the Songhai era, the town of Walata was home to a Songhai administrator, likely serving as a capital of the region encompassing the territory from Wadan to Tichitt. According to Leo Africanus who identifies Walata as a province of Songhai, the chief of Walata fled from the Askiya's armies when the latter attacked the town but couldn't occupy it. The chief later become tributary to the Askiya but the town was less commercially important than the cities of Jenne and Timbuktu, with some modest trade in grain.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-15-118128067)
The town of Wadan was likely under the Songhai control as well. It was a major cosmopolitan hub with a population of about 5,000 that included a small Jewish quarter. In 1487, a Portuguese factor named Rodrigo Reinel was sent by King John II to establish a 'factory' at Wadan, where he was to be assisted by Diego Borges and Gonçalo d'Antas. This was part of a mission intended for the '_**rey de Tungubutu**_' (ie Sunni Ali of Songhai), and was likely authorized by him since he was campaigning in the south-western Sahara at the time. But the factory was abandoned shortly after because the Berbers surrounding the town proved unwelcoming, forcing Rodrigo and his companions to flee.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-16-118128067)
The town of Shiqit appears briefly in contemporary writing as "_**singuyty**_" but unlike its peers, it was reportedly under the control of the "_**Arabs called Ludea**_ " (ie: the Ūday of the Awlad Hassan tribe) who were also mentioned by Leo Africanus as occupying the desert between Walata and Wadan. Indicating that the nothern towns of Wadan and Chinguetti weren't fully under the political orbit of Songhai.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-17-118128067)
Besides provisioning caravans with agricultural produce, Chinguetti’s main commerce at this time was the salt trade from the salt pans of Ijil and Taghaza which it directed southwards to Tichitt. As one scholar described the 15th century trade between the towns; _**"There once left Shinqit a caravan of 32,000 camels loaded with salt, of which20,000 belonged to the people of Shinqit and 12,000 belonged to the people of Tishit. All these loads were sold in Diara. The people were seized with admiration and wondered which of the two cities was most prosperous."**_ The salt mine of Taghaza would later become a flashpoint in the conflict between Songhai and Morocco. [18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-18-118128067)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!fYLO!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F05230f58-d700-4cdb-ae6b-862de01b93b5_559x585.png)
_**The principle salt routes and salt sources ca. 1000-1700**_[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-19-118128067)
* * *
**The Moroccan era in the South-western Sahara (1593-1698)**
In 1543, a Moroccan expedition sent against Songhai reached Wadan but retreated before the Songhai army reached it. The first expedition to Songhai by the Moroccan forces of al-Mansur (r. 1578-1603) was sent in the direction of Wadan in 1584 but the expedition failed, and the army was dispersed _**"through hunger and thirst"**_. A second expedition would later be sent to Taghaza in 1585-6. After the fall of Songhai in the third Moroccan expedition of 1591, Wadan and Walata led the delegation representing the 'western towns' that submited to the Moroccan sultan around 1593. This would have doubtlessly included Tichitt and Chinguetti although neither of these appear in Moroccan accounts until the 17th century. [20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-20-118128067)
Morocco lost its west African dependencies in the 1620s, during the reign of al-Mansur's sucessor Zidan Abu Maali and later descended into internecine conflict. The south-western towns were thus virtually autonomous, controlled by the scholary elites and the desert confederations. In Wadan, part of the Idaw al-Hajj (descendants of al-Hajj Uthman) would find themselves in conflict with other desert tribes such as the Idaw Aly who had fled Chinguetti in the 1660s.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-21-118128067)
The 17th century period of the south-western Saharan is poorly documented, but there are indications that the towns entered a period of gradual decline and entire communities migrated southward. There's mention of a trade caravan from Walata which was lost in the desert around 1680. There are also indications that the Moroccans attempted to extend into the southern Saharan, the Moroccan kingdom had been restored by Moulay Ismail (1672-1727) whose armies marched south in 1678, reaching as far as Chinguetti, and In 1689, the Sultan reportedly led a large expedition that reached Chinguetti and Tichitt. However, recent research has cast doubt on the extent of these expeditions, or if they were ever undertaken at all.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-22-118128067)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!FGXY!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6cbb15c4-2186-4582-bdbf-bfcc15376003_1024x683.jpeg)
_**Old Tower/minaret of Oudane**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!W9FL!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F96bc7a53-97c3-443e-85b3-2a766528368c_1080x720.jpeg)
_**Tichitt, Old town**_
* * *
[Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share)
* * *
**The south-western Sahara from the 18th century to 1912: The emirates of Adrar and Tagant.**
The south-western Sahara was for most of the 18th and 19th century under the control of loose confederations of tribal groups ruled by 'emirs', with the emirates of Adrar and Tagant in the north, while Brakna and Trarza were in the south. The emirs often came from leading Berber and Arab lineage groups. For example, the Idaw 'Ish exercised some control over the town of Tichitt, while power in Adrar oscillated between the three groups of the Idaw al-Hajj, the Kunta and the Idaw Ali, whose territories included the towns of Wadan and Chinguetti among others.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-23-118128067)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!QDWO!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc29658bd-23e0-4d70-8361-c4e6382baef3_614x584.png)
_**Map showing the emirates of the south-western Sahara in the 18th-19th century.**_[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-24-118128067)
The leading lineage groups also doubled as scholars with extensive commercial interests. This social structure was epitomized by the Kunta who are were active between Wadan and Walata, and established a ‘capital’ in the Tagant region at Ksar el Barka around 1690 and at ‘rashid’ in 1765. [25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-25-118128067)
Similar merchant-scholar families emerged in the towns especially in Chinguetti, heralding an intellectual revival. Scholars from Adrar and Tagant built up large libraries that included books they composed locally as well as those purchased while travelling across north Africa. The best known of these libraries are the 19th century libraries of 'Dàddah wuld Idda' in Tichitt and Sìdì Muhammad wuld Habut in Chinguetti. By the 20th century, there were over 300 private libraries with more than 30,000 manuscripts across southern Mauritania, many of which were established prior to the colonial era.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-26-118128067)
The town of Chinguetti in particular became an important point of departure for Saharan pilgrims heading to mecca. Writing in the 1790s, Sìdì ‘Abdallah al-Hàjj Ibràhìm explains that camel carravans from across west Africa and the southern Sahara would travel each year from Chinguetti to Mecca, adding that "Sometimes the entire household, even the children, undertakes the pilgrimage" This is reflected in the popularity of the nisba 'al-shinqit' used by scholars from the south-western Sahara when they reached Arabia[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-27-118128067)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!oKvD!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa0f18795-5d81-4ee9-badc-d7f3ea75cec5_1024x683.jpeg)
_**Private library in Chinguetti**_[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-28-118128067)
Around 1766, the Kunta captured the salt mine of Ijil, and shortly after, they settled in the town of Wadan but the town had since been depopulated by internecine warfare. The commercial center of the region had shifted to Chinguetti which continued to trade with Tichitt, Walata and the other Saharan towns. Although none of these were controlled by the Kunta, they controlled the most lucrative trade routes connecting the towns.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-29-118128067)
The Saharan towns continued their gradual decline into the 18th and 19th century as populations moved further south. The town of Wadan was the most affected, with a population of just 1,600 in the 1850s compared to Chinguetti’s 2,500. The depopulation was also significant in Walata which had just 1,000 residents in the 1850s, although Tichitt retained a significant number of its residents with a population of 3,000. [30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-30-118128067)
Tichitt appears to have escaped the political and cultural shifts affecting the nothern towns. But in the 1780s, there had been a major outmigration from Tichitt by the Masna likely connected to the northern arrival of the Awlad Billa, a berber group. This wouldn't be reversed until 1850, when the Masna succeeded in driving out nearly all the Awlad Billa. The Masna remained in control of the town's lucrative salt trade from local mines, which they traded with the towns of western Mali where they constituted an important commercial diaspora.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-31-118128067)
Conversly, the scholary elite of Tichitt also engaged in carravan trade, especially with the Massina empire and the neighboring Mande kingdoms such as Kaarta. After a carravan from Tichitt was captured by the Massina empire’s forces during a war with Kaarta during the 1820s, the Tichitt scholar Amhad al-Saghir wrote on behalf of his people that : _**"Tishit is the center of this land, all the people come to Tishit to seek knowledge but it has no markets to obtain supplies. And the region of Kaarta is the granary of the people of Tishit"**_. The Massina wars and the Awlad Billa disrupted trade which was only restored in the 1850s when the Massina was conquered by the Tukulor empire.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-32-118128067)
The south-western Sahara political upheaval continued for most of the 19th century, save for the brief period between 1872 and 1892 when the emir Ahmad Wuld Lemhammad came to power in the Adrar region. He brokered a settlement between the various Emirs of Taganit, Trarza, Brakna and the Moroccan sultan. But this didn't fully guarantee the security of the carravan trade and travel across the region, especially not for the southern towns of Walata and Tichitt.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-33-118128067)
In the late 19th century, the French who were active in the Senegal valley gradually brought the southernmost emirates of Brakna and Trarza under their political orbit after a series of wars. But following a failed attempt to expand into the Tagant in 1905, the French forces invaded both Tagant and Adrar where they were met with stiff resistance. After a lengthy series of colonial wars, the towns of Wadan and Chinguetti were occupied in 1909, while Walata and Tichitt were taken in 1912.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-34-118128067)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!BPeA!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff60d45a1-ce5a-4340-a71e-c2f91cddfa72_1280x850.jpeg)
_**Ruins of Wadan**_[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-35-118128067)
* * *
Descriptions of African traditional religions are rarely found in the accounts of African writers who were mostly Muslim, but in the city-state of Kano, local chronicles provide the most detailed descriptions of local African religions and elites whom they credit for playing an important role in the city’s history.
Read more about it here:
[KANO'S MAGUZAWA AND THE BORI RELIGION](https://www.patreon.com/posts/82189267?pr=true)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!1w5M!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F01f6330e-3f4e-4087-8908-cc1f4e821489_615x1207.jpeg)
* * *
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-1-118128067)
Previously covered in greater detail here;
[State building in ancient west Africa: from the Tichitt neolithic civilization to the empire of Ghana (2,200BC-1250AD) ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------](https://isaacsamuel.substack.com/p/state-building-in-ancient-west-africa)
[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/profile/44604452-isaac-samuel)
·
March 27, 2022
[](https://isaacsamuel.substack.com/p/state-building-in-ancient-west-africa)
The Tichitt neolithic civilization and the Ghana empire which emerged from it remain one of the most enigmatic but pivotal chapters in African history. This ancient appearance of a complex society in the 3rd millennium BC west Africa that was contemporaneous with Old-kingdom Egypt, Early-dynastic Mesopotamia and the ancient Indus valley civilization, ov…
[Read full story](https://isaacsamuel.substack.com/p/state-building-in-ancient-west-africa)
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-2-118128067)
Urbanisation and State Formation in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond edited by Martin Sterry, David J. Mattingly pg 320, 498-504, On Trans-Saharan Trails By Ghislaine Lydon pg 84)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-3-118128067)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 31 n.17)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-4-118128067)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 31, n.16)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-5-118128067)
On Trans-Saharan Trails By Ghislaine Lydon pg 64, Salts of the Western Sahara: Myths, Mysteries, and Historical Significance by E. Ann McDougall pg 249)
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-6-118128067)
Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis by Duarte Pacheco Pereira pg 75, Salts of the Western Sahara: Myths, Mysteries, and Historical Significance by E. Ann McDougall pg 248-249)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-7-118128067)
On Trans-Saharan Trails By Ghislaine Lydon pg 81-82, Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 31 The Transmission of Learning in Islamic Africa by Scott Steven Reese pg 44, n.14, Desert Frontier By James L. A. Webb pg 28)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-8-118128067)
African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa by Michael A. Gomez pg 86, 95, 125
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-9-118128067)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 30, 34, 93 18 n.4)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-10-118128067)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 31, 86, 153)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-11-118128067)
Desert frontier By James L. A. Webb pg 16-17, The Transmission of Learning in Islamic Africa by Scott Steven Reese pg 44-45)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-12-118128067)
Historic Mosques in Sub-Saharan Africa by Stéphane Pradines pg 54-55, Making and Remaking Mosques in Senegal By Cleo Cantone pg 48
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-13-118128067)
photo taken from [‘WildmanLife’](https://wildmanlife.com/tichit-a-forgotten-caravan-town-in-the-sahara/)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-14-118128067)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 30, 97-99, 219)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-15-118128067)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 275-277)
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-16-118128067)
Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis by Duarte Pacheco Pereira pg 75, L'Asia del s. Giouanni di Barros pg 258, On Trans-Saharan Trails By Ghislaine Lydon pg 81-82, 87)
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-17-118128067)
Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis by Duarte Pacheco Pereira pg 75, The Arab Conquest of the Western Sahara by by H. T. Norris pg 43)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-18-118128067)
On Trans-Saharan Trails By Ghislaine Lydon pg 84-5)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-19-118128067)
map by Ann McDougall
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-20-118128067)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 166-167, 276-277, Desert frontier By James L. A. Webb pg 47)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-21-118128067)
Desert frontier By James L. A. Webb pg 48-51, On Trans-Saharan Trails By Ghislaine Lydo pg 82, 94,The Transmission of Learning in Islamic Africa by Scott Steven Reese pg 45-46
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-22-118128067)
Landscapes, Sources and Intellectual Projects of the West African Past pg 146-152
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-23-118128067)
La région du Tagant en Mauritanie: L'oasis de Tijigja entre 1660 et 1960 By Abdallah Ould Khalifa pg 65-67, 193-208, Nomads of Mauritania By Diane Himpan Sabatier, Brigitte Himpan pg 136-140
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-24-118128067)
Map taken from; On Trans-Saharan Trails By Ghislaine Lydon
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-25-118128067)
Desert frontier By James L. A. Webb pg 50-51, The economics of Islam in the southern Sahara by E. Ann McDougall pg 50-54
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-26-118128067)
The Transmission of Learning in Islamic Africa by Scott Steven Reese pg 39-62
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-27-118128067)
The Transmission of Learning in Islamic Africa by Scott Steven Reese pg 43)
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-28-118128067)
Photo by Marco Longari AFP/GettyImages
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-29-118128067)
Desert frontier By James L. A. Webb pg 56-57, On Trans-Saharan Trails By Ghislaine Lydon pg 97-98
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-30-118128067)
On Trans-Saharan Trails By Ghislaine Lydon pg 152-153
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-31-118128067)
Desert frontier By James L. A. Webb pg 61-62, On Trans-Saharan Trails By Ghislaine Lydon pg 154
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-32-118128067)
On Trans-Saharan Trails By Ghislaine Lydon pg 115-116, 118
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-33-118128067)
On Trans-Saharan Trails By Ghislaine Lydon pg 126-127
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-34-118128067)
Nomads of Mauritania By Diane Himpan Sabatier, Brigitte Himpan pg 145-149
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan#footnote-anchor-35-118128067)
Photo by [Michal Huneiwicz](https://m1key.me/photography/mauritania_part_1/)
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Fascinating. African history (apart from Egypt) is so often ignored, or limited to Bantu migration and the colonial period.
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Listened to this while listening to Mussorgsky as interpreted by Ravel.
Works of art (Modest's composition and Ravel's orchestral arrangement) of equal stature to your articles in my opinion.
Historically accurate, lucid and engaging narrative - helping to reconstruct the African self through African eyes.
I am an Ethiopian raised in an Orthodox Christian household; such an illuminating exposition of West African Islamic history and tradition is a wonderful way to spend some time on a Sunday.
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Published Time: 2023-04-16T13:49:56+00:00
A history of the west African diaspora in Arabia and Jerusalem before 1900
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A history of the west African diaspora in Arabia and Jerusalem before 1900
==========================================================================
### The legacy of west African travel to Mecca, Medina and Jerusalem.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Apr 16, 2023
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Tucked along the western edges of the world's most contested religious site, are the residencies of west Africa's oldest diaspora in the eastern Mediterranean. The west-African quarter of Jerusalem's old city is one of three major diasporic communities established by west African Muslims outside Africa, the other two are found in the cities of Mecca and Medina
The history of the West African diaspora in Arabia and Jerusalem is a fascinating and often overlooked aspect of the African diaspora. For centuries, West Africans have traveled to these regions as scholars and pilgrims, leaving an indelible mark on their intellectual and religious traditions of the middle east.
This article explores the history of the West African diaspora in Arabia and Jerusalem, tracing the growth of the diaspora from Egypt to Arabia and Jerusalem, and highlighting their intellectual and cultural contributions.
_**Map showing the route taken by west African pilgrims to Arabia and Jerusalem**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!9P3E!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8489e7fd-99be-4d59-a2af-4e218a54da14_701x418.png)
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**Foundations of a west African diaspora: the Takruri residents of Cairo**
Scholars, pilgrims and travelers from west Africa had been present in Arabia and Palestine since the early second millennium. Initially, the west African diaspora only extended into Egypt, where the earliest documented west African Muslim dispora resided.
The enigmatic Cairo resident named al-Shaikh Abu Muhammad Yusuf Abdallah al-Takruri lived in Egypt during the 10th century. After he died, a mausoleum and mosque was built over his grave, and later rebuilt around 1342. His nisba of "al-Takruri" was evidently derived from the medieval west African kingdom of Takrur which was widely known in the Islamic world beginning in the 11th century and would become the main ethnonym for west African pilgrims travelling to the Holy lands.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-1-114998573)
By the 14th century, the west African diaspora in Cairo had grown significantly especially after several pilgrimages had been undertaken that included reigning west African kings. The west African community in Egypt (or more likely the ruler of Bornu) commisioned the construction of the Madrasat ibn Rashiq around 1242 to house pilgrims from Bornu[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-2-114998573). The community must have been relatively large, given the presence of a west African scholar named Al-Haj Yunis who was the interpreter of the Takrur in Egypt and provided the information on west African history written by Ibn Khaldun.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-3-114998573)
A particulary important locus for the west African diaspora in Egypt was the university of al-Azhar. The first residence for West African students and pilgrims was established in Al-Azhar during the mid-13th century for Bornu’s students and pilgrims (Riwāq al-Burnīya). By the 18th century, 3 of the 25 residences of Al-Azhar hosted students from West Africa. These included the abovementioned Bornu residence, the Riwāq Dakārnah Sāliḥ for students from Kanem, and the Riwāq al-Dakārinah for students from; Takrūr (ie: all kingdoms west of the Niger river), Sinnār (Funj kingdom in Sudan), and Darfūr.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-4-114998573)
Among the most prominent west African scholars resident in Egypt was Muḥammad al-Kashnāwī, a scholar from the Hausa city-state of Katsina in northern Nigeria. He boasted a comprehensive scholarly training before leaving Katsina around 1730, having been a student of the Bornu scholar Muḥammad al-Walī al-Burnāwī. al-Kashnāwī became well known in Egypt especially as the author of an important treatise on the esoteric sciences and as the teacher of Ḥasan al-Jabartī, the father of the famous Egyptian historian ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Jabartī.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-5-114998573)
Another prominent west African resident in Cairo was Shaykh al-Barnāwī (d. 1824) from Bornu and was one of the important members of the Khalwati sufi order. He thus appears in the biographies of prominent Egyptian and Moroccan scholars of the same order as their teacher including ʿAlī al-Zubādī (d. 1750) and ʿAbd al-Wahhāb al-Tāzī (d. 1791).[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-6-114998573)
Many west African scholars are known to have resided permanently in Cairo. Archives from Cairo include lists of properties and possessions owned by west African Muslims on their way to the Hijaz. These include Hajj Ali al-Takruri al-Wangari who left 200 mithqals of gold and camels in 1562, and another document from 1651 listing nearly 500 mithqals of gold, cloth and several personal effects belonging to atleast 6 west Africans, 4 of whom had the nisba “al-Takruri”.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-7-114998573) The Cairo disporic community would doubtlessly have enabled the establishment of smaller disporic communities in the 'Holy cities' of Mecca, Medina and Jerusalem
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!FW5d!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F09326447-5cf0-4757-91aa-21f7bb0e6af5_550x412.jpeg)
_**students at the Al-azhar university in Cairo, early 20th century postcard.**_
* * *
**The west African diaspora in Mecca and Medina.**
The Holiest city of Islam was the ultimate destination for the pilgrimage made by thousands of west Africans for centuries, yet despite its importance, few appear to have resided there permanently. There’s atleast one reference to a 17th century Bornu ruler purchasing houses in Cairo, Medina and Mecca in order to lodge pilgrims; he also bought stores to meet the costs of the houses.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-8-114998573)
Some of the more detailed descriptions of west Africans in Mecca are derived from 19th century accounts. In 1815, the traveler Johann Ludwig Burckhardt noted the presence of “_**Takruri**_” "_**Negro Hadjis**_" residing in Messfale (misfala quarter of mecca) and at Suq al-saghir (about 200m from the Kaaba). But all appear to have been temporary residents, some of whom were engaged in trade to cover the cost of their journey back to west Africa.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-9-114998573)
The account of Richard Burton in 1855 further corroborates this. He describes the city’s "_**heterogeneous mass of pilgrims**_" as including the _**'Takrouri' "and others from Bornou, the Sudan**_(Darfur and Funj)_**, Ghdamah near the Niger and Jabarti from the Habash".**_[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-10-114998573)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!7V-A!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa4a29b06-bcb1-4c66-8f85-efb1e05b7d60_696x553.png)
_**view of the Kaaba at Mecca, early 20th century**_
In contrast to Mecca, west Africans had a significant presence in Medina. Pious west Africans attimes took up residence in the city towards the end of their lives, to spend their last days, and then to be buried 'close' to the Prophet's grave. For example, the west African scholar Abu Bakr from the city of Biru (walata) travelled with his family to Medina on his second pilgrimage, and settled in the city where he'd later be buried in 1583.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-11-114998573)
Another west African known to have resided in Medina was the 18th century scholar and merchant named Muhammad al-Kànimì, the father of the better known scholar Shehu al-Kanimi who ruled Bornu. Originally from Kanem, Muhammad moved to the Fezzan, before retiring in medina where he later died during the late 18th century.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-12-114998573)
Given the importance of Medina to West African pilgrims, rulers such as the Songhai emperor Askiya Muhammad made charitable donations at several sacred places in the Hijaz, and purchased gardens in Medina which he turned into an endowment for the people of Takrur. Writing in 1655, the Timbuktu chronicler al-Sa'di indicates that the Askiya’s gardens were still in use at the time, mentioning that _**"these gardens are well known there"**_.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-13-114998573) similarly, the Bornu ruler Mai Idris Alooma purchased a garden in Medina during the 16th century where he installed his followers.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-14-114998573)
However, the experience of some 18th century west African scholars indicates that the gardens may have been abandoned at the time. The shinqit-born scholar Abd al-Rashid Al-Shinqiti, who was a resident of Medina, went to great lengths to receive stipends from the foundations of Maghribis (mostly Moroccans) in Medina, and despite obtaining support from Egyptian and Moroccan scholars in 1785, he was still denied the stipends. His contemporary named Abd al-Ramàn al-Shinqiti (d. 1767) who also resided in the city lived in household of a non-west African —in the Zawiya of the Sammàniyya founder Muhammad as-Samman.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-15-114998573)
There are a number of west African scholars who gained prominence in Medina besides the above mentioned scholars from Shinqit (Chinguetti). The latter city was itself a major departure point for many west African pilgrim caravans heading to Mecca during the 18th and 19th centuries, among these pilgrims was the scholar Ṣāliḥ al-Fullānī. Born in Futa Jallon (modern-day Guinea), al-Fullani came to reside in Medina with a wide reputation for Islamic scholarship.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-16-114998573)
al-Fullani was educated locally in Futa Jallon, Adrar and Timbuktu before proceeding to Marrakesh, Tunis and Cairo, and arriving at Medina in 1773. While in medina, he studied many subjects, and after he had _**"read all the major Islamic writings of his time"**_, he became a teacher. His students included the qadi of mecca Abd al-Ḥāfiẓ al-ʿUjaymī (d. 1820) as well as Muḥammad ʿAbīd al-Sindī (d.1841) from sindh in Pakistan. His notable African students included Muḥammad al-Ḥāfiẓ al-Shinqītī (d. 1830), as well as the Moroccan scholar Ḥamdūn b. al-Ḥājj (d. 1857).[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-17-114998573)
Such was al-Fullani's influence that the Indian scholar, Muḥammad ʿAẓīmābādī (d. 1905), referred to him as the scholarly renewer (mujaddid) of his age, and his writings inspired India’s Ahl al-Ḥadīth movement.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-18-114998573)
**See this Patreon post on al-Fullani's influence in India:**
[FROM GUNIEA TO INDIA: AL-FULLANI](https://www.patreon.com/posts/61683129)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Z8nJ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff6102789-8a45-45ec-9266-09be6057fabb_1024x682.jpeg)
_**Ruins of Chinguetti, southern Mauritania**_
* * *
**The west African diaspora in Jerusalem**
During the Umayyad period when the Hajj tradition was firmly established, the city of Jerusalem was transformed into the 3rd holy city of Islam after the construction of the Dome of the Rock on the ruins of an old temple. This construction followed an Islamic tradition about the prophet ascending to heaven from the Dome. Jerusalem was therefore an important center of pilgrimage for all Muslims alongside other Abrahamic religions.
West African Muslims likely travelled to Jerusalem early since the emergence of their pilgrimage tradition, but evidence for this is limited. The earliest reference to a west African Muslim community in Jerusalem likely dates to the Mamluk era when a Jerusalem waqf was given to a resident West African community, granting them a historic role as one of the guardians of the Al-Aqsa mosque.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-19-114998573)
Jerusalem's west African Muslim community (called the 'Tukarina') grew significantly during the Ottoman era especially around the al-Aqsa mosque’s council gate (Bab al-Nazir). Around the early 16th century, the Ribat ‘Ala’ al-Din and the Ribat al-Mansuri, which were originally built in the 13th century as hostels for pilgrims, were officially transformed into permanent residencies for west African pilgrims.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-20-114998573)
The Tukarina found jobs as the official guardians for the colleges and residencies around the entrance of al-Aqsa. Such was the Tukarina's control of the gates to prevent non-Muslims from entering that they were detained in 1855 by the local ottoman governor of Jerusalem to prevent them from denying entrance to the then Belgian prince Leopold II —the first Christian ruler since the Crusades to be allowed into the Dome of the Rock, prior to his infamous colonization of Congo.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-21-114998573)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!u2aq!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fec79f768-5a47-43cb-a8f8-7101e33d178a_747x555.png)
_**exterior and interior of the Ribat al Mansuri, early 20th century, The Israel Antiquities Authority**_[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-22-114998573)
Arguably the most notable west-African resident in Jerusalem (albeit briefly) was the Tukulor empire founder Umar Tal. Al-Hajj Tal left his homeland of Futa-Toro in 1826, arrived in Mecca in 1828 and stayed there for several years. He later traveled to Jerusalem and after several weeks departed for Cairo, before traveling back to west Africa. While in Jerusalem, Umar’s reputation for piety and learning were recognized, he led the prayer in the Dome of the Rock and treated a son of Ibrahim Pasha.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-23-114998573)
These two ribats of ‘Ala’ al-Din and Ribat al-Mansuri now comprise the largest "African quarter" in Jerusalem (al-jaliyya al-Afriqiyya) adjacent to the gates of the famous Al Aqsa Mosque. After the arrival of more African Muslims from colonial west africa during the early 20th century, the diasporic community now has a population of about 500 (but far more Africans live outside the quarter itself).[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-24-114998573) While relatively small compared to the modern dispora of west Africans in mecca and medina, its position in front of one of the word's most contested sites has given the community a significant place in politics of the Old city.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ktNA!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa6ecb230-d0c2-4420-a704-22e4a9dfd082_805x562.png)
_**Hall of the Ribat of al-Mansur Qalawun**_, photo by ‘Discover Islamic Art’
* * *
**Conclusion: west africa’s diaspora in world history**
Examining the significance of the West African diaspora in Arabia and Jerusalem, allows us to gain a deeper understanding of the complex historical and cultural connections that exist between Africa and the Middle East. From the writings of resident west African scholars in Medina and Cairo, to the cultural roles of west Africans in Jerusalem, the region’s African communities highlights the diversity of the Muslim world, and the many ways in which it has been shaped by different cultural influences over time.
And as a testament to the often overlooked presence of the African diaspora in the eastern Mediterranean, Jerusalem’s historical African quarters for west Africans and Ethiopians are located within about 200 meters of each other. This underscores the cosmopolitan nature of African communities outside the continent as active agents in world history.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!IC2Q!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6e2eb401-916a-4682-b418-464e027e263f_787x575.png)
_**Map showing the west-African and Ethiopian quarters in the Old city.**_[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-25-114998573)
* * *
on **AFRICANS DISCOVERING AFRICA**: Far from existing in autarkic isolation, African societies were in close contact thanks to the activities of African travelers. These **African explorers of Africa were agents of intra-continental discovery** centuries before post-colonial Pan-Africanists
[AFRICANS DISCOVERING AFRICA: chapter 1](https://www.patreon.com/posts/81510350?pr=true)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!yM1t!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc994d418-08fd-458d-aeb1-ad66d8c99539_944x611.png)
* * *
**On the Nubian and Ethiopian diaspora in Jerusalem:**
[THE AFRICAN DIASPORA IN THE HOLY LANDS](https://www.patreon.com/posts/80883718?pr=true)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!E8hg!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffa10ffb6-4985-4668-8710-01f6490d8ad7_888x581.png)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-anchor-1-114998573)
Takrur the History of a Name by 'Umar Al-Naqar pg 365-370)
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-anchor-2-114998573)
Du lac Tchad à la Mecque by Rémi Dewière pg 223, 249
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-anchor-3-114998573)
Takrur the History of a Name by 'Umar Al-Naqar pg 370)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-anchor-4-114998573)
Islamic Scholarship in Africa by Ousmane Oumar Kane pg 8)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-anchor-5-114998573)
The African Roots of a Global Eighteenth-Century Islamic Scholarly Renewal by Zachary Wright pg 31)
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-anchor-6-114998573)
The African Roots of a Global Eighteenth-Century Islamic Scholarly Renewal by Zachary Wright pg 32)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-anchor-7-114998573)
Trade between Egypt and bilad al-Takrur in the eighteenth century by Terence Walz pg 27-28
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-anchor-8-114998573)
Trade between Egypt and bilad al-Takrur in the eighteenth century by Terence Walz pg 26
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-anchor-9-114998573)
Travels in Arabia by John Lewis Burckhardt, 24, 85, 203-204, The Hajj: The Muslim Pilgrimage to Mecca and the Holy Places By F. E. Peters pg 96-98
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-anchor-10-114998573)
Personal Narrative of a Pilgrimage to Al-Madinah and Meccah, Volume 1 By Richard F. Burton pg 177
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-anchor-11-114998573)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 45, 59)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-anchor-12-114998573)
The Transmission of Learning in Islamic Africa by Scott Steven Reese pg 141)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-anchor-13-114998573)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 105)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-anchor-14-114998573)
Du lac Tchad à la Mecque by Rémi Dewière pg 250
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-anchor-15-114998573)
The Transmission of Learning in Islamic Africa by Scott Steven Reese pg 129-130, 148)
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-anchor-16-114998573)
The Transmission of Learning in Islamic Africa by Scott Steven Reese pg 43, 132-133)
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-anchor-17-114998573)
West African ʿulamāʾ and Salafism in Mecca and Medina by Chanfi Ahmed pg 93-96)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-anchor-18-114998573)
Islamic Scholarship in Africa by Ousmane Oumar Kane pg 33
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-anchor-19-114998573)
Black African Muslim in the Jewish State by William F. S. Miles pg 39-40,
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-anchor-20-114998573)
Mamluk Jerusalem: An Architectural Study by Michael Hamilton Burgoyne pg 119
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-anchor-21-114998573)
Mamluk Jerusalem: An Architectural Study by Michael Hamilton Burgoyne pg 121, , Great Leaders, Great Tyrants? by Arnold Blumberg pg 160, Medievalism in Nineteenth-Century Belgium by Simon John pg 144.
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-anchor-22-114998573)
[link](http://iaa-archives.org.il/zoom/zoom.aspx?folder_id=84&id=7050)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-anchor-23-114998573)
From West Africa to Mecca and Jerusalem by Irit Back pg 12-14, In the Path of Allah: 'Umar, An Essay into the Nature of Charisma in Islam' By John Ralph Willis pg 87
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-anchor-24-114998573)
The Dom and the African Palestinians by Matthew Teller pg 95-99, in ‘Jerusalem Quarterly, 2022, Issue 89’, Mamluk Architectural Landmarks in Jerusalem by Ali Qleibo pg 64-67)
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora#footnote-anchor-25-114998573)
adapted from: The Growth of Jerusalem in the Nineteenth Century by Y. Ben-Arieh, pg 256
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This was a wonderful topic I knew that there was an historical presence of West Africans in places such as Jerusalem and Mecca and Medina and West Asia however the extent and exact nature of such is something I didn't realize. This was very informative and I appreciate the insights. Btw have you any info on West African or African presence in general in places such as Baghdad and or Damascus as well?
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Published Time: 2023-10-08T14:31:04+00:00
A history of Women's political power and matriliny in the kingdom of Kongo.
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A history of Women's political power and matriliny in the kingdom of Kongo.
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In the 19th century, anthropologists were fascinated by the concept of matrilineal descent in which kinship is traced through the female line. Matriliny was often confounded with matriarchy as a supposedly earlier stage of social evolution than patriarchy. Matriliny thus became a discrete object of exaggerated importance, particulary in central Africa, where scholars claimed to have identified a "matrilineal belt" of societies from the D.R. Congo to Mozambique, and wondered how they came into being.
This importance of matriliny appeared to be supported by the relatively elevated position of women in the societies of central Africa compared to western Europe, with one 17th century visitor to the Kongo kingdom remarking that _"the government was held by the women and the man is at her side only to help her"_. In many of the central African kingdoms, women could be heads of elite lineages, participate directly in political life, and occasionally served in positions of independent political authority. And in the early 20th century, many speakers of the Kongo language claimed to be members of matrilineal clans known as ‘Kanda’.
Its not difficult to see why a number of scholars would assume that Kongo may have originally been a matrilineal —or even matriarchal— society, that over time became male dominated. And how this matrilineal African society seems to vindicate the colonial-era theories of social evolution in which “less complex” matriarchal societies grow into “more complex” patriarchal states. As is often the case with most social histories of Africa however, the contribution of women to Kongo’s history was far from this simplistic colonial imaginary.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!YjMP!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8598fe1d-9f97-49e7-8a9b-20249dcc18a2_666x566.png)
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Scholars have often approached the concept of matriliny in central Africa from an athropological rather than historical perspective. Focusing on how societies are presently structured rather than how these structures changed through time.
One such prominent scholar of west-central Africa, Jan Vansina, observed that matrilineal groups were rare among the foragers of south-west Angola but common among the neighboring agro-pastoralists, indicating an influence of the latter on the former. Vansina postulated that as the agro-pastoral economy became more established in the late 1st millennium, the items and tools associated with it became highly valued property —a means to accumulate wealth and pass it on through inheritance. Matrilineal groups were then formed in response to the increased importance of goods, claims, and statuses, and hence of their inheritance or succession. As leadership and sucession were formalised, social alliances based on claims to common clanship, and stratified social groups of different status were created.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-1-137752120)
According to Vansina, only descent through the mother’s line was used to establish corporate lineages headed by the oldest man of the group, but that wives lived patrilocally (ie: in their husband's residence). He argues that the sheer diversity of kinship systems in the region indicates that matriliny may have developed in different centers along other systems. For example among the Ambundu, the Kongo and the Tio —whose populations dominated the old kingdoms of the region— matrilineages competed with bilateral descent groups. This diverse framework, he suggests, was constantly remodeled by changes in demographics and political development.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-2-137752120)
Yet despite their apparent ubiquity, matrilineal societies were not the majority of societies in the so-called matrilineal belt. Studies by other scholars looking at societies in the Lower Congo basin show that most of them are basically bilateral; they are never unequivocally patrilineal or matrilineal and may “oscillate” between the two.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-3-137752120) More recent studies by other specialists such as Wyatt MacGaffey, argue that there were never really any matrilineal or patrilineal societies in the region, but there were instead several complex and overlapping forms of social organization (regarding inheritance and residency) that were consistently changed depending on what seemed advantageous to a give social group.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-4-137752120)
Moving past contemporary debates on the existance of Matriliny, most scholars agree that the kinship systems in the so-called matrilineal belt was a product of a long and complex history. Focusing on the lower congo river basin, systems of mobilizing people often relied on fictive kinship or non-kinship organizations. In the Kongo kingdom, these groups first appear in internal documents of the 16th-17th century as political factions associated with powerful figures, and they expanded not just through kinship but also by clientage and other dependents. In this period, political loyalty took precedence over kinship in the emerging factions, thus leading to situations where rivaling groups could include people closely related by descent.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-5-137752120)
Kongo's social organization at the turn of the 16th-17th century did not include any known matrilineal descent groups, and that the word _**'kanda**_' —which first appears in the late 19th/early 20th century, is a generic word for any group or category of people or things[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-6-137752120). The longstanding illusion that _**'kanda'**_ solely meant matrilineage was based on the linguistic error of supposing that, because in the 20th century the word kanda could mean “matriclan” its occurrence in early Kongo was evidence of matrilineal descent.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-7-137752120) In documents written by Kongo elites, the various political and social groupings were rendered in Portuguese as _**geracao**_, signifying ‘lineage’ or ‘clan’ as early as 1550. But the context in which it was used, shows that it wasn’t simply an umbrella term but a social grouping that was associated with a powerful person, and which could be a rival of another group despite both containing closely related persons.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-8-137752120)
In Kongo, kinship was re-organized to accommodate centralized authority and offices of administration were often elective or appointive rather than hereditary. Kings were elected by a royal council comprised of provincial nobles, many of whom were themselves appointed by the elected Kings, alongside other officials. The kingdom's centralized political system —where even the King was elected— left a great deal of discretion for the placement of people in positions of power, thus leaving relatively more room for women to hold offices than if sucession to office was purely hereditary. But it also might weaken some women's power when it was determined by their position in kinship systems.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-9-137752120)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!JyNH!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa1bafc76-fb25-49ac-a484-0d66584ecab5_696x557.png)
_**Aristocratic women of Kongo, ca. 1663, [the Parma Watercolors](https://mavcor.yale.edu/mavcor-journal/nature-culture-and-faith-seventeenth-century-kongo-and-angola).**_
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Kongo's elite women could thus access and exercise power through two channels. The first of these is appointment into office by the king to grow their core group of supporters, the second is playing the strategic role of power brokers, mediating disputes between rivalling kanda or rivaling royals.
Elite women appear early in Kongo's documented history in the late 15th century when the adoption of Christianity by King Nzinga Joao's court was opposed by some of his wives but openly embraced by others, most notably the Queen Leonor Nzinga a Nlaza. Leonor became an important patron for the nascent Kongo church, and was closely involved in ensuring the sucession of her son Nzinga Afonso to the throne, as well as Afonso's defeat of his rival brother Mpanzu a Nzinga.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-10-137752120)
Leonor held an important role in Kongo’s politics, not only as a person who controlled wealth through rendas (revenue assignments) held in her own right, but also as a “daughter and mother of a king”, a position that according to a 1530 document such a woman _**“by that custom commands everything in Kongo”**_. Her prominent position in Kongo's politics indicates that she wielded significant political power, and was attimes left in charge of the kingdom while Afonso was campaigning.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-11-137752120)
Not long after Leonor Nzinga’s demise appeared another prominent woman named dona Caterina, who also bore the title of '_**mwene Lukeni**_' as the head of the royal _**kanda**_/lineage of the Kongo kingdom's founder Lukeni lua Nimi (ca. 1380). This Caterina was related to Afonso's son and sucessor Pedro, who was installed in 1542 but later deposed and arrested by his nephew Garcia in 1545. Unlike Leonor however, Caterina was unsuccessful in mediating the factious rivary between the two kings and their supporters, being detained along with Pedro.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-12-137752120)
In the suceeding years, kings drawn from different factions of the _lukeni_ lineage continued to rule Kongo until the emergence of another powerful woman named Izabel Lukeni lua Mvemba, managed to get her son Alvaro I (r. 1568-1587) elected to the throne. Alvaro was the son of Izabel and a Kongo nobleman before Izabel later married Alvaro's predecessor, king Henrique, who was at the time still a prince. But after king Henrique died trying to crush a _jaga_ rebellion in the east, Alvaro was installed, but was briefly forced to flee the capital which was invaded by the _jaga_ s before a Kongo-Portugal army drove them off. Facing stiff opposition internally, Alvaro relied greatly on his mother; Izabel and his daughter; Leonor Afonso, to placate the rivaling factions. The three thereafter represented the founders of the new royal _**kanda**_/house of _kwilu_, which would rule Kongo until 1624.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-13-137752120)
Following in the tradition of Kongo's royal women, Leonor Afonso was a patron of the church. But since only men could be involved in clerical capacities, Leonor tried to form an order of nuns in Kongo, following the model of the Carmelite nuns of Spain. She thus sent letters to the prioress of the Carmelites to that end. While the leader of the Carmelite mission in Kongo and other important members of the order did their best to establish the nunnery in Kongo, the attempt was ultimately fruitless. Leonor neverthless remained active in Kongo's Church, funding the construction of churches, and assisting the various missions active in the kingdom. Additionally, the Kongo elite created female lay associations alongside those of men that formed a significant locus of religiosity and social prestige for women in Kongo.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-14-137752120)
As late as 1648, Leonor continued to play an important role in Kongo's politics, she represented the House of _kwilu_ started by king Alvaro and was thus a bridge, ally or plotter to the many descendants of Alvaro still in Kongo. One visiting missionary described her as _**“a woman**_ _**of very few words, but much judgment and government, and because of her sage experience and prudent counsel the king Garcia and his predecessor Alvaro always venerate and greatly esteem her and consult her for the best outcome of affairs"**_. This was despite both kings being drawn from a different lineage, as more factions had appeared in the intervening period.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-15-137752120)
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The early 17th century was one of the best documented periods in Kongo's history, and in highlighting the role of women in the kingdom's politics and society. Alvaro's sucessors, especially Alvaro II and III, appointed women in positions of administration and relied on them as brokers between the various factions. When Alvaro III died without an heir, a different faction managed to get their candidate elected as King Pedro II (1622-1624). Active at Pedro's royal council were a number of powerful women who also included women of the _Kwilu_ house such as Leonor Afonso, and Alvaro II's wife Escolastica. Both of them played an important role in mediating the transition from Alvaro III and Pedro II, at a critical time when Portugual invaded Kongo but was defeated at Mbanda Kasi.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-16-137752120)
Besides these was Pedro II's wife Luiza, who was now a daughter and mother of a King upon the election of her son Garcia I to suceed the short-lived Pedro. However, Garcia I fell out of favour with the other royal women of the coucil (presumably Leonor and Escolastica), who were evidently now weary of the compromise of electing Pedro that had effectively removed the house of Kwilu from power. The royal women, who were known as “the matrons”, sat on the royal council and participated in decision making. They thus used the forces of an official appointed by Alvaro III, to depose Garcia I and install the former's nephew Ambrosio as king of Kongo.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-17-137752120)
However, the _kwilu_ restoration was short-lived as kings from new houses suceeded them, These included Alvaro V of the _'kimpanzu'_ house, who was then deposed by another house; the ‘_kinlaza’_, represented by kings Alvaro VI (r. 1636-1641) and Garcia II (r. 1641-1661) . Yet throughout this period, the royal women retained a prominent position on Kongo's coucil, with Leonor in particular continuing to appear in Garcia II's court. Besides Leonor Afonso was Garcia II's sister Isabel who was an important patron of Kongo's church and funded the construction of a number of mission churches. Another was a second Leonor da Silva who was the sister of the count of Soyo (a rebellious province in the north), and was involved in an attempt to depose Garcia II.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-18-137752120)
In some cases, women ruled provinces in Kongo during the 17th century and possessed armies which they directed. The province of Mpemba Kasi, just north of the capital, was ruled by a woman with the title of _'mother of the King of Kongo'_, while the province of Nsundi was jointly ruled by a duchess named Dona Lucia and her husband Pedro, the latter of whom at one point directed her armies against her husband due to his infidelity. According to a visiting priest in 1664, the power exercised by women wasn't just symbolic, _**"the government was held by the women and the man is at her side only to help her"**_. However, the conflict between Garcia II and the count of Soyo which led to the arrest of the two Leonors in 1652 and undermined their role as mediators, was part of the internal processes which eventually weakened the kingdom that descended into civil war after 1665.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-19-137752120)
In the post-civil war period, women assumed a more direct role in Kongo's politics as kingmakers and as rulers of semi-autonomous provinces. After the capital was abandoned, effective power lay in regional capitals such as Mbanza Nkondo which was controlled by Ana Afonso de Leao, and Luvota which was controlled by Suzanna de Nobrega. The former was the sister of Garcia II and head of his royal house of _kinlaza_, while the latter was head of the _kimpanzu_ house, both of these houses would produce the majority of Kongo's kings during their lifetimes, and continuing until 1914. Both women exercised executive power in their respective realms, they were recognized as independent authorities during negotiations to end the civil war, and their kinsmen were appointed into important offices.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-20-137752120)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Fg-A!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdc1dab79-44d0-4827-8b85-8d012dcad5e5_497x566.png)
_**Map of Kongo around 1700.**_
The significance of Kongo's women in the church increased in the late 17th to early 18th century. Queen Ana had a reputation for piety, and even obtained the right to wear the habit of a Capuchin monk, and an unamed Queen who suceeded Suzanna at Luvota was also noted for her devotion. It was in this context that the religious movement led by a [princess Beatriz Kimpa Vita](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/one-womans-mission-to-unite-a-divided), which ultimately led to the restoration of the kingdom in 1709. Her movement further "indigenized" the Kongo church and elevated the role of women in Kongo's society much like the royal women had been doing. [21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-21-137752120)
For the rest of the 18th century, many women dominated the political landscape of Kongo. Some of them, such as Violante Mwene Samba Nlaza, ruled as Queen regnant of the 'kingdom' of Wadu. The latter was one of the four provinces of Kongo but its ruler, Queen Violante, was virtually autonomous. She appointed dukes, commanded armies which in 1764 attempted to install a favorable king on Kongo's throne and in 1765 invaded Portuguese Angola. Violante was later suceeded as Queen of Wadu by Brites Afonso da Silva, another royal woman who continued the line of women sovereigns in the kingdom.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-22-137752120)
Women in Kongo continued to appear in positions of power during the 19th century, albeit less directly involved in the kingdom's politics as consorts of powerful merchants, but many of them were prominent traders in their own right[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-23-137752120). Excavations of burials from sites like Kindoki indicate that close social groups of elites were interred in the same cemetery complex alongside rich grave goods as well as Christian insignia of royalty. Among these elites were women who were likely consorts or matriarchs of the male relatives buried alongside them. The presence of initiatory items of _kimpasi_ society as well as long distance trade goods next to the women indicates their relatively high status.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-24-137752120)
It’s during this period that the matrilineal ‘kandas’ first emerged near the coastal regions, and were most likely associated with the commercial revolutions of the period as well as contests of legitimacy and land rights in the early colonial era.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-25-137752120) The social histories of these clans were then synthesized in traditional accounts of the kingdom’s history at the turn of the 20th century, and uncritically reused by later scholars as accurate reconstructions of Kongo’s early history. While a few of the clans were descended from the old royal houses (which were infact patrilineal), the majority of the modern clans were relatively recent inventions.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-26-137752120)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!XfZn!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6d8348c2-d9fe-4495-82fe-074416d02150_712x505.png)
_**17th century illustration of Kongo titled “[Palm tree that gives wine”](https://mavcor.yale.edu/slice/palm-tree-gives-wine-october-may)**_, showing a woman with a gourd of palm wine. During the later centuries, women dominated the domestic trade in palm wine especially along important carravan routes in the kingdom.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-27-137752120)
* * *
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The above overview of women in Kongo's history shows that elite women were deeply and decisively involved in the political and social organization of the Kongo kingdom. In a phenomenon that is quite exceptional for the era, the political careers of several women can be readily identified; ranging from shadowy but powerful figures in the early period, to independent authorities during the later period.
This outline also reveals that the organization of social relationships in Kongo were significantly influenced by the kingdom's political history. The kingdom’s loose political factions and social groups which; could be headed by powerful women or men; could be created upon the ascension of a new king; and didn't necessary contain close relatives, fail to meet the criteria of a historically 'matrilineal society'.
Ultimately, the various contributions of women to Kongo's history were the accomplishments of individual actors working against the limitations of male-dominated political and religious spaces to create one of Africa’s most powerful kingdoms.
* * *
The ancient libraries of Africa contain many scientific manuscripts written by African scholars. **Among the most significant collections of Africa’s scientific literature are medical manuscripts written by west African physicians** between the 15th and 19th century.
**Read more about them here:**
[HISTORY OF MEDICINE IN AFRICA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/history-of-in-on-90073735)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-anchor-1-137752120)
How Societies Are Born by Jan Vansina pg 92-95, 99
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-anchor-2-137752120)
How Societies Are Born by Jan Vansina pg 88-97)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-anchor-3-137752120)
The Kongo Kingdom: The Origins, Dynamics and Cosmopolitan Culture of an African Polity by Koen Bostoen, Inge Brinkman pg 50)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-anchor-4-137752120)
Changing Representations in Central African History by Wyatt Macgaffey pg 197-201)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-anchor-5-137752120)
Elite women in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg 440)
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-anchor-6-137752120)
Changing Representations in Central African History by Wyatt Macgaffey pg 200
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-anchor-7-137752120)
The Kongo Kingdom: The Origins, Dynamics and Cosmopolitan Culture of an African Polity by Koen Bostoen, Inge Brinkman pg 50, A note on Vansina’s invention of matrilinearity by Wyatt Macgaffey pg 270-271
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-anchor-8-137752120)
Elite women in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg 439-440
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-anchor-9-137752120)
Elite women in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg pg 439)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-anchor-10-137752120)
Elite women in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg 442-443)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-anchor-11-137752120)
A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 40
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-anchor-12-137752120)
Elite women in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg 444-445)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-anchor-13-137752120)
Elite women in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg 446)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-anchor-14-137752120)
A Kongo Princess, the Kongo Ambassadors and the Papacy by Richard Gray, Elite women in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg 447, The Kongo Kingdom: The Origins, Dynamics and Cosmopolitan Culture of an African Polity by Koen Bostoen, Inge Brinkman pg 155-156)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-anchor-15-137752120)
Elite women in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg 452-453)
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-anchor-16-137752120)
Elite women in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg 449)
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-anchor-17-137752120)
A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 148-149
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-anchor-18-137752120)
Elite women in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg 452-453)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-anchor-19-137752120)
Elite women in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg 454)
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-anchor-20-137752120)
The Kongolese Saint Anthony by John Thornton pg 24-39, Elite women in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg 455-456
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-anchor-21-137752120)
Elite women in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg 457, The Kongo Kingdom: The Origins, Dynamics and Cosmopolitan Culture of an African Polity by Koen Bostoen, Inge Brinkman pg 153)
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-anchor-22-137752120)
Elite women in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg 459-460)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-anchor-23-137752120)
Kongo in the age of empire by Jelmer Vos pg 47, 53
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-anchor-24-137752120)
The Kongo Kingdom: The Origins, Dynamics and Cosmopolitan Culture of an African Polity by Koen Bostoen, Inge Brinkman pg 157-158)
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-anchor-25-137752120)
A note on Vansina’s invention of matrilinearity by Wyatt Macgaffey pg 279, Kongo Political Culture: The Conceptual Challenge of the Particular By Wyatt MacGaffey pg 62-63
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-anchor-26-137752120)
Origins and early history of Kongo by J. K Thornton. pg 93-98.
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power#footnote-anchor-27-137752120)
Kongo in the age of empire by Jelmer Vos pg 43, 53.
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Published Time: 2023-03-26T14:55:11+00:00
A history of Zanzibar before the Omanis (600-1873)
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A history of Zanzibar before the Omanis (600-1873)
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### Journal of African cities chapter 7
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For most of the 19th century, the western Indian ocean was controlled by a vast commercial empire whose capital was on the island of Zanzibar. The history of Zanzibar is often introduced with the shifting of the Omani capital from Muscat to Stone-town during the 1840s, disregarding most of its earlier history save for a brief focus on the Zanj revolt.
Zanzibar was for centuries home to some of Africa's most dynamic urban societies, long before it became the commercial emporium of the 19th century. With over a dozen historical cities and towns, the island played a central role in the political history of east Africa —from sending envoys as far as China, to influencing the activities of foreign powers on the Swahili coast.
This article explores the history of Zanzibar, beginning with the island's settlement during late antiquity to the formal end of local autonomy in 1873.
_**Map of the east African coast showing the location of Zanzibar island[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-1-110622881)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!uWIn!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0c759a79-7d1b-43d1-ae61-f2030dd0dfae_850x564.png)
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**Zanzibar in the 1st Millennium: From Unguja to China**
The island of Zanzibar (Unguja) is the largest in the Zanzibar Archipelago, a group of islands that includes Pemba, Mafia and several dozen smaller islands. Zanzibar has a long but fragmentary record of human settlement going back 20,000 years, as shown by recent excavations at Kuumbi Cave. But it wasn’t until the turn of the common era that permanent settlements were established by sections of agro pastoral populations that were part of the wider expansion of Bantu-speakers.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-2-110622881)
According to the Perilus, a 1st-century text on the Indian ocean world, the local populations of the east African island of Menouthias (identified as Pemba, Zanzibar or Mafia) used sewn watercraft as well as dugout canoes to travel along the coast, and fished using basket traps. There's unfortunately little archeological evidence for such communities on Zanzibar itself during the 1st century, as occupation is only firmly dated to around the 6th century.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-3-110622881)
Between the late 5th and early 6th century, Zanzibar, like most of the East African coast, was home to communities of ironworking agriculturalists speaking Swahili and other Northeast-Coast Bantu languages[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-4-110622881). Two early sites at Fukuchani and Unguja Ukuu represent the earliest evidence for complex settlement on Zanzibar island. The discovery of imported roman wares and south-asian glass indicates that the island’s population participated in long distance trade with the Indian ocean world, albeit on a modest level .[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-5-110622881)
Like most of the early Swahili settlements during the mid-1st millennium, the communities at Unguja Ukuu and Fukuchani constituted small villages of daub houses whose occupants used local pottery (Tana and Kwale wares). Subsistence was based on agriculture (sorghum and finger millet), fishing and a few domesticates. Craft activities included shell bead-making and iron-working, as well as reworking of glass. By the late 1st millennium, the Zanzibar sites of Unguja Ukuu, Fukuchani, Mkokotoni, Fumba and Kizimkazi were able to exploit their position to become trade entrepôts.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-6-110622881)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!07L2!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2138c41b-26cf-43c8-b03f-afd5f572072b_519x723.jpeg)
_**Kizimkazi mosque, early 20th century photo.**_ An inscription decorating the qiblah wall of the mosque was dated to 1107.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!NETb!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3f74d2f2-fdd2-4497-a8a8-c7014ba8bfe5_891x619.jpeg)
_**Map of Zanzibar island showing some of the towns mentioned in this text.**_
The town of Unguja Ukuu, which covered over 16ha in the 9th century, became the largest settlement on Zanzibar island during this period, and one of the largest along the Swahili coast. The rapid growth of Unguja Ukuu can be mapped through massive quantities of imported material derived from trade. While Ugunja's material culture remained predominantly local in origin, significant amounts of imported wares (about 9%) appear in Unguja's assemblages beginning in the 6th century, that include Indian and Persian wares, as well as Tang-dynasty stoneware from China, Byzantine glass vessels and glass beads from south Asia.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-7-110622881)
The imports at Unguja would have been derived from its external trade with the African mainland and Indian ocean world, which is also evidenced by its local population's gradual adoption of Islam and their construction of a small mosque around 900. Additionally, copper and silver coins were minted locally by two named rulers during the 11th century, and the foreign coins from the Abbasids and Song-dynasty China were used.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-8-110622881) A similar but better-preserved mosque was built at Kizimkazi around 1107. it features early Swahili construction styles where rectilinear timber mosques with rectangular prayer halls were translated into coral-stone structures.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-9-110622881)
Unguja is one of the earliest Swahili towns mentioned in external accounts, besides its identification as Lunjuya by al-Jāḥiẓ (d. 868), its also mentioned in the Arabic Book of Curiosities ca.1020 which contains a map showing the coasts of the Indian Ocean from China to eastern Africa where its included as ‘Unjuwa’ alongside ‘Qanbalu’ (Pemba island). [10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-10-110622881) The elites of Unguja were also involved in long distance maritime travel. During Song dynasty china, the african envoy named Zengjiani who came from Zanzibar (rendered Cengtan in Chinese = Zangistân) and reached Guangzhou in 1071 and 1083, is likely to have come from Unguja.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-11-110622881)
Zengjiani gave a detailed description of his home country including his ruler's dynasty that had been in power for 5 centuries, and the use of copper coins for trade[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-12-110622881). Despite probably being embellished, this envoy's story indicates that his ruler's dynasty was about as old as Ugunja and may reflect the town's possibly hegemonic relationship with neighboring settlements. Historically, most Swahili city-states developed as confederations which included a major cultural and trading center like Unguja, surrounded by various less consequential settlements located at a distance on the mainland or on other parts of the island.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-13-110622881)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!5jB-!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7777b330-2fda-4fd1-8827-e43a90cb9fbb_686x1024.jpeg)
_**ruins of a late medieval structure at Unguja Ukuu**_[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-14-110622881)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!6pvG!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa04c8ed7-83d7-4f87-b110-4365b9e57989_1138x650.jpeg)
_**Unguja Ukuu, Local silver coins**_(1-11)_**and one Chinese bronze coin**_(11)_**Among the local coins are those belonging to an Unguja ruler named Muhammad bn Is-haq**_(1-3)_**dated to the 11th century, one belonging to an Unguja ruler named Bahram bn Ali**_(5)_**also dated to the 11th century, and uninscribed local pieces**_(5-10)_**also dated to the same period, the chinese coin is from the mid-12th century.**_[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-15-110622881)
* * *
**Unguja Ukuu, the Indian ocean world and the Zanj episode**
Given the Zanzibar island's central location between the early mainland Swahili settlements such as Kunduchi and Kaole, and the offshore islands such as Pemba, the town of Unguja would have controlled some of the segmented trade between the mainland, the coast and the Indian ocean world. Most of this trade would have been locally confined given the paucity of imported material and the modest size of the settlements, but some would have involved exports. Exported products likely included typical products attested in later accounts such as ivory, mangrove, iron, and possibly captives, although no contemporary account mentions these coming from Zanzibar.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-16-110622881)
Despite Unguja's relatively small size and its modest external trade, the town's importance had been exaggerated by some medievalists as the possible origin of the so-called Zanj slaves who led a revolt in Abassid Iraq from 869 and 883. This has however been challenged in recent scholarship, showing that actual Zanj slaves were a minority in the revolt. Not only because the very ambiguous ethnonym of 'Zanj' was applied to a wide variety of people from africa who were in Iraq, but also because most rebel leaders of the Zanj revolt were free and their forces included many non-africans.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-17-110622881)
Additionally, there's also little mention of slave trade from the Swahili coast before 950 in accounts written during the period just after the revolt[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-18-110622881) (the account of al-Masudi, who visited Pemba in 916, only mentions ivory trade). There's also little mention of slave trade in the period between 960 and the Portuguese arrival of 1499; (the secondary account of Ibn Shahriyar in 945 which does mention an incident of slave capture was copied by later scholars, but Ibn Batutta's first hand account in the 1330s makes no mention of the trade.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-19-110622881))
Furthermore, the moderate volumes from the east African coast between the 15th and 18th century were derived from secondary trade in Madagascar prior to the trade's expansion in the 19th century. The Swahili cities were too military weak to obtain captives from war, and their external trade was too dependent on transshipment from other ports (their "exports" were mostly re-exports).[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-20-110622881)
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**Zanzibar between the 12th and 15th century: The rise of Tumbatu**
Unguja Ukuu gradually declined after 1100 when its last ruler is attested[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-21-110622881). During this period, the island of Zanzibar appears to have gone through a period of settlement reorganization coinciding with the expansion of other Swahili city-states along the coast, and the emergence of new settlements on Zanzibar. This includes the town of Tumbatu, which emerged on the small island of Tumbatu around 1100 and remained the largest on the Island until the 14th century,[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-22-110622881) and other settlements, e.g at stone town.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-23-110622881)
By the 13th century, Tumbatu was a relatively large city of large coral houses with associated kiosks and atleast three monumental mosques. The rulers at Tumbatu struck coins of silver and copper between the 12th and 14th century, which share stylistic similarities with those later attested at Kilwa.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-24-110622881) The mosque at Tumbatu followed the design established at Unguja and kizimkazi with a few additions including the use of floriate Kufic and a trefoil arch. The rise of Tumbatu benefited other towns such as Shangani and Fukuchani which all show significant settlement expansion during the 13th century.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-25-110622881)
Tumbatu declined after 1350 following a sudden and violent abandonment with signs of burning and deliberate destruction of houses and its mosques, and its elites most likely moved to Kilwa.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-26-110622881) The famous globetrotter Ibn Battua also failed to mention Tumbatu (or even Zanzibar island) during his visit to the Swahili coast, in stark contrast to the city’s prominence one century prior. However, settlements on the island of Zanzibar itself would continue to flourish especially at Shangani and Fukuchani. The discovery of both local and foreign coins at both sites, as well as the continued importation of Islamic glazed wares and Chinese celadon, demonstrates the continuity of Zanzibar's commercial significance.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-27-110622881)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!owd-!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F253e7294-0b07-46a4-a7f3-96d791345ed4_900x507.jpeg)
_**Friday mosque at Tumbatu**_
* * *
[Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share)
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**Zanzibar from the 15th to the 18th century: The Portuguese era**
More settlements emerged on Zanzibar island at Uroa and Chwaka around the late 14th/early 15th century, and the ruined town of Unguja Ukuu was reoccupied prior to the Portuguese arrival in the 1480s. Like many of its Swahili peers, Zanzibar's encounter with the Portuguese was initially antagonistic. Unguja was sacked by the Portuguese in 1499, with the reported deaths of several hundred and the capture of 4 local ships from its harbour.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-28-110622881) And in 1503 20 Swahili vessels loaded with food (cereal) were captured by the Portuguese off the coast of Zanzibar.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-29-110622881)
However, some of the states on Zanzibar (presumably those on the western coast of the island) whose political interests were constrained by Mombasa's hegemony would ally with the Portuguese against their old foe. In 1523, emissaries from Zanzibar requested and obtained Portuguese military assistance in re-taking the Quirimbas Islands (in northern Mozambique) that were under Mombasa's suzerainty. By 1528, Zanzibar's elites welcomed Portuguese fleet and offered it provisions in its fight against Mombasa. And by 1571, a ‘king’ from Zanzibar also obtained Portuguese military assistance in putting down a rebellious mainland town.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-30-110622881)
Like other Swahili city-states, the political system on Zanzibar island would have been directed by an assembly of representatives of patrician lineage groups, and an elected head of government. The titles of "King" and "Queen" used in Portuguese accounts for the leading elites of Zanzibar were therefore not accurate descriptors of their political power.
The pacification of Mombasa in 1589 was followed by the establishment of a Portuguese colonial administration along the Swahili coast that lasted until 1698, within which Zanzibar was included. The colonial authority was represented by the ‘Fort Jesus' at Mombasa, a few garrisons at Malindi, and a few factors in various cities. It was relatively weak, the token annual tribute was rarely submitted, and rebellions marked most of its history. However, the pre-existing exchanges on Zanzibar -- especially its Ivory, cloth and timber trade-- were further expanded by the presence of Portuguese traders.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-31-110622881)
The western towns of Shangani and Forodhani emerged around the 16th century, and became the nucleus of Mji Mkongwe (Old Town), later known as 'stone town' . The residence of a Portuguese factor was built near Forodhani in 1528, rebuilt in 1571, and was noted there by an English vessel in 1591. An Augustinian mission church was also built around 1612 supported by a small Portuguese community. [32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-32-110622881)
But the northern and southern parts of the Island appear to have remained out of reach for the weak colonial administration at stone-town. The settlements of Fukuchani and Mvuleni which are dated to the 16th century feature large fortified houses of local construction that were initially thought to be linked to Portuguese agricultural activities. But given the complete absence of the sites in Portuguese accounts and their lack of any Portuguese material, both settlements are largely seen as home to local communities mostly independent of Portuguese control.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-33-110622881)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Zw5F!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb12e1f0d-da7c-4a44-b7d0-740418204391_960x720.jpeg)
_**ruined house at Fukuchani**_
The growing resistance against the Portuguese presence especially by the northern Swahili city of Pate led to its elite to invite the Alawi family of Hadrami sharifs. Swahili patricians seeking to elevate the prestige of their lineages entered into matrimonial alliances with some of the Alawis, creating new dynastic clans.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-34-110622881)In stone-town, the dynastic Mwinyi Mkuu lineage entered matrimonial alliances with the Sayyid Alawi with Hadrami and Pate origins. These Zanzibari elites therefore adopted the nisba of Alawi, but the Alawi themselves had little political influence, as shown by the continued presence of women sovereigns in Zanzibar.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-35-110622881)
By 1650 stone-town’s queen Mwana Mwema who’d been allied with the Portuguese joined other Swahili elites in rebellion by forming alliances with the Ya'rubid dynasty of Oman. In 1651, Mwana Mwema invited a Ya'rubid fleet which killed and captured 50-60 Portuguese resident on the island, and she called for further reinforcements by sending two of her ships. However, the reinforcements didn’t arrive, and the elites of Kaole —stone-town's rival city on the mainland— would ally with the Portuguese to force the Queen out of Zanzibar by 1652.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-36-110622881)
By the late 1690s, there were further rebellions led by Mombasa and Pate which invited the Ya'rubids to oust the Portuguese, but stone-town's elites didn't feature in this revolt. Stone-town’s queen Fatuma Binti Hasan was still a Portuguese ally by the time of the Ya'rubid siege of fort Jesus in 1696-1698, and her residence was located next to the church at Forodhani. Stone-town and other allied Swahili cities sent provisions to the besieged Portuguese and allied forces at Fort Jesus, which invited retaliation from the Ya'rubids and allied cities.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-37-110622881)
After expelling the Portuguese, the Ya'rubids imposed their authority on most of the Swahili coast by 1699 by placing armed garrisons in several forts, and deposing non-allied local elites like Fatuma to Oman. In stone-town, the church at Forodhani was converted into a small fortress by 1700[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-38-110622881).
But Yaʿrubid control of the Swahili coast was lost during the Omani civil war from 1719 to 1744, during which time stone-town was ruled by Fatuma's son Hasan.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-39-110622881) This war was felt in stone-town in 1726, when a (Mazrui) Omani faction based in Mombasa attacked a rival faction in stone-town, resulting in a five-month siege of the Old Fort. The defenders left stone-town, and the Portuguese briefly used this conflict to reassert their control over Mombasa and stone-town from 1728 and 1729 but were later driven out. Stone-town reverted to the authority of the so-called Mwinyi Mkuu dynasty of local elites.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-40-110622881)
Other towns on the island such as Kizimkazi continued to flourish under local control during the mid to late 18th century.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-41-110622881) According to traditions, the population of southern Zanzibar extending from Stone-town to Kizimkazi were called the maKunduchi (kae) while those in the northern section of the island were called the waTumbatu. Kizimikazi's mosque was expanded around the year 1770 and this construction is attributed to a local ruler named Bakari who controlled the southern most section of the island.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-42-110622881)
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**Zanzibar from 1753-1873: From local autonomy to Oman control.**
Zanzibar's polities remained autonomous for most of the 18th century despite attracting foreign interest. In 1744, political power in Oman shifted to the Bu’saidi dynasty, who for most of the 18th century, failed to restore any of the Yaʿrubid alliances and possessions on the Swahili coast, except at stone-town.[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-43-110622881)
The Mwinyi Mkuu of stone-town sought out the protection of the Bu'saidi as a bulwark against Mazrui expansion, and allowed a governor to be installed in the old fort in 1746. The Mazrui would later besiege stone-town in 1753 but withdrew after infighting. Despite the alliance between stone-town's elites and the Busaidi, the latter's control was constrained by internal struggles in Oman and only one brief visit to stone-town was undertaken in 1784 by the then prince Sultan bin Ahmad.[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-44-110622881)
Sultan bin Ahmad later ascended to the Oman throne at Muscat in 1792 but died in 1804 and was succeeded by his son Seyyid Said. Events following the victory of Lamu against Mombasa and Pate around 1813, compelled the Lamu elites to invite Seyyid's forces and stave off a planned reprisal from Mombasa. Seyyid forged more alliances along the coast, garrisoned his soldiers in forts and increasing his authority in stone town.[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-45-110622881)
In 1828 Said bin Sultan made the first visit by a reigning Busaid sultan to the Swahili coast, shortly after commissioning the construction of his palace at Mtoni. His visits to Zanzibar became increasingly frequent, and by 1840 stone-town had become his main residence. Contrary to earlier scholarship, the shift from Muscat to stone-town was largely because Seyyid's authority was challenged in Oman, while stone-town offered a relatively secure location for his political and commercial interests.[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-46-110622881)
Seyyid's control of stone-town was largely nominal as it was in Lamu, Pate and Mombasa. Effective control amounted to nothing more than a nominal allegiance by the local elites (like in Tumbatu and stone-town) who retained near autonomy, they occasionally shared authority with an appointed 'governor' and customs officer assisted by a garrison of soldiers.[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-47-110622881)
The Mwinyi Mkuus ruled from their capital at Mbweni during the reign of Seyyid (1840-1856) and his successor Majid (1856-1870). The most notable among whom was Muhammad bin Ahmed bin Hassan Alawi also known as King Muhamadi (1845-1865), he moved his capital from Mbweni to Dunga where he built his palace in 1856. He held near complete political power until his death in 1865, and was succeeded by his son Ahmed bin Muhammad[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-48-110622881).
The last Mwinyi Mkuu Ahmed died in 1873, and the reigning Sultan Barghash (r. 1870-1888) refused to install another Mwinyi Mkuu, formally marking the end of Stone-town’s autonomy.[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-49-110622881) The gradual expansion of Sultan Barghash's authority followed the abolition of the preexisting administration, and the island was governed directly by himself shortly before most of his domains were in turn taken over by the Germans and the British in 1885[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-50-110622881).
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ttVf!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F89800cd0-402c-4e4b-8509-566c56e99cf8_578x684.jpeg)
_**The Mwinyi Mkuu of stone-town; Muhammad bin Ahmed bin Hassan Alawi, with his son, the last Mwinyi Mkuu Ahmed.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!aDff!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F424a203f-85a9-46fd-9e10-117c301fb9fa_855x608.png)
_**The Mwinyi Mkuu’s palace at Dunga, ca. 1920**_
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**Zanzibar was one of several cosmopolitan African states whose envoys traveled more than 7,000 kilometers to initiate contacts with China**, Read more about this fascinating history here:
[HISTORICAL LINKS BETWEEN AFRICA & CHINA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/80113224?pr=true)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!c6GR!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcab8ef93-4c8e-439e-a2c7-7d8d3ee99c9f_641x1120.jpeg)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-1-110622881)
Map by Ania Kotarba-Morley
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-2-110622881)
Continental Island Formation and the Archaeology of Defaunation on Zanzibar, Eastern Africa, M Prendergast et al
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-3-110622881)
The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 107, 138)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-4-110622881)
The Swahili: Reconstructing the History and Language of an African Society pg 50-51
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-5-110622881)
The Swahili and the Mediterranean worlds by A. Juma pg 148-153
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-6-110622881)
The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 142, 109, 241)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-7-110622881)
The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 143, 170-174)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-8-110622881)
Unguja Ukwu on Zanzibar by A. Juma pg 19-20, 62, 73, 137,-143
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-9-110622881)
The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 241, 489-490)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-10-110622881)
The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 170)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-11-110622881)
Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture by by J. de V. Allen pg 186, 146, The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 372)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-12-110622881)
Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture & the Shungwaya Phenomenon By James De Vere Allen pg 146, 186-188
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-13-110622881)
The Battle of Shela by RL Pouwels pg 381)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-14-110622881)
[link](https://urbanecologyzanzibar.wordpress.com/gallery/)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-15-110622881)
Unguja Ukwu on Zanzibar by A. Juma pg 140
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-16-110622881)
The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 143-144, 241)
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-17-110622881)
East Africa in the Early Indian Ocean World Slave Trade by G. Campbell pg 275-281, The Zanj Rebellion Reconsidered by G. H. Talhami _**(A. Popovic’s critique of Talhami relies solely on medieval texts to estimate the first coastal settlements and their links to the Zanj, this is taken on by M. Horton but the evidence on the ground is lacking as G. Campell argues)**_
Estimates for the population of rebelling slaves in 800-870 revolt would have required a volume of trade just as high as in the 19th century when the trade was efficiently organized, making them even more unlikely, see “Early exchanges between Africa and the Indian ocean world by G Campbell pg 292-294,
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-18-110622881)
The one contemporary source was al-Jāḥiẓ (d. 868), himself a grandson of an ex-slave, wrote that captives came from _**“forests and valleys of Qanbuluh**_” [Pemba] and they are not genuine/native Zanj but were _**“our menials, our lower orders”**_ while the native Zanj _**“are in both Qambalu and Lunjuya [**_ Unguja—Zanzibar _**]”,**_ taken from “Early exchanges between Africa and the Indian ocean world by G Campbell pg 290
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-19-110622881)
Les cités - États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 78
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-20-110622881)
Slave Trade and Slavery on the Swahili Coast 1500–1750 by Thomas Vernet
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-21-110622881)
Unguja Ukwu on Zanzibar by A. Juma pg 84, 154
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-22-110622881)
The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 242)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-23-110622881)
Excavations at the Old Fort of Stone Town, Zanzibar by Timothy power and Mark Horton pg 278)
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-24-110622881)
The Indian Ocean and Swahili Coast coins by John Perkins
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-25-110622881)
The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 242, 493)
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-26-110622881)
A Thousand Years of East Africa by JEG Sutton’
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-27-110622881)
The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 242
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-28-110622881)
The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 243)
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-29-110622881)
Les cités - États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 69)
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-30-110622881)
Les cités - États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 83-84, 88)
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-31-110622881)
Les cités - États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 119-128, 88)
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-32-110622881)
The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 243, Les cités - États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 87, Excavations at the Old Fort of Stone Town, Zanzibar by Timothy power and Mark Horton pg 281, Swahili Culture Knappert pg 144) )
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-33-110622881)
The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 243)
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-34-110622881)
Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 39-43)
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-35-110622881)
Les cités - États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 165)
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-36-110622881)
Les cités - États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 301-302, Excavations at the Old Fort of Stone Town, Zanzibar by Timothy power and Mark Horton pg 281)
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-37-110622881)
Les cités - États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 373, The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 243)
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-38-110622881)
Zanzibar Stone Town: An Architectural Exploration by A. Sheriff pg 8, Excavations at the Old Fort of Stone Town, Zanzibar by Timothy power and Mark Horton pg 284)
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-39-110622881)
The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 531)
[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-40-110622881)
Trade and Empire in Muscat and Zanzibar By M. Reda Bhacker pg 80, Slaves, Spices and Ivory in Zanzibar by Abdul Sheriff pg 26-27)
[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-41-110622881)
The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 295)
[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-42-110622881)
The Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition, pg 247, The African Archaeology Network by J Kinahan pg 110
[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-43-110622881)
Slaves, Spices and Ivory in Zanzibar by Abdul Sheriff pg 20-21)
[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-44-110622881)
Excavations at the Old Fort of Stone Town, Zanzibar by Timothy power and Mark Horton pg 285, The Land of Zinj By C.H. Stigland pg 24)
[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-45-110622881)
The Battle of Shela by RL Pouwels, Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 99)
[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-46-110622881)
Trade and Empire in Muscat and Zanzibar By M. Reda Bhacker pg 88-95, 99-100)
[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-47-110622881)
Trade and Empire in Muscat and Zanzibar By M. Reda Bhacker pg 97)
[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-48-110622881)
Seyyid Said Bin Sultan by Abdallah Salih Farsy pg 34-35
[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-49-110622881)
Seyyid Said Bin Sultan by Abdallah Salih Farsy pg 35
[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the#footnote-anchor-50-110622881)
Swahili Port Cities: The Architecture of Elsewhere by Sandy Prita Meier 103-105
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Published Time: 2024-06-16T14:54:37+00:00
A muslim kingdom in the Ethiopian highlands: the history of Ifat and Adal ca. 1285-1520.
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A muslim kingdom in the Ethiopian highlands: the history of Ifat and Adal ca. 1285-1520.
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During the late Middle Ages, the northern Horn of Africa was home to some of the continent's most powerful dynasties, whose history significantly shaped the region's social landscape.
The history of one of these dynasties, often referred to as the Solomonids, has been sufficiently explored in many works of African history. However, the history of their biggest political rivals, known as the Walasma dynasty of Ifat, has received less scholarly and public attention, despite their contribution to the region’s cultural heritage.
This article outlines the history of the Walasma kingdoms of Ifat and Adal, which influenced the emergence and growth of many Muslim societies in the northern Horn of Africa.
_**Map of the northern Horn of Africa during the early 16th century.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-1-145667530)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!TQtk!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F145af03f-2d38-4807-b120-ad8bec20f787_491x553.png)
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* * *
**Background to the Ifat kingdom: the enigmatic polity of Šawah.**
Near the end of the 13th century, an anonymous scholar in the northern Horn of Africa composed a short chronicle titled _**Ḏikr at-tawārīḫ**_ (ie: “the Annals”), that primarily dealt with the rise and demise of a polity called ‘Šawah’ which flourished from 1063 to 1290 CE. The text describes the sultanate of Šawah as comprised of several urban settlements, with the capital at Walalah, and outlying towns like Kālḥwr, and Ḥādbayah, that were controlled by semi-autonomous rulers of a dynasty called the Maḫzūmī.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-2-145667530)
The author of the _**Ḏikr at-tawārīḫ's**_ notes the presence of a scholarly elite in Šawah, was aware of the sack of Baghdad in 1258 by the _**‘Tatars’**_ (Mongols) , and mentions that the state’s judicial system was headed by a _**‘qāḍī al-quḍā’**_ (ie: “cadi of the cadis”). The text also mentions a few neighboring Muslim societies like Mūrah, ʿAdal, and Hūbat. The information provided in the chronicle is corroborated by a Mumluk-Egyptian text describing an Ethiopian embassy in 1292, which notes that _**“Among the kings of Abyssinia is Yūsuf b. Arsmāya, master of the territory of Ḥadāya, Šawā, Kalǧur, and their districts, which are dominated by Muslim kings.”**_[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-3-145667530)
The composition of the chronicle of Šawah represents an important period in the emergence of Muslim societies in north-eastern regions of modern Ethiopia, which also appears extensively across the region’s archeological record, where many inscribed tombs, mosques, and imported goods were found dated between the 11th and 15th century, particularly [in the region of Harlaa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-harar-the-city).
While the towns of Šawah are yet to be found, the remains of contemporaneous Muslim societies were generally urbanized and were associated with long-distance trade that terminated at the coastal city of Zayla. It’s in this context that the kingdom of Ifāt (ኢፋት) emerged under its founder Wālī ʾAsmaʿ (1285–1289), whose state eclipsed and subsumed most of the Muslim polities across the region including Šawā.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-4-145667530)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!vOac!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F923da5d0-ca0c-4d1b-a6b2-704cb7d91fab_608x557.png)
_**Important polities in the northern Horn during the late middle ages, including the Muslim states of Ifat, Adal, Hadya and Sawah.**_[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-5-145667530)
* * *
**The Walasma kingdom of Ifat during the 14th century.**
In the late 13th century, Wālī Asma established an alliance with Yǝkunno Amlak —founder of the Solomonic dynasty of the medieval Christian kingdom of Ethiopia— acknowledging the suzerainty of the latter in exchange for military support. Wālī ʾAsma’s growing power threatened the last ruler of Šawah; Sultan Dilmārrah, who attempted to appease the former through a marital alliance in 1271. Ultimately, the armies of Wālī Asma attacked Šawah in 1277, deposed its Maḫzūmī rulers, and imposed their power on the whole region, including the polities at Mūrah, ʿAdal, and Hūbat, which were conquered by 1288.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-6-145667530)
The establishment of the Ifat kingdom coincided with the expansion of the power of the Solomonids, who subsumed many neighboring states including Christian kingdoms like Zagwe, as well as Muslim and 'pagan' kingdoms. By the 14th century, the balance of power between the Solomonids and the Walasma favored the former. The rulers of Ifat were listed among the several tributaries mentioned in the chronicle of the ʿAmdä Ṣǝyon (r. 1314-1344), whose armies greatly expanded the Solomonid state. The Walasma sultan then sent an embassy to Mamluk Egypt’s sultan al-Nasir in 1322 to intercede with Amdä Ṣǝyon on behalf of the Muslims.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-7-145667530)
It’s during this period that detailed descriptions of Ifat appear in external texts, primarily written by the Mamluks, such as the accounts of Abū al-Fidā' (1273-1331) and later al-Umari in the 1330s. According to al-Fidā' the capital of Ifat was _**"one of the largest cities in the Ḥabašā [Ethiopia]. There are about twenty stages between this town and Zayla. The buildings of Wafāt are scattered. The abode of royalty is on one hill and the citadel is on another hill"**_. Al-Umari writes that Ifat was the most important of the _**"seven kingdoms of Muslim Abyssinia.**_" He adds that _**"Awfāt is closest to Egyptian territory and the shores facing Yemen and has the largest territory. Its king reigns over Zaylaʿ; it is the name of the port where merchants going to this kingdom approach."**_[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-8-145667530)
The Sultanate of Ifat is the best documented among the Muslim societies of the northern Horn during the Middle Ages, and its archeological sites are the best studied. The account of the 14th-century account of al-Umari and the 15th-century chronicle of Amdä Ṣeyon (r. 1314-1344) both describe several cities in the territory of Ifat that refer to the provincial capitals of the kingdom. These textural accounts are corroborated by the archeological record, with at least five ruined cities —Asbari, Masal, Rassa Guba, Nora, and Beri-Ifat— having been identified in its former territory and firmly dated to the 14th century.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-9-145667530)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!igDL!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F971ab563-b468-4a24-b65b-49e72c2999c5_1000x664.jpeg)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!XVzQ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4bb6de08-618e-49a1-a8ca-8595ed4a4267_1000x664.jpeg)
_**ruins of the mosques at Beri-Ifat and Nora.**_[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-10-145667530)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!wweL!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fae1778ba-3537-4207-99b3-28ca4c9bd0af_806x607.png)
_**Location of the archeological sites of Ifat and the kingdom’s center.**_
The largest archeological sites at Nora, Beri-Ifat, and Asbari had city walls, remains of residential buildings preserved to a height of over 2-3 meters, and an urban layout with streets and cemeteries, set within a terraced landscape. The material culture of the sites includes some imported wares from the Islamic world, but was predominantly local, and included iron rods that were used as currency. Each of the cities and towns possessed a main mosque in addition to neighborhood mosques (or oratories) in larger cities like Nora, built in a distinctive architectural style that characterized most of the settlements in Ifat.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-11-145667530)
The above archeological discoveries corroborate al-ʿUmarī’s account, which notes that _**“there are, in these seven kingdoms, cathedral mosques, ordinary mosques and oratories.”,**_ and the city layout of Beri-Ifat is similar to the account provided by al-Fidā', who notes that the capital’s buildings were scattered. The discovery of inscribed tombs of a _**“sheikh of the Walasmaʿ”**_ of Šāfiʿite school who died in 1364, also corroborates al-Umari's accounts of this school's importance in Ifat, as well as the providing evidence for the origin of the [diasporic scholarly community known as the](https://www.patreon.com/posts/intellectual-and-97830282)_**[Zaylāiʿ](https://www.patreon.com/posts/intellectual-and-97830282)**_[at the important Shāfiʿī college of al-Azhar in Cairo](https://www.patreon.com/posts/intellectual-and-97830282).[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-12-145667530)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!HVP9!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F59804888-1c64-46ba-9c3e-c1eb5b68e0bf_1000x664.jpeg)
_**Mosque of Ferewanda, part of the city of Beri-Ifat.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!nBmc!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F730f8a72-7660-4950-8229-0cbbd69552b0_1000x667.jpeg)
_**Square house with a wall niche at the site of Nora**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!2K30!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F11ce4133-3605-4967-98e2-7e79ae7be3bb_580x439.png)
_**Tomb T8 near the sultan’s residence close to the mosque of Beri-Ifat. It belongs to sultan al-Naṣrī b. ʿAlī [Naṣr] b. Ṣabr al-Dīn b. Wālāsma, and is dated Saturday 15 ṣafar 775 h., [i.e. August 6, 1373]**_
* * *
**Trade, warfare, and the decline of Ifat.**
According to Al-ʿUmarī, the kingdom of Ifat dominated trade because of its geographical position near the coast and its control of Zayla, from where imports of _**“silk and linen fabrics"**_ were obtained. Later accounts describe trading cities like “Manadeley” where one could _**"find every kind of merchandise that there is in the world, and merchants of all nations, also all the languages of the Moors, from Giada, from Morocco, Fez, Bugia, Tunis, Turks, Roumes from Greece, Moors of India, Ormuz and Cairo"**_.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-13-145667530)
Another important trading city of Ifat was Gendevelu, which appears in internal accounts as Gendabelo since the 14th century and likely corresponds to the archeological site of Asbari. External descriptions of the city mention _**"caravans of camels unload their merchandise"**_ and _**"the currency is Hungarian and Venetian ducats, and the silver coins of the Moors."**_ While the rulers of Ifat didn’t mint their own coins, most sources note the use of imported silver coins, as well as commodity currencies like cloth and iron rods.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-14-145667530)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!_RMO!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7342bf6a-67de-41a1-afd1-5deb517e3cd4_1408x594.jpeg)
_**The main mosque of Asbari.**_[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-15-145667530)
Much of the political history of Ifat was provided in an internal chronicle titled _**'Taʾrīḫ al-Walasmaʿ**_ written in the 16th century, as well as an external account by the Mamluk historian al-Maqrīzī in 1438. Both texts describe a major dynastic split in the Walasma family of Ifat that occurred in the late 14th century, between those who wanted to continue recognizing the suzerainty of the Solomonids, and those who rejected it. According to al-Maqrizi, the Solomonids could install and depose the Walasma rulers at will, retain some of the Ifat royals at their court, and often provided military aid to those allied with them.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-16-145667530)
In the 1370s, sultan Ali of Ifat was aided by the armies of the Ethiopian emperor in fighting a rebellion led by Ali's rival Ḥaqq al-Dīn (r. 1376–1386), who established a separate kingdom away from the capital. After the destruction of the Ifat capital during the dynastic conflict, and the death of Ḥaqq al-Dīn in a war with the Solomonids, his brother Saʿd al-Dīn continued the rebellion but was defeated near Zayla around 1409[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-17-145667530). In response to the continuous conflict, the Solomonids formerly incorporated the territories of Ifat, appointed Christian governors who adopted the name Walasmaʿ (in Gǝʿǝz, _wäläšma_), deployed garrisons of their own soldiers, and established royal capitals in Ifat territory.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-18-145667530)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!leaP!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5f9bdf20-2176-4412-b314-d34868c88023_1051x587.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Dxfz!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbacdbb7c-e896-4335-9a4c-d5de0a949ff3_1053x590.png)
_**The mosque of Jéʾértu**_.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-19-145667530)
* * *
**The re-establishment of Walasma power in the 15th century until their demise in 1520.**
After the death of Saʿd al-Dīn, his family took refuge in Yemen, at the court of the Rasūlid sultan Aḥmad b. al-Ašraf Ismāʿil (r. 1400–1424). Saʿd al-Dīn's oldest son, Ṣabr al-Dīn (r. 1415–1422), later came back to Ethiopia, to a place called al-Sayāra, in the eastern frontier of the province of Ifat, where the soldiers who had served under his father joined him. They established a new sultanate, called Barr Saʿd al-Dīn (“Land of Saʿd al-Dīn”) which appears as Adal in the chronicles of the Solomonid rulers, who were by then in control of the territory of Ifat.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-20-145667530)
Beginning in 1433, the Walasma rulers of Barr Saʿd al-Dīn established their capital at Dakar, which likely corresponds to the ruined sites of Derbiga and Nur Abdoche located near the old city of Harar. They imposed their power over many pre-existing Muslim polities including Hūbat, the city of Zaylaʿ, the Ḥārla region surrounding Harar, and parts of northern Somalia. An emir was appointed by the sultan to head each territory, with the prerogative of levying taxes (ḫarāǧ and zakāt) on the population.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-21-145667530)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!OrWw!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Feecb3ed4-62e3-415d-91e5-22c5027c4c9c_580x404.png)
_**The Derbiga mosque in 1922**_[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-22-145667530)
The Walasma rulers at Dakar reportedly maintained fairly cordial relations with the Solomonids in order to facilitate trade, but wars between their two states continued especially during the reigns of the sultans Ṣabr al-Dīn (r. 1415–1422), Manṣūr (r. 1422–1424), Ǧamāl al-Dīn (r. 1424–1433) and Badlāy (r. 1433–1445). Repeated incursions into 'Adal' by the armies of the Solomonid monarchs compelled some of the former's dependents to pay tribute to the latter, and in 1480, Dakar itself was sacked by the armies of Eskender (r. 1478-1494).[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-23-145667530)
However, by the early 16th century, the armies of the Walasma begun conducting their own incursions into the Solomonid state. The sultan Muḥammad b. Saʿd ad-Dıˉn, who had the longest reign from 1488 to around 1517, is known to have undertaken annual expeditions against the territories controlled by the Solomonids. After the death of Sultan Muḥammad, the kingdom experienced a period of instability during which several illegitimate rulers followed each other in close succession and a figure named Imām Aḥmad rose to prominence.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-24-145667530)
The tumultuous politics of this period are described in detail by two internal chronicles written during this period. The first one, titled _**Taʾrıkh al-Walasmaʿ**_, was in favor of Sultan Muḥammad’s only legitimate successor, Sultan Abū Bakr (r. 1518-1526), while the other chronicle, _**Taʾrıkh al-muluk**_, favored Imām Aḥmad’s camp. Both agree on the shift of the sultanate’s capital from Dakar to the city of Harar in July 1520, but the former text ends with this event while the latter begins with it. This shift marked the decline of Sultan Abū Bakr’s power and was followed by his death at the hands of Imām Aḥmad who effectively became the real authority in the sultanate, while the Walasma lost their authority[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-25-145667530).
Imām Aḥmad would then undertake a series of campaigns that eventually brought most of the territory controlled by the Solomonids under his control, briefly creating one of Africa’s largest empires at the time, and beginning a new era in the region’s history.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!5l_K!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F49401fa3-c82f-4e06-bcd2-aa7f5056b011_1348x559.png)
_Panorama of Harar and its hinterland in 1944, quai branly_
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-anchor-1-145667530)
Map by Matteo Salvadore
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-anchor-2-145667530)
Le Dikr at-tawārīḫ (dite Chronique du Šawā) : nouvelle édition et traduction du Vatican arabe 1792, f. 12v-13r by Damien Labadie, A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 93-94)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-anchor-3-145667530)
A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 94-95)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-anchor-4-145667530)
A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 95-96)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-anchor-5-145667530)
Map by Taddesse Tamrat
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-anchor-6-145667530)
A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 94, 99)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-anchor-7-145667530)
Ethiopia and the Red Sea The Rise and Decline of the Solomonic Dynasty and Muslim European Rivalry in the Region by Mordechai Abir pg 22-24, A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 99-100)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-anchor-8-145667530)
Le sultanat de l’Awfāt, sa capitale et la nécropole des Walasma by François-Xavier Fauvelle, Bertrand Hirsch et Amélie Chekroun, prg 6, 61-62)
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-anchor-9-145667530)
A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 106, Le sultanat de l’Awfāt, sa capitale et la nécropole des Walasma by François-Xavier Fauvelle, Bertrand Hirsch et Amélie Chekroun prg 26-28)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-anchor-10-145667530)
**this and all other photos (except where stated) are from the French Archaeological Mission, 2008, 2009, 2010 led by François-Xavier Fauvelle**
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-anchor-11-145667530)
Le sultanat de l’Awfāt, sa capitale et la nécropole des Walasma by François-Xavier Fauvelle, Bertrand Hirsch et Amélie Chekroun prg 29-40, 55-59)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-anchor-12-145667530)
Le sultanat de l’Awfāt, sa capitale et la nécropole des Walasma by François-Xavier Fauvelle, Bertrand Hirsch et Amélie Chekroun prg 63, 77, A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 106-107.
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-anchor-13-145667530)
A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 108-109, 110-111)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-anchor-14-145667530)
In Search of Gendabelo, the Ethiopian “Market of the World” of the 15th and 16th Centuries by Amélie Chekroun, Ahmed Hassen Omer and Bertrand Hirsch
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-anchor-15-145667530)
photo from the Nora/Gendebelo Program 2009
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-anchor-16-145667530)
A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 100)
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-anchor-17-145667530)
Entre Arabie et Éthiopie chrétienne : le sultan walasma‘ Sa‘d al-Dīn et ses fils by Amélie Chekroun
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-anchor-18-145667530)
Le sultanat de l’Awfāt, sa capitale et la nécropole des Walasma by François-Xavier Fauvelle, Bertrand Hirsch et Amélie Chekroun prg 66-73, Ethiopia and the Red Sea The Rise and Decline of the Solomonic Dynasty and Muslim European Rivalry in the Region by Mordechai Abir pg 26-27.
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-anchor-19-145667530)
Notes on the survey of Islamic Archaeological sites in South-Eastern Wallo (Ethiopia) by Deresse Ayenachew and Assrat Assefa
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-anchor-20-145667530)
A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 102
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-anchor-21-145667530)
Dakar, capitale du sultanat éthiopien du Barr Sa‘d addīn by Amélie Chekroun, A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly 108, Harar as the capital city of the Barr Saʿd ad-Dıˉn by Amélie Chekroun pg 27-28
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-anchor-22-145667530)
photo by Azaïs & Chambard 1931
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-anchor-23-145667530)
Ethiopia and the Red Sea The Rise and Decline of the Solomonic Dynasty and Muslim European Rivalry in the Region by Mordechai Abir pg 31-32, A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 104, Dakar, capitale du sultanat éthiopien du Barr Sa‘d addīn by Amélie Chekroun prg 8)
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-anchor-24-145667530)
Harar as the capital city of the Barr Saʿd ad-Dıˉn by Amélie Chekroun pg 32-33
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian#footnote-anchor-25-145667530)
Harar as the capital city of the Barr Saʿd ad-Dıˉn by Amélie Chekroun pg 34-34, Dakar, capitale du sultanat éthiopien du Barr Sa‘d addīn by Amélie Chekroun
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Published Time: 2022-05-29T13:18:20+00:00
A network of African scholarship and a culture of Education: The intellectual history of west Africa through the biography of Hausa scholar Umaru al-Kanawi (1857-1934)
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A network of African scholarship and a culture of Education: The intellectual history of west Africa through the biography of Hausa scholar Umaru al-Kanawi (1857-1934)
=======================================================================================================================================================================
### The school systems of precolonial Africa.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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Research on Africa's intellectual history over the last few decades has uncovered the comprehensiveness of Africa's writing traditions across several societies; "There are at least eighty indigenous African writing traditions and up to ninety-five or more indigenous African writing traditions which belong to a major writing tradition attested to all over the continent". Africa has been moved from "continent without writing" to a continent whose written traditions are yet to be studied, and following the digitization of many archival libraries across the continent, there have been growing calls for a re-evaluation of African history using the writings of African scholars.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-1-56941956)
West African has long been recognized as one of the regions of the continent with an old intellectual heritage, and its discursive traditions have often been favorably compared with the wider Muslim world of which they were part. (West Africa integrated itself into the Muslim world through external trade and the adoption of Islam, in the same way Europe adopted Christianity from Palestine and eastern Asia adopted Buddhism from India during the medieval era). West African intellectual productions are thus localized and peculiar to the region, its education tradition developed within its local west African context, and its scholars created various ‘Ajami’ scripts for their languages to render sounds unknown in classical Arabic. These scholars travelled across several intellectual centers within the region, creating an influential social class that countered the power of the ruling elite and the wealthy, making African social institutions more equitable.
This article explores the education system of pre-colonial west Africa, and an overview of the region's intellectual network through the biography of the Hausa scholar Umaru al-Kanawi, whose career straddled both the pre-colonial and colonial period, and provides an accurate account of both eras of the African past.
_**Map of the intellectual network of 19th century westAfrica through which Umaru travelled**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!PhJJ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9238e1fa-7169-4bc2-8eaa-e40858deab96_754x713.png)
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**West Africa’s intellectual tradition: its Position in world history, its Education process, and the social class of Scholars.**
The political, economic and social milieu in which Islam was adopted across several west African states resulted in the incorporation of its aspects into pre-existing social structures, one of these aspects was the tradition of Islamic scholarship that flourished across several west African cities beginning in the 11th century. The quality of west African scholarship and its extent is well attested in several external and internal accounts. As early as the 12th century, a west African scholar named Yaqub al-Kanemi (“of Kanem”) who had been educated in west African schools became a celebrated grammarian and poet of the Moroccan and Andalusian (Spanish) courts [2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-2-56941956), in the 14th century, an Arab scholar accompanying Mansa Musa on his return trip from mecca realized his education was less than that of the resident west African scholars and was forced to take more lessons in order for him to become a qualified teacher in Timbuktu.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-3-56941956) Several external writers, including; Ibn Battuta in the 14th century, Leo Africanus in the 16th century, Mungo Park in the 18th century, and colonial governors in the 19th and 20th century, testified to the erudition of west African scholars, with French and English colonial officers observing that there were more west Africans that could read and write in Arabic than French and English peasants that could write in Latin[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-4-56941956). The terms "universities of Timbuktu" or "university of Sankore", despite their anachronism, are a reflection of the the advanced nature of scholarship in the region’s intellectual capitals.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!7_T4!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F012a20d8-4398-4df0-9109-33054581dc92_1523x1128.jpeg)
_**painting of 'Timbuctoo' in 1852, by Johann Martin Bernatz, based on explorer H. Barth’s sketches; the three mosques of Sankore, Sidi Yahya and Djinguereber are visible.**_
**Education process in west africa: teaching, tuition and subjects**
The scholarly tradition of west Africa was for much of its history individualized rather than institutionalized or centralized, with the mosques only serving as the locus for teaching classes on an adhoc basis, while most of the day-to-day teaching processes took place in scholar's houses using the scholar's own private libraries.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-5-56941956) The teacher, who was a highly learned scholar with a well established reputation, chose the individual subjects to teach over a period of time; ranging from a few months to several years depending on the level of the subject's complexity. The students were often in school for four days a week from Saturday to Tuesday (or upto Wednesday for advanced levels), setting off Wednesdays to work for their teachers, while Thursday and Friday are for rest and worship. By the 19th century, individual students paid their teachers a tuition of 30,000-10,000 cowries[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-6-56941956) every few months, to cover the materials used (paper, ink, writing boards, etc), and for the expenses the teacher incurs while housing the students, and the teachers also redistributed some of their earnings in their societies as alms.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-7-56941956)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!QpFr!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6a49291d-7af4-4d10-ba74-addecd09a4b1_988x627.png)
_**Hausa writing boards from the 20th century, Nigeria, (Minneapolis institute of arts, fine arts museum san francisco)**_
Elementary school involved writing, grammar, and memorizing the Quran, and often took 3-5 years. Advanced level schooling was where several subjects are introduced, for the core curriculum of most west African schools, these included; law/Jurisprudence (sources, schools, didactic texts, legal ̣ precepts and legal cases/opinions), Quranic Sciences, Theology, Sufism, Arabic language (literature, morphology, rhetoric, lexicons), studies about the the Prophet (history of early Islam, devotional poetry, hadiths)[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-8-56941956). The more advanced educated added dozens of subjects included; Medicine, Arithmetic, Astronomy, Astrology, Physics, Geography, and Philosophy among others.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-9-56941956) At the end of their studies, the student was awarded with an _**ijazah**_ by their teacher, this was a certificate that authorized the student to teach a subject, and thus linked the student to their teacher and earlier scholars of that subject.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-10-56941956) More often than not, a highly learned student would at this stage compose an autobiography, listing the subjects they have studied from each teacher.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ZGs9!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6df68568-534e-45fe-9cfc-8d852db33871_1348x622.png)
_**19th century manuscript by the philosopher Dan Tafa from Sokoto (Nigeria) listing the subjects he studied from various teachers (see [article about him](https://isaacsamuel.substack.com/p/a-19th-century-african-philosopher?s=w)). Astronomical manuscript from Gao, (Mali) written in 1731.**_
**Creating an intellectual network and growing a scholarly class: the Ulama versus the rulers, and the Ulama as the rulers.**
A common feature of west African teaching tradition (and in the wider Muslim world) was the preference by advanced-level students to travel across many scholarly centers to study different subjects from the most qualified scholar, rather than acquire them from one teacher (even if the teacher was familiar with many subjects).[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-11-56941956) Upon completing their studies, the students would often set out to establish their own schools. This "itinerant" form of schooling at an advanced level —which was especially prevalent in west African scholarly communities that didn't often practice the endowment of "fixed" colleges/madrassas[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-12-56941956)—, offered several advantages; besides greatly reducing the cost of establishing schools. The most visible advantage was the challenge faced by west African rulers in their attempts at bringing the scholarly class (Ulama) under central authority, this created the long-standing antagonistic dynamic between the Ulama and the ruling elites which served as a check on the authority of the latter —since the latter's legitimacy partly rested on concepts of power derived from the former— and resulted in both scholars and rulers maintaining a delicate equilibrium of power.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-13-56941956)
The Ulama were incorporated as one of the several "castes" in west Africa's social structures and were thus often excluded from direct political power despite their close interaction with rulers[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-14-56941956). This also meant the Ulama were not unaccustomed to condemning the excesses of the rulers as well as the wealthy merchant-elite, an example of this were the longstanding disputes between the scholars based in Timbuktu and Djenne, and the ruling class of the Songhai empire; eg when the djenne scholar Maḥmūd Baghayughu criticized the double taxation of Songhai emperor Askia Isḥāq Bēr (r. 1539-1549), the latter managed to short-circuit this challenge of his authority by appointing Baghayughu in the local government of Djenne putting him in charge of the very same taxation he was criticizing, Ishaq was employing the same political stratagem which his predecessors had used to curb the power of the Timbuktu-based Ulama[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-15-56941956). A similar antagonism between rulers and scholars prevailed in the Bornu empire, where the scholar Harjami (d. 1746) composed a lengthy work condemning the corruption, bribery and selfishness of Bornu's rulers, judges and wealthy elite.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-16-56941956) Harjami’s text became popular across west Africa and Egypt and was used by later scholars such as Sokoto founder Uthman Fodio in their critique of their own ruling elites[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-17-56941956). The influence a scholar like Harjami had that enabled him to openly challenge authority is best summarized by Umaru who writes that; "_**this type of Malam (teacher/scholar) has nothing to do with the ruler and the ruler has nothing to do with his, he is feared by the ruler**_".[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-18-56941956) Nevertheless, Bornu’s rulers also found ways to counter the challenge presented by such scholars, they granted some of the Ulama charters of privilege, generous tax advantages and land grants, which led to the emergence of official/state chroniclers such as Ibn Furṭū who wrote accounts of their patron's reigns.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-19-56941956)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!3sss!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa2160c98-30d3-4ce7-88e1-fc0681ca65ad_1292x573.png)
_**a critique of Bornu’s corruption by the 18th century Kanuri scholar Harjami in Gazargamu, Bornu (Nigeria)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!PIzk!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fea7c4515-2081-4e05-a75e-e1a81f2cb0f1_1347x628.png)
_**copies of the 16th century chronicles of Bornu, written by state chronicler Ahmad Ibn Furtu in Gazargamu, Nigeria (now at SOAS london)**_
By the 18th and 19th century, some among the Ulama were no longer seated on the political sidelines but overthrew the established authorities and founded various forms of "clerical" governments in what were later termed revolution states[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-20-56941956). Because of the necessities of governing, these clerical rulers left their itinerant tradition to became sedentary, establishing themselves in their capitals such as Sokoto, Hamdallaye, which became major centers of scholarship producing some of the largest corpus of works made in west african languages (rather than arabic). These clerical rulers’ radical shift away from itinerant tradition of education (and trade) to a settled life in centers of power, was such that despite their well-deserved reputation as highly educated with expertise on many subjects, few of them made the customary Hajj pilgrimage[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-21-56941956). On the other hand, the majority of west African scholars chose to remain outside the corridors of power, especially those engaged in long distance trade which put them in close interaction with non-Muslim states eg in the region of what is now ivory coast and ghana. Most of these scholars followed an established philosophy from the 15th century west African scholar Salim Suwari whose dicta outlined principles of co-existence between the Ulama in non-Muslim states and their rulers.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-22-56941956) These scholars therefore continued practicing the itinerant form of schooling and teaching, they established schools in different towns and remained critical of the ruling elite (including the later colonial governments). The biography of the Hausa scholar Umaru al-Kanawi (b.1858 – d.1934) embodies all these qualities.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Hs8v!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F072f2755-966a-40f1-869c-0c9c28cc6019_446x408.png)
_**photo of alHaji Umaru in the early 20th century.**_
* * *
**Short biography of Umaru: from Education in Kano (Nigeria), to trade in Salaga (Ghana) and to settlement in Kete (Togo)**
Umaru was born in the Kano in 1857[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-23-56941956) (Kano was/is a large city in the ‘Hausalands’ region of what is now northern Nigeria, and was in the 19th century under the Sokoto empire). He begun his elementary studies in the city of Kano at the age of 7, and had completed them at the age of 12. He immediately continued to advanced level studies in 1870 and had completed them by 1891. In between his advanced-level studies, he would accompany his father on trading trips to the city of Salaga in what is now northern Ghana (an important city connected to the Hausalands whose primary trade was kolanuts), from where he would occasionally take a detour away from the trading party to find local teachers and read their libraries. Umaru composed his first work in Kano in 1877; it was a comprehensive letter writing manual titled "'_al-Sarha al-wariqa fi'ilm al-wathiqa_" (_The thornless leafy tree concerning the knowledge of letterwriting_).[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-24-56941956) He wrote it as a request of his friends in Kano who wanted standard letters to follow in their correspondence. The epistolary style and formulae used in his work outlined standard letter writing between merchants of long-distance trade, letter writing to sovereigns, and letter writing for travelers on long distances.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-25-56941956)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!fThs!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3433cf80-771d-45b9-ad9a-0d7364458ef3_1320x611.png)
_**Umaru’s first work in 1877 (at the age pf 20); a 20-page letter writing manual; now at Kaduna National Archives, Nigeria (no. L/AR20/1)**_[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-26-56941956)
After his father passed away in 1883, Umaru moved to Sokoto for further studies, as well as to the cities of Gwandu and Argungu where he spent the majority of his time. Umaru also travelled to the lands of Dendi-Songhai, Mossi and Gurunsi for further studies between the years 1883 and 1891. Umaru completed his studies in 1891 at the age of 34 and was awarded his certificate by the teacher Sheikh Uthman who told him "_**you are a very learned man and it is time that you go and teach**_". During and after his studies, Umaru composed hundreds of books of which several dozen survive, most of them were written in Hausa and some in Arabic. Umaru decided to leave the Hausalands to settle in Salaga in 1891, a city which was familiar to him and where his relatives were already established.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-27-56941956) He arrived at Salaga when it —and much of northern Ghana— was in the process of being colonized by the British and the Germans, and the Anglo-German rivalry for the domination of the region continued until world war I. In Salaga, Umaru had many students including among his Hausa merchant community and the residents of the city, one of Umaru's students was the German linguist Gottlob Krause (d. 1938), an unusual figure among the crop of European explorers at the time, his interests appear to have been solely scientific, he was opposed to both colonial powers and lived off trade to support his research in Hausa history and language, he spoke Hausa fluently (the region’s lingua franca) and took on the name Malam musa, he studied under Umaru for a year until he left the town in 1894.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-28-56941956) Umaru also left Salaga shortly after, as the Asante kingdom’s withdraw from the town following the British defeat in 1874 had left the area volatile, leading to a ruinous civil war in 1891-1892 from which it didn’t recover its former prominence.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!d7om!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F25b32ef2-7224-47f1-a6f2-8680cce134c0_1000x663.jpeg)
_**Umar’s birthplace; The city of Kano, Nigeria. photo from the mid 20th century**_
Umaru moved to Kete-Krachi in 1896, in what was by the German colony of Togo, who had just seized the town in 1894.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-29-56941956) It was at Kete that he composed many of his works on west African history and society. Umaru had several students at Kete and when a dispute arose over the choice of an imam, the newly appointed German administrator of Kete in 1900, named Adam Mischlich, resolved it by asking the rival contenders to read the famous Arabic dictionary _**al-Qāmūs**_ by Firuzabadi (d. 1414) which Umaru was familiar with. Adam then became a student of Umaru, studying everything he could from him about the history and society of the Hausalands region (this was a personal interest since the Hausalands were firmly under British occupation with the only other contenders being the French). Adam wrote of his studies under Umaru as such; "_**… the intelligent and very gifted Imam Umoru from Kano, who having travelled through Hausaland and the Sudan, lived in Salaga, and had finally come to Kete, In Togo, He was in possession of a very well stocked library … Imam Umaru had seen and come to know a great part of africa, had broadened extraordinarily his intellectual horizon and could give information on any matter. He knew exactly the history of his country**_".[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-30-56941956)
**Umaru’s written works with critiques of the rulers of Sokoto and Salaga, and his anti-colonial writings against the British, French and Germans.**
Umaru’s works were often critical of the established governments in the places he lived and moved to; he strove to maintain a distance from the ruling authorities despite interacting with them, and his compositions of west African history reflect his mostly independent status outside the political apparatus. He was critical of the clerical rulers of Sokoto (that dominated the Hausalands) despite his identification with their religious aims.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-31-56941956) Writing that the rulers of Sokoto
"_**came into Kebbi and they were office-holders. The former (**_ Sokoto rulers _**) who were non-powerful, now conquered much, but they were not careful with their conquest. When they wanted to lodge at a house, they would tie the harnesses (**_ of the horses _**) in the courtyard (**_ it was not supposed for animals to enter it _**). There was no speaker (for the Kebbi people)**_".[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-32-56941956)
In another work ‘_**Tanbih al-ikhwān fi dhikr al-akhzān**_’ written in 1904, Umaru criticized the rulers of Salaga and the Muslim community there for their part in the civil war (as they had broken their non-participation custom to back one of the rivaling rulers who ultimately lost). he wrote that
“_**The people followed their whims and became corrupt, they gathered money and were overproud. They created enmity among themselves, hatred and distasteful cheating; In their town there was much snatching: salt, meat, alum, and cowries were taken from the market; clothing likewise. The rulers acted so tyrannically in public that they made their village like a cadaver on which they sat like vultures.**_"[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-33-56941956)
**Umaru’s anti-colonial works:**
Despite the presence of a colonial administrator as one of his students, Umaru's writing was unsurprisingly critical of colonialism, he composed three works in 1899, 1900 and 1903 that were wholly negative of the colonial government. One of his works in particular, titled ‘_**Wakar Nasara’**_ (Song of the Europeans) coolly summarizes the process of colonization of west Africa. He used the term _Nasara_ (translated: Christian/European/Whiteman) to mean British, French and German colonial officers.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-34-56941956)
"_**At first we are here in our land, our world.**_
_**Soon it was said, "there is no kola" and people said there was warfare between the Asante and the whiteman. Still later it was said, "Oh Asante is finished! their land, all of it, has been seized by the whiteman!"**_
_**As time went on, people said, Samory has come. He says that he will not run from the whiteman! He has his warriors and troops an other things he will use against the white man" Oh, lies were being told by the people, for the whiteman was able to drive him from his town and seize it!**_
_**Samory is seeking to lead but he was behind, looking over his shoulder to see if the whiteman was coming! As time went on, Prempeh got the news. Prempeh heard of Malam Samory who hated the whiteman. Immediately he sent messengers to him: "let us bring our heads together and route the white man!"**_
_**But the whiteman got wind of the news, and with cunningness seized Prempeh. Then they begun to march on Samory; the French, the English, both whitemen. Then Samory found himself caught in their hands: caught and taken to the town of the whiteman”**_
(This is a reference to the British-Asante war of 1874, the attempted alliance between Samory Ture and the Asante king Prempeh in 1895, and the subsequent British occupation of Asante in 1896 and exile of Samory in 1898; read more about it in [this article](https://isaacsamuel.substack.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn?s=w) )
he continues …
_**“Amhadu of Segu was an important ruler. At Segu, the whiteman descended upon him. His brother Akibu was responsible for that, for he called the whiteman. Amhadu was driven from the town and went as Kabi, for he was angry having been driven out. It was there that he died, may God bless his soul.**_
_**When they came to the land of Nupe, our Abu Bakr refused to follow the whiteman. Circumstances forced him to set out and leave his home: he was running being chased by the whitemen. They were racing, Abu Bakr and the whitemen; the whitemen were in pursuit, until they grabbed him.**_
_**And in Zinder, Jinjiri made the costly mistake, he killed a white man; He caught hell, having killed the leader of the French, Sagarafa (white man) came at top speed with the soldiers; jinjiri confronted them; There is destruction on meeting the whiteman. It was there that Jinjiri was killed on the spot, along with his people. Oh, cruel whiteman. And then the whiteman ruled Zinder"**_[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-35-56941956)
(These verses refer to several wars between the French and the Tukulor empire under Amhadu Tall in the 1890s, the war between the British and the Nupe under Abubakar in 1897, the 1898 assassination of Cazemajou, the leader of the French invading force, and the subsequent French occupation of Zinder in 1899)
**Umaru against wealth inequality:**
Umaru drew students from across the region, and these inturn became scholars of their own right, He occasionally travelled from Kete such as in 1912 when he went for pilgrimage, returning in 1918 to find that the British had taken over the Togo colony. He composed other works and over 120 poems, and wrote other works on Hausa society including one titled ‘_**Wakar Talauci da wadata**_’ (Song of poverty and of wealth) that was written in the 1890s, and decried the wealth inequality in Hausa communities.
excerpt:
"_**If a self-respecting man becomes impoverished, people call him immoral; but that is unfounded. The poor man does not say a word at a gathering; his advice is kept in his heart. If he makes a statement on his own right, they say to him, "Lies, we refuse to listen!" They muddle up his statements, mix-up what he says; he is considered foolish, the object of laughter**_".[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-36-56941956)
Umaru passed away in 1934 after completing a new mosque in Kete, in which he was later buried. On the day of his burial, a student eulogized him in a poem; "_**God created the sun and the moon, today the two have vanished**_"
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Rbn_!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F55cd97b3-7605-4492-af0b-2b8779faf2d2_1122x427.png)
_**photo from 1902 showing a rural mosque under construction at Kete-Krachi in Ghana (then Kete-Krakye in German Togo), Basel Mission archives**_
* * *
**Conclusion: Re-evaluating African history using the writings of Africans.**
The legacy of Umaru’s intellectual contribution looms large in west African historiography. His very comprehensive 224-page description of pre-colonial Hausa society that covered everything from industry to agriculture, kinship, education, religion, child rearing, recreation, etc, is one of the richest primary accounts composed by an African writer[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-37-56941956), and his history books on the various kingdoms of the "central Sudan" (in what is now Nigeria and Niger) are an invaluable resource for reconstructing the region's history.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-38-56941956)
Scholars like Umaru were however not a rarity, but a product of the 1,000 year old West African scholarly tradition and intellectual network, which created a social class of scholars that checked the excesses of rulers and the wealthy elite, and wrote impartial accounts of African societies that were unadulterated by the biases of external and colonial writers.
The writings of Umaru enable us to re-evaluate our understanding of African societies, revealing the complex nature in which power was negotiated, history was remembered and an intellectual culture flourished. In his writings, Umaru paints a fairly accurate portrait of Africa as seen by Africans.
* * *
read about **African ‘explorers’ in 19th century Russia and northern Europe,**and books on Africa’s intellectual history on my **Patreon**
[PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/posts/journey-to-19th-66837157)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!aace!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2246c81b-24b7-4395-9266-6a890234fc90_1181x566.png)
* * *
(you can download these books listed below from my patreon)
[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-1-56941956)
The Arabic Script in Africa: Understudied Literacy by Meikal Mumin pg 41-76
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-2-56941956)
Arabic literature of africa Vol. 2 by J. Hunwick pg 18-19
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-3-56941956)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 73-74)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-4-56941956)
Beyond timbuktu by Ousmane Oumar Kane pg 7-8)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-5-56941956)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg lviii-lix)
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-6-56941956)
these are 19th century figures, equal to about the cost of an expensive garmet, or roughly £3 in 1850, a class with a few dozen students could thus provide enough sustenance for the teacher (see pg 98 of Cloth in West African History By Colleen E. Kriger)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-7-56941956)
Nineteenth Century Hausaland: Being a Description by Imam Imoru of the Land, Economy and Society of His People by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 260-265)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-8-56941956)
The Trans-Saharan Book Trade by Graziano Krätli pg 109-152)
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-9-56941956)
Philosophical Sufism in the Sokoto Caliphate: The Case of Shaykh Dan Tafa by Oludamini Ogunnaike pg 144-147)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-10-56941956)
Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 9)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-11-56941956)
The SAGE Handbook of Islamic Studies by Akbar S Ahmed pg 10-11)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-12-56941956)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg lix)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-13-56941956)
African dominion by Michael A. Gomez pg 193-207)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-14-56941956)
Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by M. Nobili pg 18)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-15-56941956)
African Dominion by M. Gomez pg 265-279
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-16-56941956)
The Kanuri in Diaspora by Kalli Alkali Yusuf Gazali , pg 43
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-17-56941956)
Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 2 by J. Hunwick pg 39-41
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-18-56941956)
Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 265)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-19-56941956)
(Aḥmad b. Furṭū, homme de cour, observateur du monde in Du lac Tchad à la Mecque by Rémi Dewière)
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-20-56941956)
Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by M. Nobili pg 13-19)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-21-56941956)
Geography of jihad Stephanie Zehnle 198-208)
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-22-56941956)
The History of Islam in Africa by N. Levtzion pg 97-99)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-23-56941956)
Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 2 by J. Hunwick pg 586
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-24-56941956)
Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 2 by J. Hunwick pg 590)
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-25-56941956)
Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 32)
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-26-56941956)
digitized [here](https://eap.bl.uk/archive-file/EAP535-1-3-4-1)
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-27-56941956)
Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 8-13)
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-28-56941956)
Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson 19th pg 17-18)
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-29-56941956)
Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 20)
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-30-56941956)
Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 26-27)
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-31-56941956)
Imam Umaru's account of the origins of the Ilorin emirate by Stefan Reichmuth 159)
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-32-56941956)
Geography of jihad Stephanie Zehnle pg 285-290)
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-33-56941956)
“Salaga a trading town in Ghana” by Nehemiah Levtzion in ‘Asian and African Studies: Vol. 2’ pg 239, Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 15-16
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-34-56941956)
Hausaland Divided: Colonialism and Independence in Nigeria and Niger By William F. S. Miles pg 100-103
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-35-56941956)
Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 29-30)
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-36-56941956)
Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 34)
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-37-56941956)
see a full translation of his magnu opus in “Nineteenth Century Hausaland” by Douglas Edwin Ferguson
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship#footnote-anchor-38-56941956)
see “Imam Umaru's Account of the Origin of the Ilorin Emirate” by S Reichmuth, Northern Nigeria; historical notes on certain emirates and tribes by J A Burdon, and more excerpts in “A Geography of Jihad” by Stephanie Zehnle
* * *
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[May 30, 2022](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship/comment/6849449 "May 30, 2022, 1:57 PM")
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This is interesting information I mean I know that West Africa long had a rich intellectual history that spanned centuries in particular the Islamic tradition is West Africa is considered to be among the most respected in Islamic history even outside of Africa but like even then the Pre-Islamic intellectual history is interesting too though needs more studied as well either way your work is amazing keep it up I always like to read up on info you post.
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Published Time: 2023-02-26T13:20:14+00:00
A political history of the Kotoko city states (ca. 1000-1900)
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A political history of the Kotoko city states (ca. 1000-1900)
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### Urbanism and state building in the lake chad basin..
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The parched floodplains of the lake chad basin were home to Africa's most enigmatic urban societies. Enclosed within monumental walls was a maze of palaces, towering fortresses, flat-roofed houses, and vibrant markets intersected by narrow streets.
The cities of Kotoko were organized into state-level societies in which urbanism played an essential role. Situated at the center of regional exchange systems but on the frontier of expansionist empires, the city states flourished within a contested political environment.
This article outlines the history of the Kotoko city-states. Beginning with the emergence of the oldest urban state at Houlouf, to the consolidation of the cities under the kingdom of Logone.
_**Map of the Lake chad basin in the 16th century showing the location of the Kotoko city-states.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-1-104848619)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!K3aD!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0aaf01bb-9310-4092-bca9-2211836716db_1192x628.png)
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**The early history of Kotoko: from incipient states to the Houlouf chiefdom**
The south-eastern margins of lake chad were settled by speakers of Central Chadic languages around the early 2nd millennium BC and established a number of Neolithic settlements and incipient states. Among these were speakers of the proto-Kotoko language who occupied the floodplains of the Logone river basin.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-2-104848619)
The earliest settlements along the Logone river are dated to the Deguesse Phase which begun in 1900BC to the turn of the common era. The region was home to mobile herders who set up semi-permanent pastoral camps at Deguesse and Krenak that were contemporaneous with the Gajigana Neolithic on the western shores of the lake.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-3-104848619) In the succeeding Krenak and Mishiskwa settlement phases that ended around 1000 AD, the iron-age settlements at the sites of Deguesse, Krenak and Houlouf grew into autonomous self-sustaining communities, and later into the centers of small polities. They had a mixed agro-pastoral economy, with access of aquatic resources of the logone delta.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-4-104848619)
The site of Houlouf became the largest among the urban clusters of the Ble phase (1000-1400 CE) when a 16-hectare earthen rampart was built around it. The emerging urban settlement at Houlouf became the capital of local chiefdom, following a period of increased warfare due to peer-polity competition among the small polities, and the formation of a "warrior-horsemen" class, which necessitated the construction of defensive walls. As a major political center of substantial polity, Houlouf had a rich royal cemetery, a large palace and an extensive city wall.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-5-104848619)
At its height in the 16th century the Houlouf polity had a hierarchical political system headed by a chieftain (_**Mra**_/Sultan), and a diverse political system of elite groups comprising administrators and tribute collectors such as the chief of the land (_**galadima**_), military heads for horsemen and archers, and ritual specialists for religious events and rites. These were organized into factions that also controlled access to long-distance luxury goods obtained from regional markets and across the Sahara.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-6-104848619)
The city of Houlouf is the most likely candidate for the city of Quamaco/Quamoco mentioned by the 16th century geographer Lorenzo d'Anania. His informant on the trade routes of the lake chad basin wrote that, “_**at Quamaco, there is a great traffic of iron that is carried from Mandrà [Mandara]"**_ —Mandara being the kingdom in northern Cameroon, thus placing Quamaco south of lake chad in Kotoko country. [7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-7-104848619)
The capital of Houlouf was a large urban settlement, divided into six quarters each with a gate named after the different rulers of the chiefdom. It domestic space was built with the typical rectangular mud-brick houses with flat roofs, organized into walled compounds within the city quarters.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-8-104848619) It had a substantial crafts industry that included cloth production and dyeing, metallurgy and smithing, fish processing, as well as salt mining and trade.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-9-104848619)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!gzwd!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3e99815f-e5c4-483a-ac04-db57446f989a_466x566.png)
_**The ramparts of Houlouf, ca 1930,**_ photo by A. Holl
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!rSvd!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7f921595-1cdb-43ef-9e84-d7b0e858db91_495x653.png)
_**Holouf cemetery and a copper-alloy figurine of a horseman, 11th-15th century,**_ photos by A. Holl
* * *
**The Kotoko city-states.**
All across the Logone river basin, city-states emerged whose political trajectory mirrored that of Holouf; beginning as small walled communities and growing into the walled capitals of autonomous chiefdoms. Like Holouf, they were predominantly settled by Kotoko/Lagwan speakers of Chadic languages, although each spoke a different dialect.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-10-104848619)
They had a mixed agro-pastoral and fishing economy with a substantial crafts industry, and were marginally engaged in long distance trade both regionally and across the sahara. More than 20 Kotoko city-states are known from this period, including Logone-Birni, Waza, Zgague, Zgue, Djilbe, Tilde, Kala-Kafra, and Kabe as well as; Goulfey, Makari, Afade, Maltam, Kusseri, Sao, Woulki, Waza, Midigué, Tago, Gawi, Amkoundjo, and Messo. [11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-11-104848619)
The biggest of these Kotoko cities are mentioned by both the 16th century Bornu scholar Ibn Furtu and the Italian geographer Lorenzo d'Anania. For the latter's account in particular; the best known cities include; Makari (Macari) , Gulfey (Calfe) , Afade (Afadena) , Wulki (Ulchi) , Kusseri (Uncusciuri) , Sao (Sauo) and Logone (Lagone).[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-12-104848619)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!oFiw!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5c81b828-de1c-427d-8101-95e294fc888e_1012x603.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ppp4!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9b2434c7-efa6-4578-b484-b400f0631ea0_811x605.png)
_**Aerial photo of Gulfey, and the mosque of Kusseri in the early 20th century,**_ quai branly
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!1g6s!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fce494998-1ec4-40c9-a35b-e718ebecf31d_1350x534.png)
_**Walled sections of Afade and Wulki, 1936,**_ quai branly
* * *
**Kotoko cities between the empire of Bornu and the emergence of the Logone kingdom (16th century-18th century)**
Begining in the 16th century, the social and political landscape of south-eastern chad was profoundly altered by the expansion of the state of Bornu and the arrival of nomadic shuwa-Arab pastoralists. The Bornu empire had been active in the south-eastern chad region since the mid-16th century. In the 1560s, Mai Idris Alooma's armies campaigned in the region as part of Bornu's attempt to retake control of the region east of lake Chad. Bornu's armies only reached the northern Kotoko cities, capturing the ruler of Kusuri (Kusseri) whose chiefdom was turned into a vassal, and sacking the city of Sabalgutu.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-13-104848619)
The threat posed by Bornu empire resulted in the formation of two main confederations. The northern cities were under the ruler of Makari, who is reported to have joined the Bornu armies in campaigning directed against other polities on the frontiers of Bornu. While the southern city-states were under the ruler Logone. It's during this period that Houlouf was subsumed under the expanding kingdom centered at Logone along with the first eight city-states listed above.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-14-104848619)
Its through this process of political consolidation that the two major dialects of Makari and Lagwan (Logone) were created, with the former spoken in the northern cities, while the latter was spoken in the southern cities. But since the northern cities were often under the suzerainty of Bornu, both the language and the independent southern kingdom were commonly known in external accounts as Kotoko, following the exonymous term "Katakuwā" used in Bornu.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-15-104848619)
Conversely the nomadic Shuwa-Arab groups became subordinate to the Kotoko kingdom in a broad range of tribute payments where they submitted pastoral products to the rulers of Kotoko city-states in exchange for grazing rights. This subordinate relationship between the Shuwa Arabs and the various kingdoms of the Sahel belt is also attested in the neighboring states of Bornu, Bargimi, Wadai, and Darfur.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-16-104848619)
The pre-existing social-political institutions of Holouf were maintained by the Logone rulers who left Holouf as a nearly autonomous vassal. According to the traditions about the expansion of Logone, the process of subsuming the neighboring city-states (especially Holouf and Kabe) involved a complex series of matrimonial alliances and diplomacy rather than outright military conquest.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-17-104848619)
The government at Logone was headed by the King and a state council of hereditary officials below which were numerous elites in a complex inflationary title system. The council was in charge of administration and policy, and it comprised high-ranking officials in the city and regional chiefs such as the pre-existing rulers of Holouf and other city-states. There was a permanent body of army officials led by the _Mra Zina_ who was in charge of warfare, and an elaborate palace institution where subordinate chiefs were required to send their princes to the Logone palace to be raised by the king.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-18-104848619)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!c4HY!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdc7e295e-76bc-403d-a6e0-00627a314c91_748x507.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!KkD5!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F39015c6d-baa7-4a69-980b-5663cd27b774_782x490.png)
_**The palaces at Logone-birni, and Gulfey**_
* * *
**Kotoko cities in the 19th century: Trade, warfare and colonization.**
Besides the traditional economic activities and exchanges involving agricultural, pastoral and marine products, the kingdom at Logone had a substantial textile industry inherited from the pre-existing polities it had subsumed. Cloth dyeing was a significant economic activity especially for the production of the tobe; a large prestige garment that was tinted with a shining black or blue color, and found high demand in Bornu.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-19-104848619)
The city of Logone was visited by Major Denham in 1824 and by Heinrich Barth in 1852. Denham described the characteristic walled cities of Kotoko including Alph (Houlouf) and Kussery (Kusseri) as ruled by sultans that were at the time mostly independent of both Bornu and its emerging southern neighbor Bagirmi. Denham describes Logone (Loggun) as the capital of a large kingdom, it had a population of about 15,000 Kotoko speakers surrounded by countless shuwa-Arab dependents, and was neutral of the wars between Bornu and Bagirmi. The city had a vibrant cloth-making industry (with almost every house having a weaving loom), a busy market for regional and long-distance trade items that were exchanged using local metal currency. [20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-20-104848619)
In between Denham and Barth's visit, probably around 1830, Logone became a tributary of Bornu, paying a token tribute of 100 tobes and 10 captives to the Bornu ruler. Barth's account mentions the presence of Kotoko traders from Makari, Gulfeil, Kusseri, and Logone in the trading city of Angornu in Bornu, who exchanged dyed tobes for alloyed copper.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-21-104848619)
By the 1870s, Kotoko confederations had grown into significant regional powers. The explorer Gustav Nachitgal describes the Kotoko cities as well built urban settlements that were relatively populous, with Kala Kafra's population at 6,000, Alph (Houlouf) at 7,000, and logon (Logone) at 12-15,000. Sultan Ma'aruf, the ruler of Logon at the time, was under the suzerainty of Bornu's ruler sheikh Omar (Umar I r. 1837-1881) in alliance with Makari, against the Bagirmi ruler Abd ar-Rahman II (r. 1870-1871) who was allied to Goulfey, Kusseri, and Wulki. The entire kingdom centered at Logone was estimated to cover about 8,000 sqkm comprising of several walled cities and towns of about 5,000 inhabitants for a total population of 250,000. Gustav observed that Logone’s urban population _**"devote themselves diligently to farming, fishing and industry"**_ describing their vibrant cloth-dyeing industry, construction, and boat-building. [22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-22-104848619)
Over the late 19th century, the emergence of new expansionist states which greatly reduced the autonomy of the Kotoko cities. While the threat of Bagirmi was reduced by the southern expansion of the Wadai kingdom, the decline of Bornu enabled the ascendance of the warlord Rabeh, who carved up his own state based at Dikwa. Rabeh's forces occupied Kusseri and Logone in 1893, on his way to conquering Bornu. He established a short-lived state before he was ultimately defeated by the French in 1900.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-23-104848619) The Kotoko city-states remained a contested territory within the German and French spheres but ultimately fell to the latter in the early 20th century.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!QwvZ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd19666de-47bb-42ad-907b-90023c70795c_692x585.png)
_**Aerial view of Logone-Birni, 1936,**_ quai branly
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-anchor-1-104848619)
map by Gargaristan and Augustin Holl
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-anchor-2-104848619)
The Mobility Imperative by Augustin Holl pg 104-114. The Land of Houlouf: Genesis of a Chadic Polity by Augustin Holl pg 14-18)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-anchor-3-104848619)
Emergent Complexity and Political Economy of the Houlouf Polity in North Central Africa by A. Holl pg 675-676, The Land of Houlouf: Genesis of a Chadic Polity by Augustin Holl pg 42-43)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-anchor-4-104848619)
Emergent Complexity and Political Economy of the Houlouf Polity in North Central Africa by A. Holl 676-678)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-anchor-5-104848619)
The Land of Houlouf: Genesis of a Chadic Polity by Augustin Holl pg 165, 213, 223-225, 233
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-anchor-6-104848619)
The Land of Houlouf: Genesis of a Chadic Polity by Augustin Holl pg 710-711)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-anchor-7-104848619)
Du Lac Tchad à La Mecque by Rémi Dewière pg 126)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-anchor-8-104848619)
The Land of Houlouf: Genesis of a Chadic Polity by Augustin Holl pg 139)
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-anchor-9-104848619)
The Land of Houlouf: Genesis of a Chadic Polity by Augustin Holl pg 690-693)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-anchor-10-104848619)
The Land of Houlouf: Genesis of a Chadic Polity by Augustin Holl pg 226)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-anchor-11-104848619)
From House Societies to States by Juan Carlos Moreno Garcia pg 231-232,
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-anchor-12-104848619)
Aspects of African Archaeology: Papers from the 10th Congress pg 589
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-anchor-13-104848619)
History of the First Twelve Years by R. Palmer pg 49)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-anchor-14-104848619)
The Land of Houlouf: Genesis of a Chadic Polity by Augustin Holl pg 225-6, A Comparative Study of Thirty City-state Cultures pg 531)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-anchor-15-104848619)
‘Kotoko’ by N. Levtzion pg 278, in; The Encyclopaedia of Islam edited by Sir H. A. R. Gibb,
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-anchor-16-104848619)
Ethnoarchaeology of Shuwa-Arab Settlements by Augustin Holl pg 14-23, 389-394
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-anchor-17-104848619)
The Land of Houlouf: Genesis of a Chadic Polity by Augustin Holl pg 711-712)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-anchor-18-104848619)
The Land of Houlouf: Genesis of a Chadic Polity by Augustin Holl pg 254)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-anchor-19-104848619)
Emergent Complexity and Political Economy of the Houlouf Polity in North Central Africa by A. Holl pg 685)
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-anchor-20-104848619)
Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa by Dixon Denham pg 10-21, 27-29)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-anchor-21-104848619)
Emergent Complexity and Political Economy of the Houlouf Polity in North Central Africa by A. Holl pg 700-701)
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-anchor-22-104848619)
Sahara and Sudan, Volume 3 by Gustav Nachtigal pg 508-538)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko#footnote-anchor-23-104848619)
Ethnoarchaeology of Shuwa-Arab Settlements by Augustin Holl pg 24-25
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Published Time: 2023-01-29T13:20:58+00:00
A social history of the Lamu city-state (1370-1885)
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A social history of the Lamu city-state (1370-1885)
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### Journal of African cities chapter 5
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Jan 29, 2023
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Situated off the eastern coast of Kenya, the old city of Lamu, with its narrow alleys, old mosques and coral-stone houses with white-washed façades, is the quintessential Swahili city.
Lamu was a Janus-faced city, mediating economic and social interactions between the African mainland and the Indian Ocean world. It was poised at the interface of land and sea, and served to link local, regional and transnational economies and cultural spheres.
Its dynamic social institutions created a unique from of government characteristic of the Swahili coast, that was however only preserved in Lamu throughout the turbulent political history of the Indian ocean world.
This article outlines the social history of Lamu, from the establishment of the city-state in the 14th century, to its formal colonization in 1885.
_**Map showing the location of Lamu island in its archipelago along the coast of Kenya**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!5AOt!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc5ac5afd-bc86-4006-904c-bc7b76d94abb_1241x626.png)
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**Early history of Lamu archipelago to the rise of the Manda and Ozi confederations (8th-15th century)**
The Lamu archipelago is made up of three islands Pate, Manda and Lamu. The island of Pate was home to the cities of; Pate, Faza, Shanga and Siyu, the island Manda hosted the cities of Manda and Takwa, while Lamu island had only the city of Lamu. The archipelago was settled by the mid 1st millennium during the early expansion of Bantu-speakers of the Sabaki subgroup along the east Africa coast, among whom were groups that Swahili speakers. Prior to the emergence of Lamu, some of the the oldest Swahili urban settlements emerged at Shanga on Pate island and Manda in the 8th century.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-1-99448062)
The ruins of Shanga in particular, have the best-preserved stratigraphy in eastern Africa. They reveal the gradual evolution of the Swahili urban society at the turn of the 2nd millennium, from the use of timber and daub to the use of coral stone, the increased participation in maritime trade, the emergence of political institutions, the construction of monumental architecture, and the adoption of Islam.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-2-99448062)
While the urban settlement at Lamu was likely established around the 14th century based on an inscription found on the Pwani mosque dated to 1370, it doesn't frequently appear among the Swahili cities mentioned in external accounts before the 15th century --unlike Kilwa, Mogadishu and Malindi which were more actively engaged in maritime trade. There is a brief mention of a qadi from Lamu who met Al-Maqrizi in Mecca in 1441.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-3-99448062) But the apparent invisibility shouldn't be mistaken for its relative insignificance, because dozens of urban settlements within and near the Lamu archipelago emerged between the 12th and 15th century, including Siyu and Faza (on Pate island), as well as; Ungwana, Mwana and Shaka (on the immediate hinterland just south of the Lamu island) and several other ruined towns mostly populated by farmers and fishers less engaged in long-distance trade.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-4-99448062)
By the 16th century, two major polities in the form of confederations had emerged on the Lamu archipelago and its immediate hinterland. The city-state of Manda controlled most of the other city-states on the archipelago including Lamu and Pate, while the hinterland city-states were controlled by the sultanate of Ozi whose capital was either at Ungwana or Mwana. Both confederations were ruled by "shirazi" dynasties, a term which is derived from the fictive genealogy made by autochthonous east-African coastal groups who constitute the "Swahili par excellence", in contrast to foreign immigrants who came later such as Hadrami (Yemenis) and Omanis (Arabs) as well as the various groups from the mainland. [5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-5-99448062)
The manipulation of identity is a frequent phenomenon in the Swahili world, because established lineage groups in the cities constantly redefine themselves according to interactions and competition with immigrant groups. In a society where wealth is a source of authority and prestige, "foreigners" from the hinterland and the Indian ocean could achieve high status by integrating the kinship of their patron, or by enriching themselves through trade.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-6-99448062) This dynamic became especially critical in Lamu's social relations after the the reorientations of population movements in the Indian ocean world after the coming of the Portuguese.
The Portuguese arrival was initially catastrophic to most of the Swahili cities, especially the leaders of the large political confederations such as Mombasa, Kilwa and Ungwana which were repeatedly sacked and looted. Thus, after witnessing the sack of Ungwana in 1506, the sovereign of Lamu quickly sent "tribute" of 600 mithqals of gold and provisions for the Portuguese captain Tristao da Cunha, and received a flag to prove his allegiance. But the early Portuguese hold over the coast proved to be ephemeral and they withdrew southwards to Mozambique island shortly after their puppet in Kilwa had been deposed in 1512.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-7-99448062)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!oemG!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4b262aee-ee10-41b4-b21b-b0796b963f0a_1279x655.png)
_**Elite tomb and house in the ruins of Shanga**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!i_MA!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa01cee11-a421-4ea2-8e2b-788995811e3a_1200x900.jpeg)
_**Ruins of an elite house at Ungwana**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!17Iw!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F384db366-bfca-4d0e-9ea2-d036321aadbe_829x620.png)
_**Ruins of a Mosque at Mwana**_
* * *
**The ‘republican’ government of Lamu and the city-states’ economy (16th century)**
Lamu was described in Portuguese accounts from the mid-16th century as a sprawling city with stone buildings and a busy port frequented by large commercial vessels with sewn hulls. Like other Swahili city-states, the political system of Lamu was directed by an assembly of representatives of patrician lineage groups, and an elected head of government. The titles of "King" and "Queen" as used in external sources for the different leaders of Lamu were therefore not accurate descriptors for the political power held by the ruler.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-8-99448062)
The political and social life of Lamu was governed as a "republic" according to a dual principle that divided the city into spatial and social halves, constituting two factions (mikao) named **Zena**and **Suudi**, that comprised several different clans made up of patricians (**Waungwana**), lower social classes (wazalia) and foreigners (wageni). These clans were themselves led by an elected leader (mzee) who together constituted a council (Yumbe), which inturn chose the mwenye mui as a revolving office between the two factions.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-9-99448062) The factious nature of Lamu's politics involved the use of many legitimating devices through the ritualized maintenance of antagonisms to unite groups of diverse origins and integrate foreigners whose military and commercial alliances were needed during internal contests of power.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-10-99448062)
The political factions of Lamu were also spatially divided, a description that is provided in the 18th century but had gradually formed over the centuries.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-11-99448062) The city comprised two quarters named; Mkomani and Langoni, with the majority of households in Mkomani belonging to the Waungwana, while Langoni was inhabited by the descendants of immigrants including coastal groups (eg the Hadrami and Comorians) and groups from the mainland (eg Bajun, Pokomo and Mijikenda). For the Waungwana of Mkomani, the Langoni inhabitants, including the Hadrami sharifs, lacked political respectability and did not have the right to intervene in the public affairs of the city. These social distinctions were however more fluid in practice and anyone could eventually become part of the Waungwana through accumulation of wealth and forging of kinship ties.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-12-99448062)
Like its peers in the archipelago, Lamu’s main exports were mostly derived from the hinterland, they included ivory, mangrove timber, ambergris, civet, candlewax, copal, as well as ropes and straw-mat sails used in shipbuilding and repair. The city’s economic exchanges are based on personal ties because each trader is sponsored by his Swahili counterpart residing in the house of his host and ties of friendship and kinship are created. The same is true with the partners on the hinterland such as the Pokomo and Bajun , who were involved in kinship ties and clientelism with the Swahili elites.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-13-99448062)
The subsistence of the city-states in the Lamu archipelago, especially Lamu with its poor soils, was based mainly on the agricultural production of their continental hinterland. The lands were developed in common under the direction of a town-based overseer (jumbe ya wakulima), according to a mode of production which was based on the collaboration with continental groups[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-14-99448062). In Lamu, this fostered an economic and political alliance with the hinterland town of Uziwa/Luziwa, whose rulers established a symbiotic relationship with the rulers of Lamu. The city's main export of ivory and its agricultural supplies were provided by Luziwa, while the latter received imported products from Lamu in exchange, following a common pattern utilized by other Swahili cities. Lamu's political regalia, especially the siwa ivory horn, is also said to have come from Luziwa.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-15-99448062)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!5OHd!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F75cb203b-6c5f-42b4-8d5d-166305a8e690_680x468.png)
_**17th century Siwa Lamu museum, Kenya**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!znnr!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F913968a6-f705-4939-9387-4fe29b0d4c57_838x593.png)
_**Ruined house showing doorways made of carved coral, and niches. Shela, Lamu, Kenya, 16th century,**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!4gAv!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcc6704a1-bff1-4902-903d-52b710e39bee_802x629.png)
_**patricians Waungwana) sitting in state in a richly decorated reception room in Lamu Town, 1884, National Library of Scotland**_
* * *
**The Political history of Lamu from the 16th-17th century**
Lamu was ruled by a ‘Queen’ in the mid 16th century who, like the ruler of Malindi, had protected the beleaguered Portuguese against the alliance forged between Mombasa, Pate and the Ottomans during their attempt at breaking Portuguese hold of the Swahili coast in 1546-1554. After the defeat of the Ottomans whose armies had looted and sacked Lamu during the war, its queen was rewarded for the protection by granting her merchants and ships greater freedom of movement. The decision to protect the Portuguese was however, likely driven by an internal political struggles in Lamu and the meteoric rise of the Pate city-state, since the Queen was later deposed between 1571-1585 by an obscure ruler described as a usurper.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-16-99448062)
This usurper was named Bwana Bashira, he served as the 'ruler' of Lamu just before the arrival of the Ottoman corsair Ali Bey during the latter's interest in the Swahili coast in 1585-6 and 1588-9. Ali Bey was unlike his predecessors acting entirely in private capacity, and managed to gain the allegiance of many Swahili cities through threats and diplomacy, obtaining tribute and soldiers from each city, as well as detaining the resident Portuguese settlers. While Bwana Bashira was initially reluctant to submit to Ali Bey's forces, he was later compelled to do so by the ruler of Pate to avoid war.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-17-99448062)
In response to Ali Bey's actions, the Portuguese sent an expedition which sacked the neighboring city of Faza in 1587 for allying with the Ottomans, and Bwana Bashira fled to the mainland at the town of Luziwa. The Queen whom he had deposed takes the opportunity to regain her position after affirming her alliance with the Portuguese. This process in which the political interests of Lamu and the Portuguese became entangled during periods of internal contests in Lamu would also leads to the creation of pro and anti-Portuguese factions based on evolving political fault lines.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-18-99448062)
Ali Bey's ships arrived on the coast a second time in 1588, and several cities including Mombasa and Pate formed an alliance of convenience with him, against the Portuguese who then sent a large fleet in response. After Ali Bey's unexpected defeat caused by the appearance of the enigmatic Zimba forces from the mainland, the Portuguese proceeded to Lamu where Bwana Bashira had reinstalled himself, and they executed him for delivering Portuguese settlers to Ali Bey in 1586. They also invaded Manda city which later fell into permanent decline, and they supported the ‘ruler’ of Pate against the local faction that had invited Ali bey whose leaders they executed, but they couldn't control Luziwa, whose 'ruler' Bwana Zahidi only signed a treaty with them in 1637.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-19-99448062)
Despite the Portuguese alliance antagonism with Pate, it was the Lamu archipelago that would became the major pole of attraction on the Swahili coast during the early 17th century. The Portuguese were also integrated into the trade relationships of the Swahili, especially in Pate where they augmented the preexisting ivory trade between the city and the mainland groups, especially the Bajuni-swahili, the Pokomo and the Oromo, that was conducted in the market town of Dondo on the mainland.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-20-99448062)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!lPsa!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7ef6eb57-e627-4b83-9034-89626e3710b1_600x770.png)
_**Ruins of an elite residence in Pate**_
* * *
**The rise of Pate and its relationship with Lamu in the 17th-18th century**
The “rulers” of Pate consolidated military alliances between these mainland groups, as well as with the incoming Hadrami sharifs, inorder to elevate Pate's main Swahili ruling clan —the Nabahani dynasty[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-21-99448062)— .This created a political structure in Pate that was significantly more centralized than its neighbors in the archipelago including Lamu, Manda and Siyu, which were eventually subsumed. The 18th century was thus a period of renewed prosperity for Pate, and its dependencies in the Lamu archipelago as attested by elaborate coral construction, detailed plasterwork in mosques and homes, and voluminous imported porcelain.
Groups of Hadrami sharif families arrived on the Swahili coast in the context of religious and intellectual activities. They were especially attracted to the Pate's prosperity were they were mostly concentrated, and are first mentioned in the 16th century when a 'ruler' of Pate invited the family of the 'saint' Abu Bala bin Salim to ritually intercede against the Portuguese. They were specialists in theology and law, and were sought by Swahili sovereigns to serve as advisers, and in establishing diplomatic or commercial relations with the Muslim world. As sharifs (who claimed to be descendants of the Prophet), they were also considered intercessors and mediators who could attract divine protection over the community of believers. The Hadrami families, along with the Barawi families (northern Swahili speakers from Brava) whom they arrived with, were credited locally with a cultural renewal and the transformation of the archipelago's social order through the introduction of more orthodox Islamic principles.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-22-99448062)
Like all foreign immigrants that came to the cities, the Hadrami sharifs and the Barawi were quickly integrated into Swahili society within a few generations. Although undoubtedly influential, they had remained relatively few in number and were quickly Swahilized; being acculturated to the language and social structure of the city-states. Swahili patricians seeking to elevate the prestige of their lineages with an additional Sharif lineage entered into matrimonial alliances with some of the most prestigious families (especially of the Alawiyya tariqa), creating new dynastic clans that are attested at different points in the history of Zanzibar, Grande Comore and Kilwa, although not at Lamu itself.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-23-99448062)
Over the course of the 17th century, the city-state of Pate remained the preeminent power of the Lamu archipelago, heading a confederation of city-states that repeatedly rebelled against the Portuguese and eventually sought alliances with the Omanis of Muscat to expel the Portuguese from Mombasa in 1698. Lamu remained under the suzerainty of Pate during this period, but the exact nature of its subordination is ambiguous beyond the typical matrimonial alliances and kinship networks between both city's dynastic families.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-24-99448062)
Lamu continued under Pate's suzerainty until the early 18th century when it rebelled during a period of internal strife in Pate especially in 1727-8, and again during the reign Bwana Tamu (d. 1762) and the civil war following his reign, but Pate re-imposed its authority over on Lamu by the time of its ruler Bwana Fumo Madi (1777-1809).[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-25-99448062)
Lamu was both the partial cause and beneficiary of Pate's decline in the late 17th century. The city grew significantly in size due to increased alliances with mainland groups some of whom moved to the island, and eventually reached an estimated population of 15,000-21,000 by the late 19th century. The growing significance of Lamu on the archipelago is illustrated by brief mentions in the chronicle of Pate when two of its rulers in the 18th century are said to have lived in Lamu, and made extensive use of its port which later outcompeted Pate's.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-26-99448062)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!z5vQ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0f868ef1-7ef1-4cea-be8f-afd906623b76_947x602.png)
_**Lamu beachfront, early 20th century**_
* * *
**The rise of Lamu, decline of Pate and the Oman period on the Swahili coast.**
The stability of Pate during the long reign of its ruler Fumo Madi led him to reassert his suzerainty over Lamu, but the council of Lamu refused to submit to the cereal tribute that the Pate sovereign wanted to impose on them. The tensions between Pate and Lamu were accentuated following the death of Fumo Madi, and the conflict rose between the most powerful candidates for Pate’s throne ; Fumoluti Kipunga and Ahmad bin Sheikh, with the former supported by the Suudi faction of Lamu, while the latter was supported by the Zena faction of Lamu, as well as the Mazrui clan of Mombasa, and the Bajuni of the hinterland.
One of the main causes of Lamu's resistance was its desire to retain the traditional system of land use between the island and the hinterland that was based on clientelism and kinship, against the more intensive form of land use and production of coercive nature favored by Pate and Mombasa, who were considered “devourers of forced labor”. After a period of skirmishing, the battle between the competing alliances took place in 1813-1814 within the walls of Lamu and the village of Shela, where the armies of the Suudi leader Bwana Zahidi Ngumi decisively defeated the Pate coalition led by Ahmad.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-27-99448062)
The consequences of the battle of Shela are decisive in the history of the region since Lamu would later ask the sultan of Oman, Sayyid Said al-Busaidi, for military aid to guard against a reprisal from Pate and the Mazrui. Sultan Said responded favorably and dispatched a garrison and a governor, thus opening the beginning of Busaidi suzerainty over the Lamu archipelago. The Oman ascendance on the east African coast greatly reified the internal economic and social realities of the Swahili city-states including Lamu. [28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-28-99448062)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!hnLS!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff1f6cb32-3069-4266-90b2-fb624f66de4c_906x659.png)
_**Pillar minaret of Mnara mosque, Shela Town, Lamu Island built in the 1820s**_
Sultan Said dispatched a governor named Muhammad b Nâsir b Sayf al-Ma’walî who was was appointed as the “wali” of Lamu, assisted by a garrison that built and settled in a fort in the city.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-29-99448062) But it wasn't until 1824 that the sultan was in control of the Lamu archipelago and repeated rebellions by deposed elites meant that Lamu itself wasn't firmly under Omani control until 1856. Even then, the urban council was only in theory under the Sultans' tutelage via the liwali, but in practice, little effective control was feasible, and the liwali could never be distinguished from the local elites by whom he was surrounded. The council of Lamu therefore mostly continued to meet and govern the affairs of the city.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-30-99448062)
The ascendance of Lamu attracted more people from the coast, and like in Pate, led to a consolidation of legitimacy by established patricians against the new immigrants. Its within the framework of the political re-compositions which followed the battle of Shela and the establishment of the Sultan of Oman in Zanzibar, that the prominent Waungwana of Lamu begun to adopt fictitious Sharifan and Oman origins.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-31-99448062)
The increased trade augmented the prominence of the Waungwana, the guardians of normative coastal civilization, whose wealth and political power came to characterize the urban character of Lamu. The Waungwana's material possessions such as silk cloths, Chinese porcelain and furniture, their possession of large stone houses with courtyards and zidakas, the number of their dependents and their taste for intellectual activities, were the most visible markers of their high social position. This is contrasted against the lower classes and recent settlers such as the poor Hadrami and Comorians who immigrated in the 19th century and were despised by the Waungwana elite because of their petty trade typical of the peasant class (maskin). Lamu’s Waungwana of early 20th century still kept an image of the Hadrami immigrants as people who only wore a loincloth at the waist (kikoi) and had no shoes or headgear.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-32-99448062)
This ambivalent attitude towards "foreigners" was based on established prerogatives on the integration of new immigrant groups. The migration into Lamu of hinterland groups such as the Pokomo and Bajun in the 17th century, and other Swahili eg from Manda and Takwa in the 17th and 18th century, further contributed to the social distinction of the Waungwana who refused to grant these groups full citizenship and considered them to be foreigners/guests (wangeni).[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-33-99448062)
The typical stone house of the Waungwana of Lamu, exemplifies developments in domestic architecture which followed traditions established in the earlier centuries. The two or three-storey house was entered through a covered alcove or porch (daka) with built-in stone benches (baraza) flanking the entryway providing spaces for socialization, with heavy wooden doors that mark the transition into the interior courtyard (kiwanda) that leads into sequences of rooms. These include the reception room (sabule), inner vestibule (tekani), and the innermost room (ndani) whose rear wall was highly decorated, with multiple tiers of elaborately arched plaster niches (**zidaka**).[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-34-99448062)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!bVg7!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe0189b36-3900-4994-92a8-d982d94b7d22_1091x720.jpeg)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!WF8V!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fed6c9ca7-0ccb-41bd-b8be-f0ca968aeceb_2000x838.jpeg)
_**exterior and interior of the ‘Swahili house museum’ an 18th century Waungwana-type residence in Lamu that was restored recently.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!RJPu!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5bc092fe-aea5-4e07-a75f-83c4f667a3a2_804x576.png)
_**interior of an 18th century mansion of a Waungwana in Lamu, 1884. National Library of Scotland**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!qqgY!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1cf6684f-7df2-4159-8644-3bb7260f4175_1340x600.png)
_**House in Lamu with zidaka niches, elite chairs and intricately carved door**_[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-35-99448062)
As mentioned earlier however, the social distinction between the waungwana and the other classes was not easily discernible in Lamu, and the consumption practices of those living in less elaborate houses, and outside the city were often similar to those living in the stone houses. The Comorians for example, were looked upto as teachers despite being considered wageni, and intermingled with some of the waungwana.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-36-99448062) The waungwana’s power was afterall, a moving equilibrium, with a continuous negotiation of the terms by which social status could be attributed.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-37-99448062) As observed elsewhere across the Swahili coast _**“The dualist model was an ideal in the minds of the ruling elites rather than a reflection of reality. The so-called city dichotomy was a 'classic stereotype' that 'masked and distorted a more complex and nuanced reality”**_[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-38-99448062)
Despite being regarded with contempt by the waungwana, the lower class Hadrami of Lamu supported the Omani elites and their governors in Lamu inorder to grow their petty trade and accumulate enough wealth to rival many of the waungwana, a strategy that was also followed by their Comorian peers. This was likely achieved partly through the growth in the plantation economy, which involved the coercive systems of production that the waungwana of Lamu had opposed.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-39-99448062)
This led to further transformations in Swahili identity in the mid-19th century which resulted largely from the desire of the traditional elites to maintain their rank in the social hierarchy both vis-à-vis the new immigrants from Oman and Yemen and vis-à-vis the increasing continental arrivals. Its during the 19th century that the bantu-derived _**uungwana**_ denoting civilization, was replaced by _**ustaarabu**_, meaning Arab-like, reflecting new terminologies introduced during the contests between the established Waungwana and the incoming Omani elites, especially following the influx of the more elite Alawiyya tariqa (brotherhood).[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-40-99448062)
Importantly, the social alliance between the Omani and the Alawi Hadrami for religious legitimacy greatly enhanced the intellectual traditions of Lamu, especially with the founding of the Riyadha Mosque and Islamic school whose students included not just Waungwana but also ‘foreign’ groups including Somali, Oromo, Bajuni and Pokomo and Comorians that had been been previously excluded.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-41-99448062) However, when the traditional socio-economic structures of the townspeople were threatened, their attitudes towards the Alwai's position in education changed and caused conflicts with the Waungwana who questioned their religious doctrine.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-42-99448062)
Following the expansion of imperial interests on the east African coast during the late 19th century, the island of Lamu, and the rest of the northern Swahili coast was taken over by the British in 1885.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!A4cG!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa20812fc-125e-47c9-bda0-2ea66de005cc_817x576.png)
_**the 'Al-Alfiyya' of Ibn Malik, Copied by a Somali scribe named Shārū b. Uthmān b. Abī Bakr al-Sūmālī, in 1858, at the Riyadha Mosque of Lamu.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!B3hQ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe3ccf8a0-ebc7-4713-8f37-e23384490ada_965x608.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Fkl7!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F649ef7ac-2e37-4905-8ede-854860a03622_939x476.png)
_**Modern Lamu**_
* * *
The Swahili world underwent an intellectual revolution beginning in the 16th century when **local scholars begun composing various works of Poetry, Philosophy, History and Astronomy**. Read about it here;
[SWAHILI POETRY, PHILOSOPHY AND HISTORY](https://www.patreon.com/posts/74519541)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ULRu!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb23f48a3-1bd5-49f3-8c1d-4656e9227918_629x1195.jpeg)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-1-99448062)
The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones and Adria LaViolette pg 156-162
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-2-99448062)
The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones and Adria LaViolette pg 214-218
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-3-99448062)
East African Travelers and Traders in the indian ocean by Thomas Vernet
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-4-99448062)
Les cités - États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 45-46)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-5-99448062)
Les cités - États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 48-56)
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-6-99448062)
Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 33-34
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-7-99448062)
Les cités - États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 69-70)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-8-99448062)
Les cités - États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 104)
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-9-99448062)
The battle of Shela by Randall L. Pouwels pg 366-367, 372
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-10-99448062)
Les cités - États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 400-2)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-11-99448062)
Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 45-46
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-12-99448062)
Les cités - États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 520-521)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-13-99448062)
Les cités - États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 75-77, 17, 527)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-14-99448062)
The battle of Shela by Randall L. Pouwels pg 371
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-15-99448062)
Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg pg 32, 44-45 Les cités - États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet 548, 118)
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-16-99448062)
Les cités - États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 91)
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-17-99448062)
Les cités - États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 98- 100)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-18-99448062)
Les cités - États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 105)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-19-99448062)
Les cités - États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 111-115, 118)
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-20-99448062)
Reflections on Historiography and PreNineteenth-Century History from the Pate “Chronicles” by Randall L. Pouwels pg 281
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-21-99448062)
Reflections on Historiography and PreNineteenth-Century History from the Pate “Chronicles” by Randall L. Pouwels pg 264-265
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-22-99448062)
Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 39-43
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-23-99448062)
Les cités - États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 164-166, Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 50
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-24-99448062)
Reflections on Historiography and PreNineteenth-Century History from the Pate “Chronicles” by Randall L. Pouwels pg 275, Les cités - États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 331-334
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-25-99448062)
The Pate Chronicle by Marina Tolmacheva pg 179-181)
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-26-99448062)
The battle of Shela by RL Pouwels, pg 371, Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 97-98
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-27-99448062)
The battle of Shela by RL Pouwels, pg 374-375)
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-28-99448062)
Les cités - États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 490-491)
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-29-99448062)
Trade and empire in muscat by Rheda Backer pg 84-97
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-30-99448062)
Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 98-100, 106-108
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-31-99448062)
The Sacred Meadows by El zein, pg 51-54, Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 110-112
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-32-99448062)
The Sacred Meadows by El zein, pg 88)
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-33-99448062)
Les cités - États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 566, 569)
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-34-99448062)
The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones and Adria LaViolette pg 506-509
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-35-99448062)
from Chinese Porcelain and Muslim Port Cities by Sandy Prita Meier
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-36-99448062)
Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 140-141
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-37-99448062)
The battle of Shela by RL Pouwels, pg 382
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-38-99448062)
Les cités - États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 555-6, The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones and Adria LaViolette pg 510
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-39-99448062)
Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 113-115, Slaves, Spices and Ivory in Zanzibar by A. Sheriff pg 70-72, 229
[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-40-99448062)
Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 72-73
[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-41-99448062)
Localising Islamic knowledge by Anne K. Bang, The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones and Adria LaViolette pg 559-563
[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city#footnote-anchor-42-99448062)
Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 161
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Published Time: 2024-11-03T12:50:03+00:00
Acemoglu in Kongo: a critique of 'Why Nations Fail' and its wilful ignorance of African history.
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Acemoglu in Kongo: a critique of 'Why Nations Fail' and its wilful ignorance of African history.
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There aren’t many Africans on the list of Nobel laureates, nor does research on African societies show up in the selection committees of Stockholm. It was therefore a refreshing change when the trio of American economists; Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, and James Robinson, whose work includes research on pre-colonial and modern African societies, won the 2024 Nobel Prize in economics.
The trio has published several articles which argue that the type of institutions established by European colonialists resulted in the poorer parts of the world before the 1500s becoming some of the richest economies of today; while transforming some of the more prosperous parts of the non-European world of the 1500s into the poorest economies today. Their central argument is that colonies with “inclusive institutions” protected the property rights of European settlers while those with “extractive institutions” prevented investment and the adoption of technology while extracting rents from the indigenous populations.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-1-151079120)
While their work was mostly concerned with explaining why the wealthier regions of pre-Columbian America and South Asia became poorer than adjacent regions in North America and Australia after European colonialism,[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-2-151079120) two of the authors; Acemoglu and Robinson, would later include research on pre-colonial and modern African societies in their 2012 book titled: _**'How Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty'**_, using the kingdom of Kongo as their primary case study for how pre-existing extractive institutions were reinforced by European colonialism.
Acemoglu and Robinson have faced heavy criticism from scholars who believe their work oversimplifies complex historical and economic processes.
A 2008 article by the historian Gareth Austin for example points out that their data wasn't dependent on the inclusion of African countries, suggesting that the evidence from Africa contradicts their general hypothesis and is inapplicable to the continent. He questioned the quality of the evidence they used which was often anecdotal rather than qualitative, he challenged their exaggeration of the influence of Europeans in pre-colonial African history which is unsupported by modern African historiography and minimizes African agency. He concludes with a compelling critique that Acemoglu and Robinson ‘compress history’ in their attempt to create an all-embracing theory[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-3-151079120).
One of the most widely shared critiques of Acemoglu and Robinson’s book is a recent opinion piece in the Financial Times by the columnist Brendan Greeley, who noted that while Acemoglu and Robinson are right to see the importance of institutions, they are unable to understand the political and cultural forces that drive institutions. _**"Acemoglu and Robinson read a book called American Slavery, American Freedom, used the bits about American freedom and tossed the bits about American slavery. The new economic institutionalists treat work on institutions by a celebrated historian not as a coherent argument, but as a source of anecdotes."**_ Brendan advises young economists to stop by the history department, grab a book, and _**"read the whole thing"**_[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-4-151079120).
This essay examines Acemoglu and Robinson's analysis of pre-colonial African societies, with a particular focus on the kingdom of Kongo, showing how the two authors only studied Kongo's history to extract evidence that supported their pre-conceived hypothesis but disregarded and misrepresented all evidence which contradicted it.
_**Map showing the 17th century kingdoms of Africa’s Atlantic coast including the kingdom of Kongo.**_[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-5-151079120)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!7VUd!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F28809f31-c00b-48b0-94e9-676279844ca2_1020x712.png)
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**Contradictions in the sources?**
In ‘Why Nations Fail’, Acemoglu and Robinson begin their analysis of pre-colonial African societies by claiming that none of them had developed writing (except Ethiopia and Somalia), the plow, or the wheel, despite contacts with European and Asian merchants. They explain Africans’ refusal to adopt these technologies using the example of the kingdom of Kongo, arguing that the Portuguese introduced these three technologies to Kongo but they were rejected, except firearms.
Acemoglu and Robinson argue that the people of Kongo rejected these technologies because state taxes were high and arbitrary; that the people’s very existence was threatened by slavery so they moved away from markets; and that the kings, whose power was absolutist, had no incentive to adopt the plow because exporting slaves was more profitable.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-6-151079120)
The book’s footnotes reveal the sources of these claims to be Anne Hilton's '_**The Kingdom of Kongo**_' (published in 1985) and John Thornton's '_**The Kingdom of Kongo: Civil War and Transition, 1641–1718**_' (published in 1983). Hilton and Thornton are both specialists on the history of the kingdom of Kongo, especially the latter who has published eight books and over twenty articles about the history of Kongo, Africa, and the Atlantic world.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-7-151079120)
John Thornton's works, such as the well-cited and aptly titled '_**Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World**_', often explore themes that highlight African agency in its people's interactions with Europeans. Using the exceptionally plentiful documentary record about the kingdom of Kongo,[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-8-151079120) Thornton's work has dispelled myths about the supposed weakness of the pre-colonial African states and economies.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-9-151079120) He is also a vocal critic of 'dependency theorists' who argue that European merchants had an overwhelming influence on pre-colonial African societies, all of which makes him a rather surprising choice for Acemoglu and Robinson, whose entire argument rests on this exact premise.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-10-151079120)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!-bRa!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F78e7c9a2-0461-4cae-bb24-218f308b51aa_776x599.jpeg)
_Engraving in Olfer Dapper’s description of Africa, 1668, showing a Dutch delegation at the court of the King of Kongo, in 1641_. This was the cover for Thornton’s _‘Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World’_. The context of this engraving is about how [Kongo exploited Portuguese and Dutch rivalries during the 30-years war](https://www.patreon.com/posts/how-kongo-and-85683552).
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**Rivaling Europe: Agriculture and Textile production in pre-colonial Kongo.**
Thornton is one of the few Africanists who have focused on the question of technology and industry in pre-colonial Africa, which Acemoglu and Robinson are preoccupied with. He warns his peers against _**"using a simple piece of technology like the presence or absence of the hoe, as a proxy measure for productivity"**_. He prefers to rely on contemporary accounts, such as those written by European visitors to; Kongo (Giovanni Francesco da Roma in 1645); the Gold Coast (Pieter de Marees and Wilhelm Johann Mulle in 1668); Senegal (Alvise da Mosto in 1455), and several others who observed that African farmers were more productive than European farmers of that period where those authors came from.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-11-151079120)
For the kingdom of Kongo in particular, Giovanni Francesco da Roma observed that _**"They do not plow, but only scratch up the soil with a little hoe to cover the seed. In return for this little effort, they reap most abundantly"**_[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-12-151079120). Quantitative records for yields per hectare from colonial Angola corroborate these observations. Agricultural yields in Angola’s central highlands declined drastically after the imposition of the colonial government; from 1,600 kg/ha in 1887 to just 400 kg/ha in the 1920s, ironically, **AFTER the plow was introduced** by the Portuguese.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-13-151079120)
A similar observation of the efficiency of Africa's "simple" technology was demonstrated in the textile industry of Kongo, whose eastern province of Momboares exported 100,000 meters of cloth in 1611 to Luanda, according to a Portuguese customs official. Using fixed looms and village-based subsistence labour, Momboares, which was only a small part of central Africa's great ‘textile belt', had a production capacity that rivaled that of Holland's province of Leiden, which was one of Europe's leading cloth producers.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-14-151079120)
The quality of Kongo's luxury cloth was also frequently compared to Italian luxury cloth —itself the best in Europe — including by Italian visitors like Antonio Zucchelli in 1705. The [cloth produced by Kongo’s textile industry](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/textile-trade-and-industry-in-the) served as currency (called _mabongo/ libongo_), it was used in burial shrouds and as wall hangings, making it the main store of wealth for the peasants. Most of the exported cloth was sold along the coast by European traders whose **profits from the cloth trade were four times greater than from the slave trade** according to figures provided by Hilton.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-15-151079120) Some of the Kongo textiles were also exported to Europe to make cushion covers, and the surviving examples leave little doubt regarding their high quality.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!1uXu!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdf7192c2-0dc9-43ed-8495-dd4de2fa4e57_738x545.png)
_**Kongo luxury cloth: cushion cover, 17th-18th century**_, Polo Museale del Lazio, Museo Preistorico Etnografico Luigi Pigorini Roma.
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_**18th century engraving showing the funeral process of Andris Poucouta, a Mafouk of Cabinda on the Loango coast, made by Louis de Grandpre**_. The coffin that carried him was at least 20 feet long by 14 feet high and 8 feet thick, the whole was transported by a wheeled wagon pulled by at least 500 people over a road built for the purpose.
Kongo's textile production was also not exceptional, similar quantities of cloth export are noted by 17th-century Dutch traders in the neighboring kingdom of Loango, which exported about 80,000 meters of cloth.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-16-151079120) The West African kingdom of Benin was also a major textile producer **whose quality of cloth was also compared to that found in Leiden and Harlem by the Dutch traders,**who purchased 38,000 meters of it in 1644-46, which they mentioned was less than what the English had bought from Benin**.**[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-17-151079120) 17th-century Portuguese traders on the East African coast praised the quality of cloth produced on the island of Pate (in Kenya), which they used in their ivory trade with the mainland, routinely seized in battle, and some settlers bought it for themselves.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-18-151079120)
The relatively high productivity of African agriculture and cloth production contradicts the dependency theories proposed by Acemoglu and Robinson, which are mostly based on conjecture rather than historical evidence. It also strengthens the argument that Africans dictated the terms of their exchanges with coastal merchants. Thornton thus cautions against relying on simple theoretical arguments rather than available documentary sources, observing that _**"all too often comparisons between Africa and Europe in this time period both understate the strength of the African economy and overstate the modernity and productivity of the European economy."**_[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-19-151079120)
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**Misrepresenting pre-colonial Africa’s political systems: Acemoglu and Robinson’s myth of absolutism in Kongo.**
The above outline is relevant in examining Acemoglu and Robinson’s erroneous description of Kongo's political organization as absolutist.
Neither Hilton nor Thornton claim that the King of Kongo had unconstrained power, they instead emphasize that a**council of officials elected him**, and they in fact frequently refer to the king's enthronement as an _**'election'**_. According to Hilton and Thornton, these electors were part of an elite who constituted a corporate group that 'owned' the state's land, with the King only filling a representative role and acting as a senior executive whose office could appoint officials and collect income on their behalf, but was expected to redistribute this income.
As stated by Hilton; _**"wars could not be declared, officials named or deprived, roads opened or closed without the consent of the council."**_ She also describes _**"several institutions"**_ that _**"balance the power of the king at the centre"**_, while Thornton provides other examples of similar councils in other parts of Africa which demonstrate that Kongo's political structure wasn't unique[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-20-151079120).
Acemoglu and Robinson's description of the absolutist authority of the king of Kongo is therefore contradicted by their own sources.
This is also evident in their claim that Kongo's taxes were arbitrary and heavy, which was apparently taken from Thornton's account of the kingdom during the mid-17th century in the years preceding the Civil War. Thornton was describing the kingdom of Kongo during its ‘late period’ when its kings were centralizing their power at the expense of the council, and one of the many ways they did this was to expand their sources of income, especially in the capital.
However, Thornton also notes that "_**The head tax of two mabongo in Nsoyo was in any case not a crushing burden ; it is safe to say that even poor families would have been able to raise it, since they would have needed anywhere from 80 to 120 mabongo to marry."**_ [this 80 to 120 _mabongo_ cloth-currency was given to the priest who officiated the wedding, not to the state]. Thornton adds that during this period, many peasants were engaged in specialized labour like textile production because of taxes, among other reasons, which contradicts Acemoglu and Robinson's claims that taxes forced the peasants to flee from the markets and curtailed production.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-21-151079120)
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**Slavery in Africa and early-modern Europe.**
Having wilfully misrepresented their sources on Kongo's political structure and taxation, it’s unsurprising that Acemoglu and Robinson misunderstand the nature and dynamics of slavery and slave trade in the kingdom of Kongo. While they claim that Kongo's subjects were at risk of enslavement by their Kings, both Hilton and Thornton repeatedly stress that for most of the kingdom’s history, slaves exported from Kongo were often bought from further inland or acquired as war captives.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-22-151079120)
Thornton's other articles on the Kongo-Portugal wars, also highlight two major episodes during the 1580s and the 1620s where Kongo's kings demanded that Portugal repatriate its illegally enslaved citizens from Brazil, with more than a thousand baKongo being successfully tracked down and returned to Kongo after these requests.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-23-151079120) This, and other evidence such as the numerous letters of King Afonso Nzinga (r. 1509-1542) concerning the regulation of slavery in Kongo, prove that there were laws against the enslavement of 'free-born' citizens in the kingdom and that these laws were strictly enforced,[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-24-151079120) contrary to Acemoglu and Robinson's claims.
Acemoglu and Robinson's reductive analysis of the dynamics of slavery and 'free labour' in Kongo is also demonstrated in other sections of the book, where they argue that the rise of feudalism and serfdom in medieval Europe led to the decline of slavery, and that similar processes occurred in medieval Ethiopia with the _gult_ system of land tenure extracting the agricultural surpluses produced by serfs rather than slaves, which the authors claim was exceptional in sub-Saharan Africa where only slave institutions prevailed.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-25-151079120)
However, this binary between slave labour and free labour (serfs and wage labourers) was very uncommon in world history and was mostly confined to a handful of countries in Western Europe and the Americas specifically during the early modern period. Scholars of internal slavery in late medieval Europe such as Hannah Barker, argue that no such binary existed in the Latin world, where more than nine different social and legal groups of ‘unfreedom’ existed, which were all translated as ‘slaves’ in English literature.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-26-151079120)
She discusses the varying theories proposed by different groups of scholars for the apparent decline of slavery in post-Roman Europe, which she says is contradicted by the prevalence and importance of slave trade to the societies of the wealthy cities of southern Europe such as Venice and Genoa where thousands of slaves from northern, eastern and central Europe were sold to Ottoman merchants during the late middle ages.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-27-151079120)
Figures for European slavery in the succeeding period from 1500-1700 are provided by the historian Dariusz Kołodziejczyk, who writes that the _**"slave population imported into Ottoman lands from Poland-Lithuania, Muscovy and Circassia, amounted to over 10,000 a year in the period 1500-1650."**_ He estimates that total slave exports from this region alone amounted to about 2,000,000 between 1500-1700, compared to 1,800,000 for the Atlantic slave trade from the entire coastline of West Africa and Central Africa*.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-28-151079120) [*Note that Kongo's main coastal port of Mpinda exported a total of just under 3,100 slaves for the entire period between 1526–1641 according to David Eltis[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-29-151079120)]
**The dynamics of slavery and slave trade across most of Europe were therefore not too different from those in Africa**, at least, as far as feudalism is thought to have led to their decline. It’s for this reason that some forms of slavery persisted in medieval and early modern Ethiopia despite its _gult_ system of land tenure, just as slavery persisted in those European regions that captured and sold European slaves to the Ottomans. Slavery was after all, not incompatible with feudalism as Acemoglu and Robinson believe.
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**Breaking the myth of Ethiopian exceptionalism: Land tenure and Literacy in pre-colonial Sub-Saharan Africa.**
The theme of Ethiopia's supposed exceptionalism in "sub-Saharan" Africa that is touted by Acemoglu and Robinson and many Western writers, has little basis in African historiography. In truth, the _gult_ system that allowed land to be alienated, inherited or sold by private owners wasn't only found in Ethiopia but was similar to the [land tenure of systems of medieval Nubia, the Sudanic kingdoms of Darfur and Funj, the west African empires of Bornu, Sokoto and Masina](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/land-and-property-in-pre-colonial?utm_source=publication-search), as well as in the city of Brava[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-30-151079120) on the southern coast of Somalia.
There are many written accounts about land tenure from at least four of these societies (Nubia, Darfur, Sokoto, Bornu) concerning the state's administration of land tenure and rent, land sale documents, and land grants, some of which have been studied by historians such as Donald Crummey in his 2005 book; _‘Land, Literacy and the State in Sudanic Africa’_. According to the land documents of the pre-colonial kingdom of Darfur analyzed by the historian R. S. O'Fahey, a comprehensive listing of a grantees’ rights in his estate is given on one of the documents as such: _**“...as an allodial estate, with full rights of possession and his confirmed property... namely rights of cultivation, causing to be cultivated, sale, donation, purchase, demolition and clearance.”**_[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-31-151079120)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!nIx8!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc9274c5a-513b-479b-b56d-9a4a387a821b_494x744.png)
_land charter of Nur al-Din, a nobleman from the zaghawa group originally issued by Darfur king Abd al-Rahman in 1801 and renewed in 1803._[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-32-151079120)
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[Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share)
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Acemoglu and Robinson’s claims on the apparent rarity of writing in Kongo and in sub-Saharan Africa also reveal their unfamiliarity with the history of writing in Africa, and in world history. The claim that Africans didn’t develop writing (save for Ethiopia and Somalia) is contradicted by the overwhelming evidence of manuscript cultures across the continent, the studies of which were laboriously cataloged for the _‘[Arabic Literature of Africa’](https://brill.com/display/serial/HO1-13ALA?language=en)_[project, led by the historian John Hunwick, which now boasts five volumes](https://brill.com/display/serial/HO1-13ALA?language=en).
Any serious scholar of African history is expected to at least have basic knowledge of the inscriptions of ancient Kush and medieval Nubia, and [the manuscript collections of Timbuktu and Bornu](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/when-africans-wrote-their-own-history?utm_source=publication-search), [Sokoto and the East African coast](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/when-africans-wrote-their-own-history-314?utm_source=publication-search), because its these documents which provide the primary sources for**[reconstructing the history of Africa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-general-history-of-africa)**. They should also be familiar with [the scholarly traditions of the Wangara of medieval Mali and Songhai](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education?utm_source=publication-search) who are credited with establishing numerous intellectual centers across West Africa, the Fulbe scholars who played a central role in the revolution movements of 19th-century west-Africa, and [the Jabarti scholarly diaspora from Zeila in northern Somalia](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla?utm_source=publication-search) which appears in the biographies of Mamluk Egypt.
Its unfortunate that the authors of such a popular book on pre-colonial Africa overlooked this crucial information and refused to do their homework, despite dedicating entire sections providing seemingly authoritative explanations on why Africans apparently lacked writing or didn't use it even when they had access to it.
Acemoglu and Robinson’s wilful ignorance of basic information on African history was doubtlessly influenced by their need to buttress the claim that Kongo's “extractive institutions” militated against the spread of writing despite Kongo's elites adopting the Latin script.
Acemoglu and Robinson expound on this apparent rarity of African writing in another section of the book about Somalia's lack of centralized polities, which they surmised was because its clan institutions rejected technologies such as writing. They explain Somalia’s apparent lack of writing using the example of the kingdom of Taqali, a small polity in Sudan, where writing in Arabic was apparently only used by royals because the rest of the subjects feared it would be used to control their land and impose heavy taxes on them.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-33-151079120)
[Its a strange choice to use this relatively obscure kingdom in a country like Sudan that boasts over 4,000 years of recorded history]
However, none of Acemoglu and Robinson’s speculations regarding writing in pre-colonial Somalia and Kongo are supported by historical evidence. Their claim that the _**"king of Kongo made no attempt to spread literacy to the great mass of the population"**_ is contradicted by evidence presented by Hilton and Thornton that spreading literacy across the kingdom was exactly what King Nzinga Afonso strove to accomplish with the establishment of schools not just in the capital but also in the provinces, with later kings continuing in this tradition, such that literacy became central to administration and to Kongo's international diplomacy.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-34-151079120)
Writing was not confined to the elites but was also spread to the rest of the population who held literacy in high regard, especially in the religious sphere where it was considered necessary by the lay members of Kongo's church. As one 17th-century account describing Kongo's Christian commoners noted: _**“Nearly all of them learn how to read so as to know how to recite the Divine Office; they would sell all they have to buy a manuscript or a book.”**_ Another account from the 1650s, which also describes Kongo’s commoners also mentions that they “_**have a great desire to learn and they are very ambitious to appear literate; in the processions those who have learnt all the letters of the alphabet stick a piece of paper in the form of a card on their forehead so as to be recognized as a student.”**_[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-35-151079120)
These positive descriptions of Kongo’s literacy by European visitors of the 17th century should be placed in the context of early-modern Europe, whose literacy rates were relatively low compared to the present day, just like in every region of the world before the Industrial Revolution. A mere 30% of English men* were able to read and write in the 1640s —which was the highest literacy rate in Europe— compared to countries like Spain where as recently as 1841, only 17% of adult men* could read and write[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-36-151079120). [*note that these figures are drastically reduced if women and children are included]
Its therefore unsurprising that descriptions of Kongo's literary culture by European visitors in the 16th and 17th century were mostly positive **because literacy rates in Kongo were not too dissimilar to literacy rates in their home countries**.
European descriptions of literacy rates in other parts of pre-colonial Africa also indicate that they considered the African societies which they encountered to be just as if not more literate than those in their home countries.
For example, Baron Roger, the governor of St. Louis, wrote that there were in Senegal _**“more negroes who could read and write in Arabic in 1828 than French peasants who could read and write French.”**_ The English trader Francis Moore who also visited the Sene-gambia region in 1730-1735 wrote that in _**“every Kingdom and Country on each side of the River of Gambia,”**_ Pulaar-speakers were _**“generally more learned in the Arabick, than the people of Europe are in Latin."**_ The explorer René Caillié, who visited Timbuktu in 1828, also observed that _**“all the negroes of Timbuktu are able to read the Qur’an and even know it by heart.”**_[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-37-151079120)
The spread of literacy in Africa followed several different trajectories. While literacy in Kongo was a top to down affair which spread from the royals to the nobility and commoners (similar to Kush, medieval Nubia, Aksum, [the kingdom of Bamum](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-invention-of-writing-in-an-african), and the [Vai of Liberia](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system)), literacy in the rest of Africa was spread by itinerant merchant scholars who created education networks that connected different centers of learning, and spearheaded reform movements that challenged the authority of the rulers. Most of these scholars weren't dependent on royal patronage, as the scholars of Timbuktu, Djenne, Ngazargamu, and Salaga were quite eager to prove by challenging Mansa Musa's Arab expatriates,[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-38-151079120) the repression of Askiya Ishaq (r. 1539-1549),[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-39-151079120) and [the injustices caused by the rulers of Bornu and Gonja](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-network-of-african-scholarship?utm_source=publication-search).[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-40-151079120)
A similar dynamic between the scholarly communities and the political elite existed in Somalia. Contrary to the claims of Acemoglu and Robinson, Somalia was home to several states including the empires of Adal and [Ajuran](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african), the sultanates of Mogadishu, Geledi, [Majerteen](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-majeerteen-sultanate), all of which are amply described in the same sources that Acemoglu and Robinson included in their footnotes, such as I. M. Lewis' ‘_**A Modern History of the Somali**_’. (4th ed, 2002, pgs 45-54).
Lewis' book was mostly concerned with the mainland of southern Somalia and thus made little mention of the scholarly communities of the coastal cities like Barawa and Zeila where a vibrant literary tradition flourished since the middle ages and spread into the interior[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-41-151079120). He nevertheless published a ground-breaking study of the religious communities of pre-colonial Somalia titled _'Saints and Somalis: Popular Islam in a Clan-based Society'_ (1998), in which he explores the significance of influential sufi orders among whom were prominent scholars like Sheikh Abdirahman Ahmad az-Zayla'i (d. 1882) from Zeila whose was influential across northern Somalia, and Sheikh Uways al-Barawi (d. 1909), a prolific author from Barawa whose influence extended across East Africa.
Acemoglu and Robinson's section on Somali history is unusually fixated on the Osmanya alphabet ('Somali script') that was invented by Osman Yusuf Kenadid well into the colonial period in 1920, despite it not being the writing system of pre-colonial Somalia, nor an exceptional invention.
There are many other scripts from ‘sub-saharan’ Africa from the pre-colonial era besides the Ge'ez script of Ethiopia and Eritrea, these include the [Meroitic script (ca. 150 BC)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-meroitic-empire-queen-amanirenas?utm_source=publication-search#footnote-anchor-40-46488154), the [Nsibidi script (11th-18th century)](https://www.patreon.com/posts/69082971), the [Vai script (ca. 1830)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system), and [Njoya's script (1897)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-invention-of-writing-in-an-african). Dozens of scripts were also invented during the colonial and post-independence periods, with at least twenty-two being identified in West Africa alone.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ZuwJ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd3659401-7811-4a47-b609-366ece7ced29_736x487.png)
_**West African script invention, ca. 1832-2011**_. Map by Piers Kelly[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-42-151079120).
With a few exceptions, most of the colonial-era scripts were invented for nationalist reasons, but their spread was restricted because pre-existing scripts like Arabic and Ajami were well suited for the literary traditions of Africa, in the same way that the English and most Europeans didn't need to invent a new script after they had adopted the Latin script.
Acemoglu and Robinson were either unaware that writing was fairly widespread in pre-colonial Africa, or more likely, they considered the Ge'ez and Osmanya scripts as the only legitimate forms of African writing systems while dismissing the Arabic and Ajami scripts possibly because they were adopted. However, this raises important questions regarding England's lack of an independently invented script, and whether Acemoglu and Robinson think this aided the emergence of the country's supposedly “inclusive institutions” compared to Italy —where the Latin script and its related writing traditions originated.
* * *
**The ‘effeminate machine’: On the absence of wheeled transportation in Africa and Europe.**
The deficiencies in Acemoglu and Robinson’s comparative analysis of African and European history are best illustrated by their claim that the _**"Kongolese learned about the wheel"**_ from the Portuguese but refused to adopt it. This is demonstrably false, as neither Hilton nor Thornton mention anything about wheeled technology being introduced to Kongo by the Portuguese. Hilton specifically mentions that the Portuguese introduced hammocks (basically just fancy beds lifted by people), during the 16th century.[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-43-151079120)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Olyh!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcf7c5ae5-0e83-48be-8801-c9ded769e437_1127x373.png)
_**Method of travel in the Kingdom of Kongo**_, taken from Giulio Ferrario's _‘Il costume antico e moderno’_ (1843)
The fact that Europeans introduced this curious ‘technology’ instead of wheeled vehicles, should come as no surprise to any reader familiar with the history of wheeled transportation in Europe and the rest of the old world. The historian Richard W. Bulliet published two of the most cited books on this topic; _‘The Camel and the Wheel_’ (1975) and ‘_The Wheel: Inventions and Reinventions_’ (2016).
Bulliet argues that wheeled vehicles were widely adopted across the ancient world, mostly in the form of war chariots, before they were gradually displaced by the mounted warrior in battle around the 8th century BC, and by the camel in trade in the early centuries of the common era, leaving only limited use of wagons in farmwork for short hauls.[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-44-151079120)
The wheel thus disappeared across much of the old world during the Middle Ages, including in Europe, where royals, nobles, and ordinary merchants used pack animals, and where _**"Kings and knights considered all kinds of carriages as effeminate machines, and scorned to be seen within them . . . As late as the reign of Francis I [r. 1515–1547], there were only three coaches in Paris."**_[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-45-151079120)
However, cultural attitudes towards wheeled carriages and coaches eventually shifted during the 16th to 17th century. This wasn't because coaches were suddenly considered a more functional means of travel than the horse, but simply because they were later seen as more prestigious [and they dropped the ‘effeminate’ label]. The use of coaches remained restricted to the royals and elites, mostly for ceremonial functions, because ordinary transport using such vehicles was heavily constrained by the poor quality of the roads which were only improved in the 18th and 19th centuries just as rail transport was being invented.[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-46-151079120)
Bulliet also provides other examples across the rest of the world, such as from Persia, where an English visitor in 1883 noted _**“the roads then becoming impracticable to wheelcarriages, we were obliged to perform the rest of the journey on horseback in Persian saddles. . . . I saw no wheel-carriages of any kind in Persia”**_ and Japan in 1870s, where two European visitors noted; _**"Everything is transported from and into the interior by horses and bullocks. I have seen no wheeled vehicles except the [hand-pulled] jinrikisha and there are very few of these."**_[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-47-151079120)
Bulliet’s analysis of the wheel in world history is generally supported by other scholars of medieval and early-modern travel in Europe including; Julian Munby on the transition from carriages used by royal women in the late Middle Ages to coaches of elite men in the early modern period,[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-48-151079120) Erik Eckermann on the disappearance of wheeled carriages in post-Roman Europe until the 16th century,[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-49-151079120) And Peter Roger Edwards's on the coach's re-introduction in mid-16th century England and its slow spread among the nobility because it was considered “effeminate”.[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-50-151079120)
Despite the modern obsession with wheeled transport, the wheel’s insignificance in the early-modern period had long been recognized by professional economic historians like William T. Jackman as early as 1916, in his book ‘_The Development of Transportation in Modern England_, where he notes that in the 18th century England, _**“Contemporary evidence points very strongly to the conclusion that by far the larger proportion of the carrying was done by pack-horse. Long trains of these faithful animals, furnished with a great variety of equipment … wended their way along the narrow roads of the time, and provided the chief means by which the exchange of commodities could be carried on.”**_[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-51-151079120)
Its relevant to note that both [road building and wheel technology were attested in a number of African societies](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/roads-and-wheel-transport-in-africa?utm_source=publication-search) during antiquity and the early modern period. Wheel technology appears extensively in the military, transport, and irrigation systems of ancient Kush, while ceremonial carriages and wagons for mobile field pieces also appear in ceremonial and military contexts in the kingdoms of Dahomey and Loango.
In Kongo, the army of its province of Soyo deployed four field pieces mounted on wagons to annihilate the Portuguese army at the battle of Kitombo in 1670[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-52-151079120) which successfully expelled them from the kingdom for the next two centuries before they would return in 1914 to depose the last king of Kongo, Manuel III.
* * *
**conclusion: Why Theories Fail.**
The historical evidence outlined above undermines Acemoglu and Robinson's central argument on pre-colonial African institutions and their presumptions regarding pre-colonial Africa's apparent lack of efficient technologies. Their theories are inapplicable to Africa primarily because Acemoglu and Robinson fundamentally misunderstand basic aspects of pre-colonial African history, and they at times wilfully misrepresent their own sources in order to support their pre-conceived hypothesis.
Ironically, the authors dedicate a few paragraphs in their book to discrediting Jared Diamond's theories of geographic determinism, only to fall into the same trap of relying on deficient theoretical formulations.
Acemogulu and Robinson therefore follow in the long tradition of [Hegelian writers of Africa, whose wilful ignorance of Africa didn’t stop them from writing authoritatively about the continent](https://roape.net/2023/07/20/how-hegels-deliberate-ignorance-of-african-history-legitimated-the-colonisation-of-africa/). It’s very unfortunate that for most readers of this best-selling book, its erroneous description of Kongo and Somalia will be their first and only encounter with pre-colonial African history.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!TWHC!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fddd76c57-d18a-488c-a532-8c04a3fff2c5_1920x1080.jpeg)
_**The throne of Kong**_ o. Olfert Dapper, 1668.
* * *
The kingdom of Benin was one of the first African societies to adopt the use of firearms in 1514, However, guns contributed very little to Benin’s military systems during the kingdom’s early history before the 18th century. **My latest patreon article explores the cultural and military functions of firearms in the kingdom of Benin**
**please subscribe to read about it here:**
[THE GUNS OF BENIN](https://www.patreon.com/posts/114754735)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!3Atg!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8bb92fa1-33cd-4590-90e5-6d5426fae26b_651x1226.png)
* * *
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-1-151079120)
Reversal of Fortune: Geography and Institutions in the Making of the Modern World Income Distribution by Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, James A. Robinson, pg 1265-1269.
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-2-151079120)
The Colonial Origins of Comparative Development: An Empirical Investigation, by Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, James A. Robinson, Reply to the Revised (May 2006) version of David Albouy’s “The Colonial Origins of Comparative Development: An Investigation of the Settler Mortality Data.” by Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, and James Robinson.
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-3-151079120)
The ‘Reversal of Fortune’ Thesis and the Compression of History: Perspectives from African and Comparative Economic History by Gareth Austin.
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-4-151079120)
[The Nobel for Econsplaining](https://www.ft.com/content/1e2584d6-65ef-46de-bfb2-28811be65600).
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-5-151079120)
Map by J.K.Thornton, taken from; Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400-1800.
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-6-151079120)
Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty By Daron Acemoglu, James A. Robinson pg 58-59, 87-90
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-7-151079120)
Besides the already listed book, Thornton has also published the following;
-Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400–1800 (1998)
-The Kongolese Saint Anthony: Dona Beatriz Kimpa Vita and the Antonian Movement, 1684-1706 (1998)
-Warfare in Atlantic Africa, 1500-1800 (1999)
-Central Africans, Atlantic Creoles, and the Foundation of the Americas, 1585-1660 by Linda M. Heywood, John K. Thornton (2007)
-A Cultural History of the Atlantic World, 1250–1820 (2012)
-A History of West Central Africa to 1850 (2020)
-Afonso I Mvemba a Nzinga, King of Kongo: His Life and Correspondence (2023)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-8-151079120)
The correspondence of the Kongo kings, 1614-35 : problems of internal written evidence on a Central African kingdom by JK Thornton, New Light on Cavazzi's Seventeenth-Century Description of Kongo by John K. Thornton, The Origins and Early History of the Kingdom of Kongo, c. 1350-1550 by John Thornton.
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-9-151079120)
Early Kongo-Portuguese Relations: A New Interpretation by John Thornton, The Art of War in Angola, 1575-1680 by John K. Thornton, A Re-Interpretation of the Kongo-Portuguese War of 1622 According to New Documentary Evidence by John K. Thornton
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-10-151079120)
Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400–1800 By John Thornton pg 3-6
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-11-151079120)
Precolonial African Industry and the Atlantic Trade, 1500-1800 by John Thornton, pg 6-7 The Historian and the Precolonial African Economy: John Thornton Responds, by John Thornton pg 45-49.
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-12-151079120)
Precolonial African Industry and the Atlantic Trade, 1500-1800 by John Thornton pg 7,
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-13-151079120)
The Growth and Decline of African Agriculture in Central Angola, 1890-1950 by Linda M. Heywood pg 359-366.
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-14-151079120)
Precolonial African Industry and the Atlantic Trade, 1500-1800 by John Thornton pg 11-14.
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-15-151079120)
The Kingdom of Kongo by Anne Hilton pg 77
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-16-151079120)
A History of West Central Africa to 1850 By John K. Thornton pg 13
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-17-151079120)
Benin and the Europeans, 1485-1897 by Alan Frederick Charles Ryder pg 93-98, 129-143.
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-18-151079120)
As Artistry Permits and Custom May Ordain: The Social Fabric of Material Consumption in the Swahili World, Circa 1450-1600 by Jeremy G. Prestholdt pg 12-16
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-19-151079120)
The Historian and the Precolonial African Economy: John Thornton Responds, by John Thornton pg 50
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-20-151079120)
The Kingdom of Kongo by Anne Hilton pg 35-40, The Kingdom of Kongo: Civil War and Transition, 1641-1718 by John Kelly Thornton, pg xi-xii, 43-45, 92, Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400–1800 By John Thornton pg 82-83.
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-21-151079120)
The Kingdom of Kongo: Civil War and Transition, 1641-1718 by John Kelly Thornton, pg 24-25, Acemoglu and Robin’s fixation of the “miserable poverty” of Kongo is actually taken from the description of the villages, and even there, Thornton notes that _**“this appearance of poverty was an illusion.”**_ (pg 35-36) reflecting different cultural values rather than the sort of economic metrics we use to measure poverty today.
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-22-151079120)
The Kingdom of Kongo by Anne Hilton pg 55, 57-66, 70-73, The Kingdom of Kongo: Civil War and Transition, 1641-1718 by John Kelly Thornton, pg 19-20
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-23-151079120)
A reinterpretation of the Kongo-Portuguese war of 1622 according to new documentary evidence by J.K.Thornton, pg 241-243
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-24-151079120)
Slavery and its Transformation in the Kingdom of Kongo by L.M.Heywood, A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton pg 54-55.
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-25-151079120)
Why Nations Fail : The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty by Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson pg 175-178.
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-26-151079120)
That Most Precious Merchandise: The Mediterranean Trade in Black Sea Slaves, 1260-1500 by Hannah Barker pg 14-15. _Note that even historians of the **early** middle ages argue that the terminology for slavery in Europe was very diverse, see_; Slavery After Rome, 500-1100 By Alice Rio.
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-27-151079120)
That Most Precious Merchandise: The Mediterranean Trade in Black Sea Slaves, 1260-1500 by Hannah Barker.
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-28-151079120)
Slave hunting and slave redemption as a business enterprise by Dariusz Kołodziejczyk. pg 151-152.
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-29-151079120)
Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade by David Eltis pg 137-138.
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-30-151079120)
Servants of the Sharia: The Civil Register of the Qadis' Court of Brava 1893-1900, Volume I by Alessandra Vianello, Mohamed M. Kassim, pg 32-43, 56-65, 99-151.
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-31-151079120)
Land in Dar Fur: Charters and Related Documents from the Dar Fur Sultanate edited by R. S. O'Fahey, M. I. Abu Salim pg 19.
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-32-151079120)
Land in Dar Fur: Charters and Related Documents from the Dar Fur Sultanate edited by R. S. O'Fahey, M. I. Abu Salim pg 83.
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-33-151079120)
Why Nations Fail : The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty by Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson pg 238-243.
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-34-151079120)
The Kingdom of Kongo by Anne Hilton pg 64-65, 79-84, The Kingdom of Kongo: Civil War and Transition, 1641-1718 by John Kelly Thornton, 65-67.
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-35-151079120)
The Kongo Kingdom: The Origins, Dynamics and Cosmopolitan Culture of an African Polity by Koen Bostoen, Inge Brinkman pg 218-224.
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-36-151079120)
Literacy and Education in England 1640-1900 by L Stone pg 100-101, The History of Literacy in Spain by Antonio Viñao Frago pg 578.
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-37-151079120)
Beyond Timbuktu: An Intellectual History of Muslim West Africa By Ousmane Kane pg 7-8.
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-38-151079120)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Saʿdi's Taʾrīkh Al-Sūdān Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents by John O. Hunwick pg 73-74
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-39-151079120)
African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa By Michael A. Gomez pg 274-275.
[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-40-151079120)
_examples include the Kunta scholar’s challenge of the Massina state, the village Fuble scholars whose reform movements overthrew the pre-existing kingdoms of Hausaland, Masina and Futa Jallon, and other scholarly communities whose influence on statecraft in precolonial Africa is explored in Nehemia Levtzion and Randall L. Pouwels’ book;_‘The History of Islam in Africa’ (2000)_._
[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-41-151079120)
_The scholarly traditions of Barawa have been extensively researched by the historian Alessandra Vianello in his 2018 book_; 'Stringing Coral Beads': The Religious Poetry of Brava (c. 1890-1975).
[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-42-151079120)
The Invention, Transmission and Evolution of Writing: Insights from the New Scripts of West Africa by Piers Kelly.
[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-43-151079120)
The Kingdom of Kongo by Anne Hilton pg 84
[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-44-151079120)
The Wheel: inventions and reinventions by Richard W. Bulliet pg 113-132, The camel and the wheel by Richard W. Bulliet pg 16-21
[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-45-151079120)
The Wheel: inventions and reinventions by Richard W. Bulliet pg 148
[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-46-151079120)
The wheel: inventions and reinventions by Richard W. Bulliet pg 24-25, 96-110, 127- 160
[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-47-151079120)
The wheel: inventions and reinventions by Richard W. Bulliet 43-48
[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-48-151079120)
The Art, Science, and Technology of Medieval Travel edited by Robert Odell Bork, Andrea Kann, pg 41-53
[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-49-151079120)
World History of the Automobile by Erik Eckermann pg 7-10
[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-50-151079120)
Horses and the Aristocratic Lifestyle in Early Modern England pg 5,
[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-51-151079120)
The Development of Transportation in Modern England, Volume 1 By William T. Jackman, pg 141.
[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why#footnote-anchor-52-151079120)
The Art of War in Angola, 1575-1680 by John K. Thornton pg 375, on other examples of field artillery in Kongo, see; Warfare in Atlantic Africa, 1500-1800 By John K. Thornton pg 109-110.
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[Nov 4, 2024](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why/comment/75392117 "Nov 4, 2024, 3:27 AM")
Liked by isaac Samuel
Damn. This is so good. I feel like clapping for you.
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Liked by isaac Samuel
Hmmm perhaps Thomas Sowell need to read this article also, taking a bit too seriously from Guns Germs and Steel, thanks for keeping us sharp Isaac.
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[The city states of the Yoruba: a history of pre-colonial West African urbanism (1000-1900 CE)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-city-states-of-the-yoruba-a-history)
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Published Time: 2024-09-15T15:52:51+00:00
Africa and Europe during the age of mutual exploration: a Swahili traveler's description of 19th century Germany.
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Africa and Europe during the age of mutual exploration: a Swahili traveler's description of 19th century Germany.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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The late modern period that began in the early 19th century was the height of mutual exploration on a global scale in which African travelers were active agents.
In the preceding period, Africans had been traveling and occasionally settling across much of the old world since antiquity; from [China](https://www.patreon.com/posts/80113224?pr=true) and [Japan](https://www.patreon.com/posts/african-presence-90958238) to [India](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese?utm_source=publication-search), [Arabia, and the Persian Gulf](https://www.patreon.com/posts/96900062), from [Palestine](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-west-african-diaspora?utm_source=publication-search) and [Armenia](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-africa-and?utm_source=publication-search), to [Istanbul](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/historical-links-between-the-ottoman?utm_source=publication-search) and the [Roman world](https://newlinesmag.com/essays/did-europeans-discover-africa-or-the-other-way-around/), and from [Iberia](https://www.patreon.com/posts/82902179) to [Western Europe](https://www.patreon.com/posts/89363872?pr=true). Their activities contributed to the patterns of global integration that eventually led to the production of travel literature during the late modern period.
The travel literature produced by these intrepid African explorers provides a rich medium to study different perceptions of foreign cultures and exotic lands. The African authors consistently compare the unfamiliar landscapes, people and fauna they encountered to those in their own societies. They describe foreign curiosities, eccentricities, and beliefs that inspire personal reflections on humanity and religion, using the language of wonder to express the strangeness of foreign customs.
[The 1856 account of the Hausa traveler Dorugu](https://www.patreon.com/posts/hausa-travelers-98642300) for example, contains many comparisons between the culture, places, and rituals of the people of England and Germany, with those of his own community near the city of Zinder in modern Niger. Dorugu included many interesting anecdotes about his hosts such as the Germans' penchant for smoking, and the curious dining traditions of the English, whose meals he considered as good as Hausa cuisine.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!6oPO!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff557203f-7672-48b6-8513-04fbbe470d40_732x508.png)
_The tobacco college of King Friedrich Wilhelm I, [German engraving ca. 1878](https://smb.museum-digital.de/object/94971).**"I have never seen a country where people like to smoke as much as they do in Germany. You can even meet a young boy about twelve years old with a tobacco pipe stuck in his mouth."**_ Dorugu, 1856.
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[The 1896 account of the Comorian traveler Selim Abakari through the Russian Empire](https://www.patreon.com/posts/66837157) provides an even more detailed account of the many different places and cultures he encountered. Selim meticulously reproduces his observations of the unfamiliar landscapes, peoples and fauna for which he struggled to find equivalents in the Swahili language. He was pleasantly surprised upon meeting "white Muslims" in such a 'remote' region and was fascinated by the nomadic practices of the Kalmyks whom he compares to the Maasai of Kenya and Tanzania.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!2aeE!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6efb3dfe-bf1b-4c94-bf40-47e95fd76a45_640x403.png)
_Kalmyk camp near Astrakhan_, southern Russia. early 20th century. _**“They sleep in small tents made of thick fabric and do not stay in the same place for more than two days, they are like Maasai, they follow their herds —goats, sheep, and horses— in search of pastures.”**_ Selim Abakari, 1896.
[The book-length travelogue of the Ganda traveller Ham Mukasa who visited England in 1902](https://www.patreon.com/posts/106728570) provides what is arguably the most detailed account of foreign lands written by an African traveler from this period. Like the other travelers, Mukasa relied on a familiar vocabulary and set of concepts from his own society of Buganda, in Uganda, as a transcendental point of reference to describe the unfamiliar landscapes and objects of England, as well as in the way he characterized the different groups he met along the way; such as the Germans, Jews and Italians.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!6oWm!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1e002bea-1537-4ca0-aa84-354b401d82a9_873x536.png)
_A model of a torture rack in the Tower of London and a 19th-century engraving of a Torture Rack**.**_**“**_**... he took us to the fort of the kings of England from old days, which is called the ‘Tower’, and when we arrived there we saw many relics of all kinds from the time of their ancestors… We were also shown how they fastened their women to strong trees and stretched them like a cowskin is stretched, and the trees tore them in half.”**_ Ham Mukasa, 1902.
Many of these travelogues were written on the eve of colonialism and can thus be read as inverse ethnographies, utilising a form of narrative inversion in which the African travellers reframe and subvert the dominant political order. They travel along well-known routes, rely on local guides and interpreters, and comment on cultural differences using their own conceptual vocabularies.
An excellent example of this is a little known travel document written by an East African traveller Amur al-Omeri who visited Germany in 1891. Written in Swahili, the document relates his puzzlement about the unfamiliar landscape and curiosities he witnessed that he consistently compares with his home city of Zanzibar; from the strange circuses and beerhalls of Berlin, to the museums with captured artefacts, to the licentious inhabitants of Amsterdam.
**The 19th century travelogue of Amur al-Omeri is the subject of my latest Patreon article, please subscribe to read about it here;**
[THE SWAHILI EXPLORER OF GERMANY](https://www.patreon.com/posts/112049775)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!nP-c!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F99795407-3a87-4b04-a9c3-8c251d8ec3d1_653x942.png)
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_Storming of the Bastille Prison and the ‘July Column’ which replaced it. **“… We reached Paris, the capital of France… We saw also a tall pillar they had put up, with the figure of a man on the top standing on one leg, with wings and with a sword in his hand… This pillar was put there as a memorial to remind people of the prison into which their king used to put them (Bastille); when they removed the prison they put this pillar up, and wrote on it all about what happened at that time, as a memorial”**_. Ham Mukasa, 1902.
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Published Time: 2025-03-02T16:28:46+00:00
African cities in the 19th century: cosmopolitan urban spaces between three worlds.
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African cities in the 19th century: cosmopolitan urban spaces between three worlds.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Mar 02, 2025
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When the German adventurer Gerhard Rohlfs visited the city of Ibadan in 1867, he described it as _**“one of the greatest cities of the interior of Africa”**_ with _**“endlessly long and wide streets made up of trading stalls.”**_ However, unlike many of the West African cities he had encountered which were centuries old, Ibadan was only about as old as the 36-year-old explorer, yet it quickly surpassed its peers to be counted among the largest cities on the continent by the end of the century.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-cities-in-the-19th-century#footnote-1-158228303)
Originally founded as an army camp in 1829, what was initially a small town grew rapidly into a sprawling city with an estimated 100,000 inhabitants[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-cities-in-the-19th-century#footnote-2-158228303) living in large enclosed rectangular courtyards organized on principles of common descent rather than centralized kingship. Every community from across the Yoruba-speaking world and beyond converged on the cosmopolitan city, including the Hausa and Nupe from the north, the Igbo from the east, the Edo from the old city of Benin to the west, as well as Afro-Brazilians from the coast and European missionaries.
To most visitors, the city of Ibadan represented a complex phenomenon, with its labyrinthine physical layout and a large heterogeneous population comprised of traders, craftsmen, and farmers. During the colonial period, Ibadan attracted epithets such as the _‘Black Metropolis’_ and _‘the largest city in Black Africa,’_ and was considered the largest city in Nigeria until the late 1950s when it was ultimately surpassed by the country’s capital.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-cities-in-the-19th-century#footnote-3-158228303)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!jNt-!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F493ce4e7-6d2d-488e-b5d1-79c4639b5b8a_1361x509.png)
_**Illustrations of a Yoruba Compound and the city of Ibadan as seen from the mission house**_, ca. 1877, Anna Hinderer.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!REvu!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1dfc2c14-4ee4-404a-babb-56f41302f9c2_782x590.png)
_**People walking down the streets,**_ Ibadan, Nigeria, early 20th century. Shutterstock.
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At the close of the 19th century, there were more than a dozen cities in Africa whose population exceeded 100,000 inhabitants.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-cities-in-the-19th-century#footnote-4-158228303) While the majority of these large cities such as Cairo, Tunis, Fez, and Kano were of significant antiquity, some of them were of relatively recent foundation but they quickly surpassed their ancient counterparts in both size and importance.
At the confluence of the Blue and White Nile in Sudan, the urban settlement at Omdurman rapidly grew from a collection of hamlets to a large city during the last decade of the 19th century. Founded as the capital of the Mahdist state around 1885, the city housed an estimated 120-150,000 people who included many of the social groups of Sudan, living alongside different groups from West Africa, the Maghreb, and the Mediterranean world.
According to a description of the city by a visitor in 1887, _**“The inhabitants of Omdurman are a conglomeration of every race and nationality in the Sudan: Fellata, Takruris, natives of Bornu, Wadai, Borgo, and Darfur ; Sudanese from the Sawakin districts, and from Massawah; Bazeh, Dinka, Shilluk, Kara, Janghe, Nuba, Berta, and Masalit; Arabs of every tribe; inhabitants of Beni Shangul, and of Gezireh; Egyptians, Abyssinians, Turks, Mecca Arabs, Syrians, Indians, Europeans, and Jews.”**_[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-cities-in-the-19th-century#footnote-5-158228303)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!d8Sv!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F134fb579-5f47-496e-a298-e788055395e6_904x569.png)
_**Khalifa's house and mosque square**_, ca. 1930, Omdurman. MAA, Cambridge.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!o1jk!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff030444c-ee82-4e20-aa22-eede93b45200_863x554.webp)
_**View of Omdurman market**_. early 20th century.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!XS8C!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffe99254a-bea0-4b86-b914-c494c36d380f_909x561.png)
_**Market in Omdurman**_, ca. 1930. MAA, Cambridge.
The heterogeneous concourse of people who flocked to the cities of Ibadan and Omdurman was characteristic of many of the large cities that emerged in 19th century Africa, such as Abeokuta, Sokoto, and the East African city of Zanzibar.
Initially a small town in the shadow of its more prosperous neighbors, Zanzibar in the 19th century became a cosmopolitan locus of economic and cultural interchanges, stitching together Africa, Asia, Europe, and the Americas. The city was synonymous with the ‘exotic’ in world imagination —the sound of the word Zanzibar itself seemed to epitomize mysterious otherness.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!NB1n!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc79b92d5-0102-4535-9338-dcc85174ade9_1362x439.png)
_**“Ethnic panorama” of Zanzibar**_. (Left to Right), _**Sultan Khalifa and Prince Abdullah**_, ca. 1936, Getty Images; _**Swahili Hadjis from Zanzibar in Jedda**_, ca, 1884, NMWV; _**Arabs and a dhow in Zanzibar**_, ca. 1950, Zanzibar Museum; _**Indian women in sarees**_, ca. 1930, Quai Branly.
Regarded by later colonial officials as the _“Paris of East Africa,”_ Zanzibar was a melting pot of multiple cultures from across the Indian Ocean world, as described in this account from 1905:
_**“The bulk of the Zanzibar population (apart from the ruling Arabs) consists of representatives of all the tribes of East Africa, intermingled with an Asiatic element. The native classes are spoken of as Swahilis, and the descendants of the early settlers of the Island of Zanzibar are called Wahadimu. Banyans, Khojahs, Borahs, Hindoos, Parsees, Goanese, possess the trade of the island, while Goanese run the European stores and provide the cooks and clerks in European houses. The town swarms with beachcombers, guide-boys, carriers, and camel drivers from Beluchistan**_[Pakistan]_**, gold and silver workers from Ceylon; Persians, Greeks, Egyptians, Levantines, Japanese, Somalis, Creoles, Indians, and Arabs of all descriptions, making a teeming throng of life, industry, and idleness.”**_[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-cities-in-the-19th-century#footnote-6-158228303)
**The social history of Zanzibar and the origins of its diverse population are the subject of my latest Patreon article, please subscribe to read more about it here:**
[A SOCIAL HISTORY OF ZANZIBAR](https://www.patreon.com/posts/123415402)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!5lsV!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fee75791b-1d58-4ead-b086-3ba48f72714f_464x1278.png)
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[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!lx8q!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F48e20556-a81a-45cc-b7ac-db818b1488ce_866x520.png)
_**Zanzibar in the early 20th century.**_
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-cities-in-the-19th-century#footnote-anchor-1-158228303)
Gerhard Rohlfs in Yorubaland by Elisabeth de Veer and Ann O'Hear
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-cities-in-the-19th-century#footnote-anchor-2-158228303)
Seventeen years in the Yoruba country. Memorials of Anna Hinderer by Anna Hinderer pg 20
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-cities-in-the-19th-century#footnote-anchor-3-158228303)
The city of Ibadan by P. C. Lloyd
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-cities-in-the-19th-century#footnote-anchor-4-158228303)
_for older estimates of global urban population sizes throughout history, see_: 3000 Years of Urban Growth by Tertius Chandler, Gerald Fox, pg 196-216, _**for Kano, see**_: Hausaland Or Fifteen Hundred Miles Through the Central Soudan by Charles Henry Robinson pg 113.
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-cities-in-the-19th-century#footnote-anchor-5-158228303)
The Formation of the Sudanese Mahdist State by Kim Searcy pg 95- 118, A Sketch of the Early History of Omdurman by F Rehfisch. Ten years' captivity in the Mahdi's camp, 1882-1892 pg 283
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-cities-in-the-19th-century#footnote-anchor-6-158228303)
Zanzibar in Contemporary Times: A Short History of the Southern East in the Nineteenth Century by Robert Nunez Lyne
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https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-ottoman-boderlands-during
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Published Time: 2025-11-23T15:59:40+00:00
African-Ottoman borderlands during the early modern period: stories from the frontier.
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African-Ottoman borderlands during the early modern period: stories from the frontier.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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In 1574, the first of two embassies from the kingdom of Bornu in the Lake Chad basin arrived at the Ottoman sultan’s court in Istanbul, seeking, among other aims, to delineate the frontier between the two powers in the region of **[Fezzan](https://www.patreon.com/posts/when-west-sahara-59096311)** (in Libya).
The Ottomans agreed to most of the requests of the Bornu embassy except handing over a fortress in the Fezzan, which was previously ruled by the Ulad Muhammad, a dynasty of Moroccan origin who were vassals of Bornu.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-ottoman-boderlands-during#footnote-1-179675518)
The Bornu ruler at the time, Mai Idris Alooma, was therefore compelled to enter into an alliance of convenience with his Moroccan counterpart, Ahmad al-Mansur, following the dispatch of an embassy to Marrakesh between 1581 and 1583. By 1585, the Ottoman garrison in Fezzan was massacred, and the former rulers returned from their exile with Bornu’s support, re-establishing their base at Murzuq.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-ottoman-boderlands-during#footnote-2-179675518)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!zvIr!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcd599fc0-cf97-4434-a07c-4575985d7050_661x457.png)
_**Itineraries of the Bornu embassies to Istanbul and Morocco**_. Map by Rémi Dewière
The Ulads would continue depending on Bornu for military aid and resisting the Ottomans until a compromise was reached around 1626, when Turkish forces were withdrawn, and the hereditary authority of the Ulads was recognized.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-ottoman-boderlands-during#footnote-3-179675518)
But Ottoman control remained precarious for most of the 17th century. On several occasions, rebellious Fezzani leaders took refuge in Bornu, often in response to attempts by the pashas based at Tripoli to install a garrison at Marzuq. It wasn’t until the early 18th century that the pashas succeeded in imposing their authority over the Fezzan, severing its dependency on Bornu.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-ottoman-boderlands-during#footnote-4-179675518)
Bornu’s cultural influence in the Fezzan persisted well into the 19th century, when the German traveller Gustav Nachtigal found many “specific reminders” of Bornu’s presence in the region: _**“numerous gardens, squares and wells still today bear names in Kanuri, the language of Kanem and Bornu.”**_[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-ottoman-boderlands-during#footnote-5-179675518)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!nsuc!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe40c72d1-dcff-44cf-a7ef-eee34186e979_820x615.jpeg)
_**The fortress of Murzuq in the Fezzan region of Libya.**_
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While the modern understanding of borders relies largely on relatively recent concepts of territorial sovereignty and international law, the frontiers of pre-modern states were fluid and frequently contested, making ancient boundaries more ambiguous than what is often shown in historical maps.
In Africa, the authority of the Ottomans and African kingdoms like Bornu, Sennar, and Ethiopia, gradually petered out along an open frontier extending from the central Sahara to the southern Red Sea coast, leaving the intervening space under the control of local rulers who might pay nominal allegiance to one power or another.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!_hNO!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0ef038cb-4f3c-4f36-8365-feaf2256b0d2_1050x630.png)
_**The Ottoman Empire**_ Map by G. Friedman
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!7HKM!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F380af4fb-0995-42d6-8dd5-b6f5fac03779_794x526.png)
_**Some of the kingdoms of North-East Africa**_. Map by S. Pradines, modified by author
In 1555, the Ottomans created the _eyalet_(province) of Habeş on the Red Sea coast of Africa, whose capital was established at Suakin (in Sudan) and included the port town of [Massawa (Eritrea)](https://www.patreon.com/posts/medieval-cities-143143944). Its first governor was Özdemir Pasha, who also established Ottoman presence in lower Nubia at Ibrim (in Egypt).
In the 20 years after the establishment of the eyalet of Habeş, the Ottomans launched six attacks into the mainland, which were ultimately routed by the Ethiopian armies, and Özdemir Pasha was killed in 1560. Another attempt in 1578 was crushed by the Ethiopians, who defeated Özdemir’s successor, paša Ahmed, forcing a retreat to the coast.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-ottoman-boderlands-during#footnote-6-179675518)
In the 1560s, the Ottomans occupied the fort of Qasr Ibrim in lower Nubia (southern Egypt), which had been largely vacated after the collapse of the Christian Nubian kingdom.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-ottoman-boderlands-during#footnote-7-179675518) By 1577, they moved their armies south, intending to conquer the Funj kingdom of Sennar in Sudan. In 1584, the Ottoman army approached the city of Dongola in Sudan with many armed boats, but the invading force was routed by the armies of Sennar.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-ottoman-boderlands-during#footnote-8-179675518)
Following this string of disasters, increasing military and financial problems closer to home forced the Ottomans to abandon their ambitions for expansion in Africa.
Administration was left to the _kaşif_(civilian officials of various grades, usually associated with tax collection), who were supported by a small garrison. The Janissaries posted to the Habeş and Nubia were left to maintain themselves through intermarriage and began to identify increasingly closely with local, rather than Ottoman, interests.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-ottoman-boderlands-during#footnote-9-179675518)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!egen!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F50aa3f03-2771-4b92-b389-3a61b7a7f7db_724x535.png)
_**The cathedral ruins at Qasr Ibrim**_. image from Wikimedia Commons.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!X_ze!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd1a6fb46-3e04-442e-93e8-e1dfde767bae_774x491.png)
_**Fortress of Qasr Ibrim.**_ ca. 1850
The Ottoman traveler Evliya Çelebi, who visited Ibrim in 1672, describes it as a semi-autonomous town of a few thousand under the leadership of a kaşif, and notes that “all the local inhabitants are dark complexioned.” He also visited the coastal town of Massawa, which attracted ships from across the Indian Ocean world, and was described as “the seat of the pasha of Habesh”. Its Inhabitants were “all swarthy and black-skinned” and included a small community of Banyans (Indian traders).[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-ottoman-boderlands-during#footnote-10-179675518)
Nearly a century later, the Scottish traveler James Bruce, who visited Massawa in 1769, mentioned that it was under the control of local rulers known as the Belowee (Bäläw; a Beja group), who took the title “Naybe of Masuah”. The janissaries left by the Ottomans had, through “marrying the women of the country,” become “subject to the influence of the Naybe.”[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-ottoman-boderlands-during#footnote-11-179675518)
At Qasr Ibrim in 1813, the Swiss traveler Johann Burckhardt found that the garrisons of Janissaries (apparently of Bosnian origin) had intermarried locally among the Nubians. He mentions that the descendants of these unions “have long forgotten their native language” and were “independent of the [Ottoman] governors of Nubia”, but were instead ruled by their own _agas_(military officials).[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-ottoman-boderlands-during#footnote-12-179675518)
In these frontier regions, power was more or less entirely devolved to local rulers or agents, who were subjected to the vicissitudes of local politics and economic relations with neighbouring African kingdoms.
This is especially evident in the history of Suakin, an island city on the Red Sea coast of Sudan, which was formerly the seat of the Ottoman province of Habes between 1550-1670, but remained under the control of local rulers known as the Ḥaḍāriba.
The Ḥaḍāriba of Suakin had ruled the island since the late Middle Ages, when the city attracted merchants from across the Indian Ocean world, and was visited by the famous globe-trotter Ibn Battuta. They briefly exercised political and commercial influence over parts of the Red Sea coast, but later fell under the orbit of the kingdom of Sennar and the Ottomans during the 16th century.
One enthusiastic Portuguese chronicler who visited Suakin in 1541 compared it to Lisbon: _**“so dense that there is no corner without a building … All the city is an island and all the island is a city”**_
A later account from 1814 found that the small Turkish garrison had been acculturated into the local society: _**“many of them assert that their forefathers were natives of Diarbekr and Mosul; but the present race have the African features and manners, and are in no respect to be distinguished from the Hadherebe**_(ie, Ḥaḍāriba)_**.”**_
**The history of Suakin is the subject of my latest Patreon article. Please subscribe to read about it here and support this newsletter:**
[HISTORY OF SUAKIN](https://www.patreon.com/posts/history-of-ca-of-144176510)
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Street scene, Suakin, Sudan. ca. 1938. MAA Cambridge.
[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-ottoman-boderlands-during#footnote-anchor-1-179675518)
Mai Idris of Bornu and the Ottoman Turks by BG Martin, Du Lac Tchad à la Mecque : le Sultanat du Borno et son monde ( XVI - XVIIo siècle ) by Rémi Dewière pg 32-33
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-ottoman-boderlands-during#footnote-anchor-2-179675518)
A struggle for Sahara: Idrīs ibn ‘Alī’s embassy to Aḥmad al-Manṣūr in the context of Borno-Morocco-Ottoman relations, 1577-1583 By Rémi Dewière
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-ottoman-boderlands-during#footnote-anchor-3-179675518)
Libya, Chad, and the Central Sahara, by John Wright, pg 46
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-ottoman-boderlands-during#footnote-anchor-4-179675518)
The Cambridge History of Africa: 1600-1790, Volume 4, pg 128-129, Sahara and Sudan, Volume 1 by Gustav Nachtigal, C. Hurst & Co. Publishers, pg 153-158
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-ottoman-boderlands-during#footnote-anchor-5-179675518)
Sahara and Sudan, Volume 1 by Gustav Nachtigal, C. Hurst & Co. Publishers, pg 150
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-ottoman-boderlands-during#footnote-anchor-6-179675518)
The Frontiers of the Ottoman World, edited by A.C.S. Peacock, pg 227-8, 375, The Ethiopian Borderlands: Essays in Regional History from Ancient Times to the End of the 18th Century by Richard Pankhurst, pg 269-270)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-ottoman-boderlands-during#footnote-anchor-7-179675518)
The Medieval Kingdoms of Nubia: Pagans, Christians, and Muslims Along the Middle Nile by Derek A. Welsby, pg 254
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-ottoman-boderlands-during#footnote-anchor-8-179675518)
The Ottomans and the Funj sultanate in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries by A.C.S. Peacock, pg 97
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-ottoman-boderlands-during#footnote-anchor-9-179675518)
The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia, edited by Geoff Emberling, Bruce Williams, pg 881
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-ottoman-boderlands-during#footnote-anchor-10-179675518)
Ottoman Explorations of the Nile: Evliya Çelebi’s Map of the Nile and The Nile Journeys in the Book of Travels (Seyahatname) by Robert Dankoff, et al., pg 241-243, 315-318.
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-ottoman-boderlands-during#footnote-anchor-11-179675518)
Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile by James Bruce
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-ottoman-boderlands-during#footnote-anchor-12-179675518)
Travels in Nubia By Johann Ludwig Burckhardt pg 134-135
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[Nov 24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-ottoman-boderlands-during/comment/180627282 "Nov 24, 2025, 11:07 AM")
Liked by isaac Samuel
Extremely interesting !
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[Nov 24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-ottoman-boderlands-during/comment/180523257 "Nov 24, 2025, 12:32 AM")
Liked by isaac Samuel
Nice work
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Published Time: 2021-10-03T10:18:29+00:00
African paintings, Manuscript illuminations and miniatures; a visual legacy of African history on canvas, paper and walls
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African paintings, Manuscript illuminations and miniatures; a visual legacy of African history on canvas, paper and walls
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### a look at African aesthetics through history
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Oct 03, 2021
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Africa is home to some of the world’s oldest and most diverse artistic traditions, from the distinctive textile patterns across virtually every African society to its unique sculptures and engravings
But while many of these are well known symbols of African culture worldwide, little is known about Africa's vibrant painting and manuscript illustration tradition, this is mostly because of painting's association with "High Culture" (High Art) from which African painting is often excluded
In this article, I'll look at the history of African painting and manuscript illustrations that were rendered on three surfaces; Walls, Paper (or parchment) and Canvas (or cloth)
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### Wall paintings; murals and frescos
**Painting in ancient and medieval Nubia**
_**Kerman wall painting (2500BC-1550BC)**_
The kingdoms of the middle Nile region have some of the most robust painting traditions in the world. Wall painting in this region begun in the kingdom of Kerma during early 2nd millennium BC whose antecedents are to be traced back to the cave paintings A-group chiefdom of the forth millennium[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-1-42089222)
The most elaborate paintings are dated to the classic Kerma period between 1650 and 1550BC that include the polychrome scenes in the mortuary shrines of the Kerma kings and on the walls of the _Defuffa_ temples depicting stars, deities, fishing scenes, hunting scenes, Nilotic fauna (including giraffes) and large lions in a way that art historian Robert Bianchi writes "The depictions invite comparison with the earliest depictions of animals in Nubia, particularly on rock art"
While few photos of the Kerma paintings are accessible, there's one depicting cattle and giraffes from mortuary temple K XI[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-2-42089222) and a low relief figure of a large lion made using faience tiles and set in the eastern _deffufa_ temple of Kerma during the classic Kerma era, giving us a look at the painting traditions of Kerma
_paintings of giraffes and cattle from the KXI mortuary temple, 18th century BC (at kerma, sudan)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!edW1!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F83b52fea-601d-49a8-98f2-0b9d9c21285f_524x480.png)
_lion inlay from the eastern deffufa temple, 1700BC, (at the boston museum)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!uyX7!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0c1ee6f6-e21c-4b39-8333-2113329481c6_1000x627.png)
_**Napatan wall painting (8th-4th century BC)**_
The wall painting traditions of Kush continued into its resurgence as a powerful state during the “Naptan Era” in the 8th century BC when its capital was at Napata and its rulers were buried in the royal cemetery of _el-kurru_,
While many of the Napatan-era temples, monuments, statues, palaces and houses were often richly decorated with painted scenes, the only paintings that survive were those in the burial chambers and vestibules of the royal tombs esp. the two tombs of queen _Qalhata_[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-3-42089222) and king _Tanwetamani_[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-4-42089222) both built by the latter who also commissioned the paintings
The former tomb was the best preserved and seemingly most lavishly painted featuring scenes describing the queen's path to the afterlife, the ceiling is painted with a delicate star field (first two photos below) , Tanwetamani's tomb is also richly painted depicting him with the typical kushite cap crown (last photo).
_queen_ _Qalhata’s tomb paintings, 7th century BC, (at el-kurru in sudan)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!czlf!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5d2b26c3-02ad-42bc-a723-600abe4d9eb8_2047x1365.png)
_queen_ _Qalhata’s tomb paintings, 7th century BC, (at el-kurru in sudan)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!T1gW!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fef000b1e-b83e-4a81-8196-807ad438bae8_2048x1365.png)
_Tanwetamani's tomb paintings, 7th century BC, (at el-kurru sudan)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!y91M!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F86dc1314-2a52-4e93-9e9c-f89697943461_2048x1365.png)
_**Christian Nubian paintings (6th to 14th century AD)**_
The period between the 6th and 14th century witnessed the emergence of a distinctive art culture in the christian nubian kingdom of Makura, with its capital at Old Dongola, this art adorned the walls of cathedrals, monasteries, palaces and other buildings in the kingdom, most famous of these collections were the hundreds of paintings recovered from the cathedral of Faras[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-5-42089222), the Kom H monastery at Old Dongola[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-6-42089222) , and the church of Banganarti[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-7-42089222)
The artistic center of Makuria was at Old Dongola, its capital, from which the kingdom’s iconographic models and stylistic trends were exported across other regional cities such as Faras
Nubian art is described by art historian "resolutely local style" characterized by rounded figures. an elongation of the silhouettes and the specific design of the eyes and nose, paintings are often multicolored and have a rich chromatic range[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-8-42089222), its is however to be located just as much within the larger Eastern Christian art with its byzantine themes
The original themes in Nubian and Ethiopian art are described by Martens-Czarnecka who in her comparisons of both writes that; "the Nubian and Ethiopian painters endeavor to depict "the objective reality of the subject, in accordance with their knowledge or their belief, rather than the 'visual impression that emerges from it"[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-9-42089222)
The technique used for executing the majority of the Nubian murals was tempera, pigments were sourced locally, the primary colors were yellow, red, black, white and gray. A composition was sketched first in yellow ochre with a thin brush, then the contours of the figures, vertical lines of the robes, etc. [10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-10-42089222)
_nativity mural from faras cathedral, 10th century, sudan national museum_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!3gVc!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F505549f1-16eb-4b6b-b23d-93b5e3700058_473x542.png)
_Wall painting of a dance scene from kom h with old nubian inscriptions, 10th-13th century,_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!nLK8!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc99221cd-8785-44ea-b526-3ebe9c361381_582x650.png)
* * *
**Ethiopian wall paintings**
_**From Aksumite paintings through the Zagwe and early Solomonic paintings**_
Aksum was a powerful state controlling much of the northern horn of Africa and parts of the southern coasts of the red sea between the 3rd and 10th century AD afterwhich the region was controlled by the Zagwe kingdom from the 11th century which later fell to the "Solomonic" empire in the 13th century till the mid 20th century.
The northern horn region , like Nubia, had a much older rock art tradition that continued well into Aksum's pre-christian era and it was this art tradition that was then transferred to other mediums such as building walls, canvas, cloth and paper although the distinctive art style that came to be known as Ethiopian art was largely developed in the mid 1st millennium after Aksum's official conversion to Christianity
While few datable Aksumite paintings survive, there are a number of churches and monasteries from the late Aksumite era that probably preserve original Aksumite paintings eg the paintings on the ceiling of _Abune Yemata Guh_, the church of _Abraha-wa-Atsbaha_ and _Mika’el Debra Selam_[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-11-42089222) .
In general, Ethiopian wall paintings were often made by trained painters, likely using old pattern books to prepare their utensils: brush, paints and dyes. Painters use locally produced pigments, primarily the colors yellow, red, black and white[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-12-42089222)
Some of the painters from this period are known by name notably Fre seyon the primary painter of the workshop of a circle of painters employed by emperor Zara Yaeqob's court in the 15th century[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-13-42089222) and others such as Abuna Mabaa Seyon, however, most Ethiopian painters remained anonymous, a number of wall paintings include names of people who commissioned the paintings or people who are represented in the painted scenes[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-14-42089222).
_Abreha wa astbaha painting, undated_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!GAtK!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F278b1c6d-ffcf-454b-a380-c20fcc7de82b_600x400.png)
_Abune yemata guh painting, undated_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!DFTn!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4d67ad05-e160-4c9e-bf2c-b810ec9d6c24_1536x2048.png)
_painting of the archangel Michael, from the 13th century, at the waschka mikael church_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Hxni!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe45267d5-11b5-4e3f-b23c-ba193c4fc955_750x801.png)
_painting of two angels, likely from the 13th century, at the Genata Maryam Medhane Alem Church_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!k3so!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff33cbfc2-2d75-410a-adcc-4034d1c60ecb_2000x1296.png)
**Gondarine painting (17th to late 18th century)**
Between the mid16th and late 18th century. The increasing cosmopolitanism of the Ethiopian court with its imperial capital at Gondar led to the inclusion of a number of foreign painting styles into Ethiopia's artistic tradition
For the Gondarine emperors, patronage of the arts was a means of displaying imperial status as the; Starting with the 17th century, the city of Gondar dominated for centuries the art of Ethiopia. The saying "who wishes to paint goes to Gondar"[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-15-42089222) well illustrates this preponderance
This artistic epoch is divided into two periods, the _**first gondarine**_ style beginning around 1655 and flourishing under emperor Yohannes I (r. 1667-8 2) with painters trained at workshops associated with churches and monasteries near the capital who later influenced the art of regional centers such as at the lake Tana monasteries. The _**second gondarine**_ style, is associated with the patronage of the regent empress Mentewwab and her son the emperor Iyyasu II (r. 1730- 55) "this florid style is distinguished by its heavy modeling of flesh, carefully rendered patterns of imported fabrics, and shaded backgrounds changing from yellow to red or green." this style also later spread to a number of churches in the Tigray region as well[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-16-42089222)
Gondarine style murals generally depict expanded narrative cycles including realistic details of clothing, furniture, hair styles, and even genre scenes but while realistic details of costumes and accessories are emphasized, Ethiopian painters continued the tradition of older art styles without an indication of lightsource or a shadow indicating continuity with the early solomonic, zagwe, and Aksumite art styles[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-17-42089222)
_Narga Selassie monastery wall paintings in the second gondarine style , an 18th century painting of mary and child with empress mentewab (at the bottom)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!iwet!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0aa463d8-6ff4-44fb-b374-8f6356e34f8f_533x679.png)
_painting of the Archangel michael angel leading the faithfuls, 18th century (found at the abovementioned monastery)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!UNbl!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2c3b7ef1-91e5-485d-a719-82108ea1b757_1767x2014.png)
* * *
### **African Paintings on other surfaces**;
_**The painted Pottery and stone slabs from the meroitic art of the kingdom of Kush**_
Meroitic pottery (from the Meroitic period when the capital of Kush was at Meroe between the 4th century BC and the 4th century AD) is described as the "the finest achievement of Meroitic art"
Kush's older decorative pottery styles which date back to the aforementioned Kerma kingdom were revived in polychrome pottery painting in the 5th century BC using geometrical, guilloche, and floral motifs, added to this were the new Ptolemaic styles adopted by Kush’s artists in the 3rd century BC; to produce a distinctive painting style employing geometric and floral friezes with a characteristic frieze motif composed of a snake and stars, Nubian fauna, flora and other Kushite themes eg one about ‘the hare, two guinea fowls, and a hyena’ that is derived from an ancient animal fable in Kush from the 4th century BC[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-18-42089222)
Meroitic pottery's "line drawing style" is described by nubiologist Laszlo Torok; "its decoration structure, iconographical repertory and subsidiary patterns are characterized by a geometrical clarity of the design structure, a striving for sharp definition, and a conspicuous precision of the execution"[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-19-42089222)
The Meroitic painted Stela are often funerary/mortuary Stelae representing the deceased, they were placed on tombstones or inside their graves, they often depict one or two figures standing beneath a winged sun disk. While the tradition of painting on stone slabs/ stela was revived in the late Meroitic era it had been a feature of Nile valley artistic traditions since the 3rd millennium BC[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-20-42089222)
_Meroitic Painted pottery of giraffe and palm tree, 1st century AD (at the penn museum)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!bTUj!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe4c5e324-6fdd-4a32-804f-d1fe07bf69eb_1600x1948.png)
_painted pottery depicting a hyena, guinea fowl and a hare; all three are from an ancient nubian folk tale, 1st cent BC-1st century AD (at the oriental institute Chicago)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Hdyj!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0eefd482-2da2-4d3a-a545-5b0a6943fa20_910x1024.png)
_Stela showing a nubian couple; Meteye (white skirt with a swastika) and Abakharta, 1st cent BC-1st century AD (cairo museum)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!-lSK!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F62e0a116-acb5-4d89-bb39-b93eb4c056c6_1027x907.png)
_funerary stela of a nubian girl found at karanog, 2nd century AD, (penn museum)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!JDax!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F86689c61-44bf-4c2e-8627-621249bc9a36_1216x1369.png)
* * *
_**Ethiopian paintings on cloth, Canvas and wood**_
From the Aksumite to the early Solomonic era, the bulk of Ethiopian paintings that survive were rendered on paper/parchment, cloth and on walls, followed in the 15th century by paintings on wood panels known as icons in the form of diptychs, triptychs and polyptychs and by the 16th century, paintings on canvas[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-21-42089222)
The styles and themes on both of these icons and canvas painting surfaces follow the abovementioned artistic styles; _**early solomonic**_, _**first**_ _**gondarine**_ and _**second gondarine,**_ Most icon painters remain anonymous but some notable icon painters from this time include the aforementioned painter Fre Seyon[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-22-42089222)
_Ethiopian painting of "The Last Supper", tempera on linen, 18th century (at the Virginia museum of fine arts)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!uGZm!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb9828d0a-a42c-4aad-abc2-49176ad997a1_1200x862.png)
_Elephant hunting, inventoried 1930 (at quai branly museum)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!L818!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fce0adf04-435b-46af-959e-964394f1ed7d_605x704.png)
_Diptych painting of Mary and the son with various apostles and angels. By fre seyon, late 15th century (at the walter's art museum)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!YNnL!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F09b0a6ab-5c76-4676-948a-031cf9d7f61a_575x401.png)
_painting on double triptych of the virgin mary and child, 19th cent. (at the brooklyn museum)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!0VyY!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F95d65ff5-e523-4c0e-8f24-397299b5b1c3_1536x1198.png)
* * *
### **African Manuscript illustrations; on miniatures and other decorations in African manuscripts**
_**Nubian manuscript illumination**_
Nubian illuminations have received limited scholarly attention, but the recent studies of a few fragmentary manuscripts from the cities of Serra east and Qsar ibrm allow for a reconstruction of Nubian illumination, the similarities between the Serra and Qsar Ibrim illumination attest to the presence of a local manuscript production center in Nubia[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-23-42089222)
The miniature illustrations of bishops, priests and angels on these manuscripts also follow the wider Nubian art styles depicted on wall murals
_manuscript with seated bishop giving a sermon from qsar ibrim, 10th-12th century AD (at the british museum)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!TE3C!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7a847f2a-03a3-45b3-aa7f-477be2c558a1_909x1000.png)
_Illustrated manuscript page from serra east of man sitting cross legged and wearing blue stripped pants, 10th-14th century AD (sudan national museum)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Gd7E!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe1dc7fb6-fe0b-420f-b2cc-c0452cf3dc87_780x290.png)
_**Ethiopian manuscript illumination and miniatures**_
Ethiopia's manuscript illustration tradition is one of the oldest in the world dating back to the Aksumite kingdom in the mid 1st millennium AD, the Aba Garima gospels, which are two ancient ethiopic gospel books, were dated to between the 4th and 6th centuries AD, making them the oldest illuminated gospels in the world[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-24-42089222)
Ethiopian manuscripts were illuminated and illustrated following the same styles as their paintings, but also include ornamental interlace, stylized floral, foliate and geometric patterns[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-25-42089222), the miniatures depict various figures including apostles and other Christian figures, rulers and patrons, saints and people, flora and fauna, mythical creatures and landscapes, architectural features and buildings, and general representations of contemporary Ethiopian life[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-26-42089222)
Ethiopian illuminators often worked in monasteries where the skills was passed on from a tutor to their student, by the 15th century two monastic houses had developed their own distinctive styles of illumination; _the ewostatewos style_ and the _estifanos style_ (known as the _gunda gunde style_[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-27-42089222)), increasingly, emperors such as Dawit and Zera Yacob patronized the arts and establishing scriptoriums
While most illustrators remained anonymous, a few signed their works eg the scribe Baselyos (also known as the Ground Hornbill Master) active in the 17th century[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-28-42089222)
_miniature from the Garima gospels, a portrait of an apostle, 4th-6th century AD (at abba garima monastery, ethiopia)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!-hQa!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbabb59b3-58f7-43ca-ab78-fd32527a74ce_500x645.png)
_miniature of Virgin and Child flanked by the Archangels Michael and Gabriel in the Gunda gunde style, 16th century (at the walters art museum)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!0_QR!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8175eb21-feb8-46e4-888d-0cd72e8fcbb4_575x715.png)
_illustrations depicting saint walata petros performing various miracles, 1673 from the Gädlä Wälättä hagiography_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!kgPv!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F653d934f-ea79-48e4-b328-5f72346680ce_480x445.png)
_**West African illuminated manuscripts**_
Much of west Africa's art tradition is primarily rendered on textiles (which will be the subject for a future article) that display a wide range of geometric and floral patterns, its from this artistic tradition that west African manuscript illumination ultimately derives, as art historian Sheila Blair writes on west African illumination "such patterns of diagonals, zigazags and strapwork arranged in rectangular panels are standard on _bogolanfini_, the "mud-dyed cloths made in mali, traditionally by sewing together narrow strips"[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-29-42089222)
West African illuminated manuscripts also featured abstract miniature illustrations of the prophet's compound and household (attimes including his wives' houses, sandals, horses, swords), his pulpit and the graves of the prophets and the first two caliphs[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-30-42089222)
The images are often rendered in highly geometric form with houses indicated as rectangles or circles, walls as colored line bundles and the sandals in abstract form[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-31-42089222)
Unlike Nubian and Ethiopia illustrations however, the avoidance of depicting sentient beings In west African manuscript miniatures is doubtlessly because of Aniconism in islam
_abstract miniatures in a copy of the popular prayerbook 'Dalāʾil al-Khayrāt' written by a scribe in northern ghana, 19th century, (british library)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!IlZx!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F304c56bb-ab3d-4847-8e66-37dc6798106b_834x473.png)
_**East African illuminated manuscripts**_
Eastern africa is home to a wide range of artistic styles and just like west Africa, the majority of its paintings and illustrations were rendered on textiles using a rich array of colors, patterns and designs and while regionally diverse, the illuminations in eastern Africa's manuscript centers were cosmopolitan and adapted as much as they influenced other manuscript centers
The recently published study of an illuminated Harar Qur'an from the 18th century is evidence of this cosmopolitanism, with two way influences between Harar (in Ethiopia), ottoman Egypt, Islamic India and Zanzibar on the Swahili coast[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-32-42089222)
In east Africa, some of the most notable illuminated manuscripts besides Harar have come from the cities of Mogadishu (Somalia) and Siyu (Kenya)
Siyu in particular flourished in the late 18th and early 19th century as a prominent center of learning, housing several prominent scholars and producing thousands of works that were sold and circulated around the region. Siyu's scribes used locally produced ink[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-33-42089222) to render the texts and ornamentation in the classic triad of black, red, and yellow, outlining blank pages in black ink to create a dynamic play of positive and negative space
Siyu's illumination designs derive largely from its local Swahili art, eg the geometric knot motifs on Swahili tombstones, the floral and foliate motifs on Swahili doors and the “Solomon’s knot” that’s common across subsaharan africa[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-34-42089222). Siyu's manuscript cultures were partially influenced by similar themes in the mainland cities of Lamu (Kenya) and Mogadishu
_Illuminated Qur’an made in the city of Siyu, Kenya by Swahili scribes, 18th-19th century (Lamu Fort Museum)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!lXPl!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe20822cb-f12d-4e10-a2da-beb71ad3326d_1000x667.png)
_illuminated Copy of the "Dala'il al-khayrat" (waymarks of benefits) written by a somali scribe, 1899, (at the constant hames collection)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!btNn!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F91fde4a8-8798-4389-8991-a3abdf327a54_635x444.png)
**Conclusion**
African painters and illustrators were part of the wider African art tradition, African art cultures were thoroughly cosmopolitan incorporating and adopting various art styles, themes and motifs from across different world regions into their own styles but African painters still retained their unique African aesthetics, at times archaizing by bringing back older styles inorder to emphasize the distinctive look that sets them apart from other artistic traditions. African painting is thus an integral part of African history.
* * *
**I wrote an article on my Patreon about an ancient African Astronomical Observatory discovered in the ruins of Meroe in Sudan, including the illustrations and mathematical equations engraved on its walls**
[Patreon: An African Observatory](https://www.patreon.com/posts/56930547)
sneak peek
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!l5F2!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb64f74f6-5bfc-4f29-8433-42afbef6f8de_764x594.png)
* * *
[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-1-42089222)
Daily life of the nubians by Robert Steven Bianchi, pg 81
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-2-42089222)
Pastoral states: toward a comparative archaeology of early Kush, page 11,
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-3-42089222)
Royal Cemeteries of Kush, vol. 1: El Kurru by Dows. Dunham, plate 9
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-4-42089222)
Dows. Dunham, plate 18
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-5-42089222)
Pachoras Faras by Stefan Jakobielski
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-6-42089222)
The Wall Paintings from the Monastery on Kom H in Dongola by Malgorzata Martens-Czarnecka
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-7-42089222)
Banganarti 2003 : The Wall Paintings by Magdalena Łaptaś
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-8-42089222)
La peinture murale copte by du Bourguet
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-9-42089222)
Studies of Sudanese Medieval Wall Paintings from 1963 to the Present - Historiographic Essay by Magdalena M. Wozniak
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-10-42089222)
The wall paintings from the Monastery on Kom H in Dongola by Malgorzata Martens-Czarnecka, pg 92,-93
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-11-42089222)
Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 222
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-12-42089222)
The Story of Däräsge Maryam By Dorothea McEwan pg 97
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-13-42089222)
African zion by Munro-Hay et al, pg 142
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-14-42089222)
The Story of Däräsge Maryam By Dorothea McEwan pg 97, 98
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-15-42089222)
Major themes in ethiopian painting by Stanislaw Chojnacki, pg 35
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-16-42089222)
African zion by Munro-Hay et al, pg 195
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-17-42089222)
Stanislaw Chojnacki, pg 19
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-18-42089222)
Hellenizing Art in Ancient Nubia by László Török pg 275
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-19-42089222)
László Török, pg 263
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-20-42089222)
Between Two Worlds by László Török, pg 474
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-21-42089222)
Stanislaw Chojnacki, pg 319
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-22-42089222)
The Marian Icons of the Painter Frē Ṣeyon by Marilyn Heldman pg 114
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-23-42089222)
The Oriental Institute 2015–2016 Annual Report. by Gil J. Stein, pgs 140–41
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-24-42089222)
The Garima Gospels by Judith McKenzie, Francis Watson
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-25-42089222)
african zion, pg 63
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-26-42089222)
Secular Themes in Ethiopian Ecclesiastical Manuscripts by Richard Pankhurst
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-27-42089222)
Marilyn Heldman pg 101
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-28-42089222)
Stanislaw Chojnacki, pg 492
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-29-42089222)
The meanings of Timbuktu by Shamil Jeppie et al. pg 69-70)
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-30-42089222)
A Fragment of Paradise by R. Bravmann
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-31-42089222)
The trans saharan book trade by Graziano Krätli et al, pg 236-239
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-32-42089222)
The visual resonances of a Harari Qur’ān by Sana Mirza
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-33-42089222)
Siyu in the 18th and 19th centuries. by J de V Allen
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/african-paintings-manuscript-illuminations#footnote-anchor-34-42089222)
The Siyu Qur’ans by Zulfikar Hirji
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Published Time: 2025-03-30T12:38:51+00:00
Africans in ancient Greece and Cyprus - by isaac Samuel
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Africans in ancient Greece and Cyprus
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Africans were already present on the European mainland by the time Herodotus —the so called _father of history_— wrote his monumental work, _The Histories_.
Herodotus' account mentions the presence of _Aithiopian_ and Egyptian auxiliaries in the armies of the Persian emperor Xerxes at Doriscus and Plataea in 480 BC. Herodotus also provides a description of the land of Egypt and _Aithiopi_ a where these auxiliaries originated, and the includes the first external account of the _aithiopian_ capital [Meroe](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital) in what is today Sudan.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-ancient-greece-and-cyprus#footnote-1-160178657)
_Aithiopia_ was a classical term for the land south of Egypt, corresponding to the ancient kingdom of Kush, but the term was in later periods also applied more generally to Africans living beyond the southern Mediterranean coast.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-ancient-greece-and-cyprus#footnote-2-160178657) Greek myths and literature give a prominent place to _aithiopians_, and their frequent representation in artwork from the 5th century BC onwards was doubtlessly influenced by direct contacts with Africans, both in Africa and in Greece.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-ancient-greece-and-cyprus#footnote-3-160178657)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!oN6K!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7a8b2d69-8667-4d9b-ae20-6f193e1c1ede_1101x629.png)
_**Terracotta statuette of a seated African holding a scroll**_. ca. 300-200 BC, Apulian (Greek) No 1856,1226.312, British Museum. _**Terracotta figure of an African actor or priest**_. 2nd-1st century BC, Smyrna, Turkey. No. 1993,1211.1, British Museum. _**Bronze vessel in the form of the head of a young African woman**_. 2nd-1st century BC. Hellenistic. No. 1955,1008.1 British Museum.
While my previous essays on [African explorers who travelled across the old world from Rome to China](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers) focused on those Africans whose origin and careers were sufficiently known and documented, they excluded the more abundant iconographical evidence and fragmentary textual accounts which suggest a much larger community of diasporic Africans than is commonly averred.
_Aithiopians_ appear for the first time in Greek literature in the Homeric poems of the 8th century BC, albeit with semi-mythological attributes. They are more accurately described in the accounts of Xenophanes (d. 478 BC), Herodotus (d. 425 BC), and the Athenian dramatists of the time who included them among the subjects of their plays and poems about the semi-legendary figures Memnon and Busiris. _Aithiopians_ are also reported among the disciples of the philosophers Aristippus (d. 356 BC) and Epicurus (d. 270 BC).[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-ancient-greece-and-cyprus#footnote-4-160178657)
Images of Aithiopian figures appear much earlier in the northern Mediterranean, first on the island of Cyprus in the early 2nd millennium BC, and later on mainland Greece by the 6th century BC. Classical artists depicted _aithiopian_ figures on virtually every medium, including marble, bronze, and terracotta sculptures; Janiform vases that juxtaposed _aithiopians_ with Thracians and Scythians; black-figure vases; as well as masks and other items which point to the presence of _aithiopians_ in ancient Greece.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-ancient-greece-and-cyprus#footnote-5-160178657)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!sTKA!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2db2ebff-7f61-4900-bdbc-2a491ef68008_999x765.png)
_**aithiopian soldiers**_, detail from a Black Figure table amphora by painter Exekias depicting Achilles fighting Penthesileia and Memnon with _aithiopians_, c. 535 BCE. No. 1849,0518.10. British Museum.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-ancient-greece-and-cyprus#footnote-6-160178657)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!floc!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe98850f3-b232-404f-a394-75843755d41a_799x521.png)
_**aithiopian soldiers coming to the assistance of King Busiris of Egypt**_, detail from the Caeretan hydria by the Busiris Painter depicting Herakles fighting Egyptian priests and soldiers of Busiris. c. 550 BCE. Kunsthistoriches Museum, Vienna 3576. Flickr image by Dan Diffendale. _‘The vase deliberately aims to capture Egypt’s human diversity: the priests range in skin color, hair color, and face shape, while the soldiers are all depicted using a register very similar to Exekias’ portrayals’._[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-ancient-greece-and-cyprus#footnote-7-160178657)_(see the vase above)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!-1dJ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F852c8251-20b9-4220-92be-dc192af9c26f_666x594.png)
_**Alabastron depicting an aithiopian man and a Scythian (amazon) woman**_. ca. 490-480 BC. No. 3382. Staatliche Museen zu Berlin.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-ancient-greece-and-cyprus#footnote-8-160178657)
The _aithiopian_ figures from Cyprus represent the earliest iconographical evidence of Africans in the diaspora. The island of Cyprus was associated with _aithiopians_ during the classical period, and _aithiopians_ were counted among the ‘founding tribes’ of Cyprus in Herodotus’ account.
The presence of Africans in Cyprus is better documented during the late Middle Ages, when its cities of Nicosia and Famagusta became home to a community of scholars and pilgrims from medieval Nubia and Ethiopia, who produced influential figures in Rome during the Counter-Reformation.
**The history of the African diaspora in Cyprus from the bronze age to the late medieval period is the subject of my latest Patreon article.**
**Please subscribe to read about it here:**
[AFRICANS IN ANCIENT CYPRUS](https://www.patreon.com/posts/125467202)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-ancient-greece-and-cyprus#footnote-anchor-1-160178657)
Herodotus' Histories, 7.69-70, 9.32, 2.29
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-ancient-greece-and-cyprus#footnote-anchor-2-160178657)
Herodotus in Nubia By László Török, Greeks and Ethiopians by Frank M. Snowden in J. E. Coleman and C. A. Walz (eds.), Greeks and Barbarians: Essays on the Interactions between Greeks and Non-Greeks in Antiquity and the Consequences for Eurocentrism
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-ancient-greece-and-cyprus#footnote-anchor-3-160178657)
Blacks in Antiquity: Ethiopians in the Greco-Roman Experience By Frank M. Snowden pg 1-14, 123-129, 184-185
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-ancient-greece-and-cyprus#footnote-anchor-4-160178657)
Before Color Prejudice: The Ancient View of Blacks By Frank M. Snowden pg 46-49, 93-94
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-ancient-greece-and-cyprus#footnote-anchor-5-160178657)
Blacks in Ancient Cypriot Art by Vassos Karageorghis, Blacks in Antiquity: Ethiopians in the Greco-Roman Experience By Frank M. Snowden. _For a more nuanced interpretation of pre-6th century aithiopians in Greek and Cypriot artwork_, see; Racialized Commodities: Long-Distance Trade, Mobility, and the Making of Race in Ancient Greece, C. 700-300 BCE by Christopher Stedman Parmenter pg 89-122
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-ancient-greece-and-cyprus#footnote-anchor-6-160178657)
Racialized Commodities: Long-Distance Trade, Mobility, and the Making of Race in Ancient Greece by Christopher Stedman Parmenter pg 96-97
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-ancient-greece-and-cyprus#footnote-anchor-7-160178657)
Racialized Commodities: Long-Distance Trade, Mobility, and the Making of Race in Ancient Greece by Christopher Stedman Parmenter pg 95-96
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-ancient-greece-and-cyprus#footnote-anchor-8-160178657)
Blacks in Antiquity: Ethiopians in the Greco-Roman Experience By Frank M. Snowden pg 25
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[Apr 3, 2025](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-ancient-greece-and-cyprus/comment/105678911 "Apr 3, 2025, 3:18 PM")
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I commend you for using the term African, and not "black." As long as we get continue to use this binary (Anglican) racial oversimplification, we are consigning ourselves to mental slavery and discrimination. In fact the terms, Kushitic or Nilotic is even better than African or Eithiopian becuase they do not reflect Eurasion influences.
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[Apr 10, 2025](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-ancient-greece-and-cyprus/comment/107672651 "Apr 10, 2025, 4:49 PM")
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My own ancestral roots run from North America to the British Isles (all parts) with a couple of stray Germans thrown in, so I try to follow closely the DNA research on the population of those islands and how my ancestors fit into those patterns. I was fascinated by the reported results some years ago (since 2000) of a nationwide study that offered regional DNA identifications. This research indicated that there was a small but identifiable African presence in the Isles possibly going back to the trade links between the Isles and the Mediterranean reported by the Greeks. The hypothesis seems to be that the vessels involved in this trade included Africans as crew, merchants, or just travelers and they interacted with the local populations. Certainly, I've noted across history that the work of merchant sailors was hard enough that ships' masters would sign on as crew anybody who looked like they could do the work - they didn't have much time for concerns about race. And the ports of Africa would have welcomed the metals available in the Isles and found a ready market for the goods they could provide in turn.
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Published Time: 2025-08-17T13:03:24+00:00
Africans in the Indian Ocean world and the autobiography of a Somali Globetrotter.
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Africans in the Indian Ocean world and the autobiography of a Somali Globetrotter.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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In 1944, a soldier on Australia’s most remote northern coastline discovered a handful of copper coins that were originally minted in the medieval Swahili city of Kilwa, Tanzania, between 1150 and 1330 CE.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-the-indian-ocean-world#footnote-1-171156323)
The Kilwa coins are the oldest foreign objects in Australia, and remain the most distant [African coins](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-currencies-and-monetary-systems?utm_source=publication-search#footnote-anchor-6-162252162) found outside the continent, only rivalled by the collection of [Aksumite coins](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-aksumite-empire-between-rome#footnote-anchor-29-46048127) that were discovered in western and southern India.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!mkl5!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2372749a-2ca9-4762-913c-9f0919c36987_767x364.png)
_**Two of the five Kilwa coins found on Marchinbar in the Wessel Islands, Australia**_. Image by Ian S. McIntosh
While the circumstances by which Kilwa’s copper coins were taken so far away from the East African coast are still debated, there is growing historical evidence for [East African travellers and sailors](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/maritime-trade-shipbuilding-and-african?utm_source=publication-search) across the Indian Ocean World since late antiquity.
These Africans who travelled on their own volition were of varying status, including merchants and pilgrims who visited the [Persian Gulf, Arabia](https://www.patreon.com/posts/96900062), and [India](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese?utm_source=publication-search), and the multiple envoys from several East African kingdoms who reached [China during the Middle Ages](https://www.patreon.com/posts/historical-and-80113224).
Some of these adventurous explorers relied on established networks of other Africans across the diaspora to facilitate their international activities, while the foreign journeys of other Africans were at times fully financed by their guests.
In the year 1071 CE, an envoy from the East African island of Cengtan (層檀, ie, Zangistân/Zanzibar in Tanzania) named Cengjiani visited the court of the Song dynasty ruler Shenzong (r. 1067–85):
_**“Traveling by sea, with the favorable [monsoon] winds, the envoy took 160 days. Sailing by way of Wuxun [near Muscat, Oman], Kollam [in India], and Palembang [in Indonesia], he arrived at Guangzhou.**_
_**In 1083, the envoy Protector Commandant Cengjiani 層伽尼 came [to China] again [bearing gifts] to court. [Our emperor] Shenzong 神宗 [r. 1067–85], recognizing the extreme distance he had traveled in returning, beyond presenting him with the same gifts as before, added 2,000 taels of silver”**_[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-the-indian-ocean-world#footnote-2-171156323)
This account, contained in the official chronicle known as ‘_The History of Song_,’ indicates that the East African envoy travelled along a well-established sea route that would be used by multiple East African sailors in the Indian Ocean, especially those who [visited India during the Portuguese period](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-african-diaspora-in-portuguese).
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!6pvG!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa04c8ed7-83d7-4f87-b110-4365b9e57989_1138x650.jpeg)
_**Silver coins found at [Unguja Ukuu, Zanzibar, Tanzania](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the?utm\_source=publication-search)**_. All were issued by local rulers in the 11th century, except the large coin at the bottom (No. 11), which is a 12th-century Chinese coin.
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Accounts from the 17th and 18th centuries indicate that African travellers cultivated commercial, political, and matrimonial alliances across the Indian Ocean world, thus creating African diasporic networks that facilitated their international movement.
One particularly well-travelled character was Mwinyi Ahmed (Bwana Kibai), an important 18th-century Swahili nobleman who played a central role in the brief expulsion of both the Omanis and Portuguese from the East African coast between 1724 and 1730.
Mwinyi Ahmed initially served as the governor of [Mombasa (Kenya)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca?utm_source=publication-search) under the Omanis after the latter had forced the Portuguese out of Fort Jesus in 1698, but he later fell out of favour with his suzerains. Hoping to expel the Omanis from the coast, Mwinyi Ahmed travelled to Pate (in Kenya), and then to [Barawa (Somalia)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=publication-search), from where he took a ship to Surat (India) in 1724, where he met the Portuguese and offered to form an alliance against the Omanis by presenting himself as an envoy of Pate.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-the-indian-ocean-world#footnote-3-171156323)
Mwinyi Ahmed then moved to Goa in 1725, where he stayed with another Swahili resident in India, Bwana Dau of Faza, because he had been discredited by the ruler of Pate, who informed the Portuguese governor of Goa that Mwinyi Ahmed wasn’t an envoy of Pate. It wasn't until late 1727 that Mwinyi Ahmed and Bwana Dau returned to Mombasa with a Portuguese fleet, having convinced the new governor of Goa, whose forces proceeded to reoccupy Fort Jesus.
But the Portuguese re-occupation was short-lived, as Mwinyi Ahmed turned on his erstwhile allies, besieged Fort Jesus in 1729, and provided his defeated foes with boats to sail back to Goa. He then organised an embassy to travel to Oman and negotiate on his own terms.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-the-indian-ocean-world#footnote-4-171156323)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!7-ZC!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa1c36cf8-3d17-438c-8ffb-81c4173be484_645x363.png)
_**Fort Jesus, Mombasa, Kenya**_. Image by World History Encyclopedia
Mwinyi Ahmed's career shows that East Africans were familiar with the political landscape of the Indian Ocean world and regularly travelled between its major port cities, often relying on African diasporic communities and local authorities to facilitate their journeys.
This African tradition of international movement is exemplified by the careers of two East African globe-trotters from Anjouan (Comoros) and Somalia who travelled across Asia, Europe, and the Americas during the mid-19th and early 20th centuries.
The two figures, Abdullah Alawi of Anjoan, and Ibrahim Ismaa’il of Somalia, left a rich documentary record of their journeys between India, Oman, Yemen, France, Britain, and the United States. Their contrasting experiences across the four continents were shaped by the extent to which local authorities and established communities of Africans in the diaspora aided or impeded their journeys.
**The travel accounts of the two East African globetrotters and their contrasting experiences are the subject of my latest Patreon article:**
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-the-indian-ocean-world#footnote-anchor-1-171156323)
Australia’s Kilwa Coins Conundrum by Ian S. McIntosh, in ‘_Early Maritime Cultures in East Africa and the Western Indian Ocean_,’ edited by Akshay Sarathi. The Indian Ocean and Swahili Coast coins, international networks, and local developments by J Perkins. Life and Death on the Wessel Islands: The Case of Australia’s Mysterious African Coin Cache by Ian S. McIntosh
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-the-indian-ocean-world#footnote-anchor-2-171156323)
Two Thousand Years of Sino-African Relations by Shen Fuwei, pg 262, Slavery in East Asia by Don J. Wyatt, Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture by J. de V. Allen, pg 186, 146, The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones, pg 372
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-the-indian-ocean-world#footnote-anchor-3-171156323)
Les cités - États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 420-421, The Portuguese period in east africa by Justus Strandes pg 242
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-the-indian-ocean-world#footnote-anchor-4-171156323)
Les cités - États swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 422-435, 445, 452, The Portuguese period in east africa by Justus Strandes pg 253-255
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[Aug 20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-the-indian-ocean-world/comment/147268428 "Aug 20, 2025, 12:10 PM")
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Wow how inspiring and fascinating to know just how far and wide our people have travelled the world against the odds 👏🏾🙏🏾🖤
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[Aug 19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africans-in-the-indian-ocean-world/comment/146825529 "Aug 19, 2025, 1:16 AM")
Strange how the Kilwa coins remain little discussed—aren’t they some of the clearest material traces of East African global reach in the early medieval period?
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Published Time: 2022-04-24T15:07:42+00:00
Africa's 100 years' war at the dawn of colonialism: The Anglo-Asante wars (1807-1900)
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Africa's 100 years' war at the dawn of colonialism: The Anglo-Asante wars (1807-1900)
=====================================================================================
### On the misconceptions about Africa's "rapid" conquest.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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The colonial invasion of Africa in the late 19th century is often portrayed in popular literature as a period when the technologically advanced armies of western Europe rapidly advanced into the African interior meeting little resistance from Africans armed with rudimentary weapons. Its often assumed that African states and their armies were unaware of the threat posed by European military advances and unreceptive to military technologies that would have greatly improved their ability to retain political autonomy.
All accounts of African military history however, dispel these rather popular misconceptions. From 1807 to 1900, the army of the Asante kingdom fought five major battles and dozens of skirmishes with the British to maintain its independence, this west-African kingdom had over the 17th and 18th century expanded to cover much of what is now the modern country of Ghana, ruling a population of just under a million people in a region roughly the size of the United Kingdom. By the 19th century, Asante had a massive army with relatively modern weapons that managed to defeat and hold off several British attacks for nearly a century. It wasn’t until the combined effects of the British arms blockade, the late-19th century invention of quick-firing guns and the Asante’s internal political crisis, that the Asante lost their independence to the British.
The evolution of the Anglo-Asante wars is instructive in understanding why, after nearly 500 years of failed attempts at colonizing the Africa interior, the European armies eventually managed to tip the balance of power against African armies. This article explores the history of the Asante with a brief account on the political and economic context of the Anglo-Asante conflict and an overview of the each of the major wars between the Asante armies and the British.
**Map of the Asante kingdom at its greatest extent in 1807.**
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!WZjT!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1357e68f-fc47-4a89-ba32-638a1a9381bd_537x675.png)
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**Asante origins, political institutions and trade.**
The Asante was the last of the major Akan kingdoms founded by Twi-speakers that arose in the early 2nd millennium in the "forest region" of what is now modern Ghana. Akan society came into existence as a result of a change in the foraging mode of production to an agricultural one, this agrarian system was supported by the production and sale of gold, both of which necessitated the procurement, organization and supply of labor which led to the emergence of political structures that coalesced into the earliest Akan polities.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-1-52737240) By the 17th century, the largest of these Akan polities was Denkyira in the interior and Akwamu near the coast; the former controlled some of the largest gold deposits in the region (the entire region funneled approximately 56 tonnes of gold between 1650-1700 to the trans-saharan and European markets but these revenues were shared among many states), and it also possessed the largest army among the Akan states which enabled it to dominate its smaller peers as their suzerain. One of these states was the incipient Asante polity in the “Kwaman region” centered at the gold-trading town of Tafo that was contested between several small Akan polities, it was here that the powerful lineage groups elected Osei Tutu to consolidate the conquests of his predecessors using the knowledge of statecraft and warfare that he had acquired from his stay at the courts of Denkyira and Akwamu (who supported his conquests in exchange for tribute). He defeated several of the smaller Kwaman polities in the 1680s and founded the Asante state at his capital Kumasi as the first Asantehene (king). It was then that Asante first appears in external sources in 1698.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-2-52737240)
The early eighteenth century was a period that was characterized by expansionist wars of conquest, the first was the defeat of Denkyira in 1701, which occurred after Asante's gradual assimilation of immigrant lineage groups from Denkyira[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-3-52737240) ,after this were dozens of wars that removed the power of Asante's competitors to its north, south, east and west especially during the reign of Asantehene Opuku Ware (1720–1750) who is credited with the creation of imperial Asante (see map below), these conquered territories were then gradually incorporated into the Asante administration as tributary states.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-4-52737240)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!aRGF!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe2773328-3a39-40a5-8278-c63ae0480479_596x692.png)
_**Asante campaigns in the 18th century.**_
Throughout the 18th century and the first half of the 19th century, the Asante state became increasingly complex, enlarging the number of its personnel, developing and embedding novel specializations of function, and greatly extending its affective competence and range. In its process of bureaucratization, the executive and legislative functions of governing imperial Asante became more centralized and concentrated at Kumase by the mid 18th century, with the formation of a council of Kumase office holders presided over by the Asantehene[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-5-52737240). This powerful council which met regularly, was in charge of the day-to-day operations of the state as well as the election of the King, and it increasingly came to supplant the roles of the older and larger national council/assembly (_**Asantemanhyiamu**_) which met annually, as a result of the expansive conquests that rendered the latter's decision making processes inefficient. The Asantemanhyiamu was was thus relegated to the more fundamental constitutional and juridical issues as well as actions taken by the Kumasi council.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-6-52737240)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!C05Q!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F63464958-b818-4e0a-81f8-597df0f9b02e_1323x588.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ChuG!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F28a941a2-e7f2-454f-a54e-e1e45bf114b9_1347x563.png)
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_**Illustrations of; the palace of King Kofi after it was looted in the 1874 invasion, a street scene in Kumasi.**_
Asante expansionism was enabled by its large military. The standing army at Kumase was headed by a commander in chief who was subordinated by generals and captains, this central unit was supported by several forces from the provinces which were provided by vassal provinces, and often came to number upto 80,000 men at its largest. This relatively high number of soldiers was enabled by Asante's fairly high population and urbanization with an estimated state population of 750,000 in the 1820s; and with cities and towns such as Kumase, Dwaben, Salaga and Bondouku having an estimated population of 35-15,000 people.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-7-52737240) Asante’s weapons and ammunition were provided by the the state in the case of national war[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-8-52737240), by the time of Asante’s ascendance in the 18th century, all wars in the “gold coast” region were fought with fire-arms, primarily the flintlock rifles called “dane guns”, but swords were also carried ceremonially and attimes used in hand-hand combat.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-9-52737240) The Asante purchased these guns in large quantities and in the early 19th century with more than ten thousand purchased annually in the 1830s, they had gun repair shops, and could make blunderbusses that could fire led-slugs which were their most common type of ammunition. This level of military technology was sufficient in the early 19th century whether against African or European foes, but in the later half of the century increasingly proved relatively inefficient. [10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-10-52737240)(as i will cover, this was because the Asante refused to purchase better guns or ammunition but an effective blockade against supplying the Asante combined with the inability to manufacture modern rifles locally). The Asante army structure also wasn't static but evolved with time depending on the internal political currents and military threats. In the mid 19th century, a system of platoons of twenty men was introduced, their techniques of loading and reloading were able to sustain a fairly stable fusillade of fire, and in the early 1880s, the system of military conscription was largely replaced by a force of paid soldiers.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-11-52737240)
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_**modified flintlock pistol with brass tucks from Asante dated to 1870 ( 97.1308 boston museum of fine arts)**_
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_**Asante soldier holding a rifle (photo from the international mission photography Archive, c. 1885-1895)**_[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-12-52737240)
From the late 17th to early 18th century gold comprised nearly 2/3rds of the Asante exports to the European traders in the south, and the vast majority of Asante exports to the northern and trans-Saharan routes. As the result of the conquests and increased tribute from its northern territories, Asante southern exports in 1730s-1780s were slaves, by the late 18th century however, Kola supplanted slaves as the Asante's main export. Asante’s commodities trade further grew after the fall in slave trade in the 1810s, and the kingdom’s exports of Kola rose to a tune of 270 tonnes a year in 1850s while Gold rose to a tune of around 45 tonnes over 50 years between 1800-1850, both of these commodities outstripped the value of the mid 18th century export of slaves and enabled Asante to fully withdraw from the Atlantic commerce and focus more on the northern export markets to the savannah region of west-Africa, especially in the newly established west African empires of Segu, Hamdallaye and Sokoto in the 18th and 19th century that were located in Mali and northern Nigeria[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-13-52737240). The surplus wealth generated by state officials and private merchants from the northern Kola trade was often converted into gold dust. The centrality of gold in the economy and culture of Asante can't be understated, it was the command of gold as a disposable resource that permitted the accumulation of convertible surpluses in labor and produce, and it was the entrepreneurial deployment of gold that initiated, and then embedded and accelerated the crucial processes of differentiation in Asante society.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-14-52737240)
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_**Gold ornaments of the Asante including gold discs, rings and headcaps (photos from the british museum and houston museum of fine arts)**_
Throughout the 19th century, the Asante state sedulously encouraged, structured and rewarded the pursuit of the fundamentally ingrained social ethic of achievement through accumulation, and it also commanded and mediated access to wealth stored in gold dust. As a consequence, it was the state's servants such as office holders, titled functionaries, state traders as well as private entrepreneurs (men of wealth) who accumulated vast amounts of wealth, whose value constituted "_**fairly substantial sums of money even by the standards of contemporary early nineteenth-century Europeans**_". The state treasury in the 1860s (the "great chest) held about 400,000 ounces of gold, valued then at £ 1.4m (just under £200m today) while titled figures such as Boakye Yam and Apea Nyanyo who were active in the early 19th century, owned as much as £176,000, £96,000 of gold dust (about £16m, £8.6m today). The wealth and security enjoyed by Asante elites encouraged the development of alternative policy options to warfare, and with time came to dominate Asante's foreign policy at Kumase in the 19th century.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-15-52737240)
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_**19th century Asante treasure box made of brass mounted on a 4-wheeled stand, likely a replica of the great chest (pitt rivers museum)**_[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-16-52737240)
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_**The road network of the Asante : (read more about it on my [patreon](https://www.patreon.com/posts/built-roads-but-58828424))**_
* * *
**Northern commerce, northern conquests and the origins of Asante’s southern conflict with the British.**
Despite the growing influence of the mercantile class in the decision making process at Kumase which favored the consolidation of conquests rather than renewed expansion, the strength of the Asante economy was largely underpinned by its military power, the campaigns of the Asante army in the late 18th century for example reveal the primarily economic rationale for its conquests, especially in its northern overtures, that were intended to protect the lucrative trade routes to the north[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-17-52737240). One of these routes passed through the town of Salaga, that had become the principal northern emporium of Asante as a result of its centrality in the kola and gold export route that extended to Sokoto. The market of Salaga had grown at the expense of the other cities such as Bondouku, located in the vassal state of Gyaman, and had in the 18th century been the main northern town with a substantial trading diaspora of Wangara and Hausa merchants who were active in the west african empires of the savannah. Gyaman had been a hotbed of rebellions in the late 18th century but had been brought under Asante administration, although with the expansion of the Kong-Wattara kingdom from Asante’s north-east, the threat of a Gyaman break-away was more potent than ever. Wattara took advantage of the Gyaman’s disgruntlement over the shifting of trade to Salaga to instigate a rebellion in 1818 that was subsequently crushed by the Asante who were however forced to occupy the region as the continued threat of rebellion as well as the Segu empire in Mali, which had led an incursion near Gyaman during the ensuing conflict.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-18-52737240)
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_**section of Bondouku in (Ivory coast) near one of samory’s residences, photo from the early 1900s**_
The Gyaman campaign was expensive and protracted, with hostilities extending well into the 1830s, the Asante therefore sought to cover this cost by raising taxes on its southern-western coastal provinces of the Fante, Denkyera and Assim located near the cape-coast castle. These provinces had only been pacified fairly recently in the 1807 over their non-payment of tribute and they often took advantage of the northern campaigns to wean themselves of Kumase's authority, but by 1816 , most had submitted to Asante authority, and this submission extended to the european forts within them such as the British-owned Cape coast castle, and the Dutch-owned Elmina castle, both of which recognized the authority of the Asantehene with Elmina coming under the direct control of Asante in 1816,[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-19-52737240) and the cape-coast castle signing a treaty in February 1817 that recognized Asante’s sovereignty over the surrounding south-western provinces[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-20-52737240). In 1818 and 1819, however, officials from Kumase arrived at cape coast to demand the usual tribute (and rent from the forts) plus the newly imposed taxes of the Gyaman war, which the southern vassals promptly refused to pay, largely due to the backing of the cape-coast's British governor John Hope Smith. Negotiations between the British and their coastal allies versus the Asante stalled for several years despite the dispatching of Thomas Bowditch in 1817 and Joseph Dupuis in 1820 by the metropolitan government in London; both of whom were well received in Kumase to affirm the 1817 treaty, but their intentions of peace were strongly opposed by the cape-coast governor[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-21-52737240). Despite Bowditch’s good reception at Kumase, the Asante government wasn't unaware of the cape-coast governor’s hostility, knowing that the treaty he signed in 1817 wasn’t in good faith. The Asantehene Osei Bonsu (r. 1804-1824) is said to have asked Bowditch, after the latter's monologue about the glories of England and London’s intention to promote “civilization and trade” with Asante; that “_**how do you wish to persuade me that it is only for so flimsy a motive that you have left this fine and happy England**_" and the next day, a prince asked Bowditch to explain _**"why, if Britain were so selfless, had it behaved so differently in India"**_[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-22-52737240). Four years later however, the Dupuis embassy was much better received especially after he had compelled the cape-coast governor to send a large tribute to the Asantehene, and while in Kumasi, Dupuis managed to negotiate a new treaty that affirmed that all south-western provinces were firmly under the Asante, as well as formally seeking to establish ties between London and Kumase. Dupuis was escorted from Kumase by Asante envoys with whom he intended to travel to London as the appointee of the British crown, but his efforts were thwarted by Hope smith who refused to ratify the new treaty and also refused to aid the travel of the combined Anglo-Asante embassy to London. Coincidentally, the authorities in London dissolved the African Company of Merchants which owned the gold coast forts including cape-coast castle (thus deposing Hope smith) and transferred ownership directly to them British crown, appointing Charles MacCarthy as the first governor of the cape coast.
Recalling the events that preceded the Anglo-Asante wars in the context of the disputed treaties, A British resident of cape coast would in the 1850s write that "_**the king of Ashantee had greater regard for his written engagements than an English governor".**_[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-23-52737240) While its difficult to pin-point exactly what sparked the hostility between the cape-coast governors and the Asante, the historian Gareth Austin proposed it had to do with the ending of the Atlantic slave exports, while these had been vital to the cape-coast’s economy, they were rather marginal to the Asante economy which had resumed exporting gold and Kola in the early 19th century, and had largely orienting its export trade north to the savannah, while restricting trade between the savanna and the coast. For the cape-coast, this new commodities trade was much less lucrative than the slave trade it replaced and it prompted the British to seek more direct control over the processes of trade and production initially around the fort but later over the provinces controlled by the Asante.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-24-52737240)
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_**Cape coast castle as it was rebuilt in the 18th century and rcently**_
* * *
**The first series of Anglo-Asante wars from 1824-1873: Asante’s fight from the position of strength.**
The new cape-coast governor Charles MacCarthy’s attitude towards Asante turned out much worse than his predecessor's, he immediately prepared for war with Asante on his arrival at cape coast in 1823 by; fortifying the fort, forcing the south-western vassals into an alliance against Asante, and defaming Osei Bonsu in his newspapers[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-25-52737240). When Osei Bonsu passed away in November 1823, MacCarthy made the decision to strike Asante in January 1824 when he thought the government in Kumase was at its weakest. MacCarthy's forces, which numbered about 3,000 (although divided in two columns with the one headed by him numbering about 500), faced off with a small Asante force of about 2,000 that had been sent to pacify the southern provinces in 1823, this latter force was led by Kwame Butuakwa and Owusu Akara. Maccarthy's army surprised the Asante army but his forces were nevertheless crushed by the Asante, with several hundred slain including MacCarthy who was beheaded along with 9 British officers, and many were captured and taken to Kumasi in chains, with only 70 survivors scrambling back to cape coast.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-26-52737240) The larger British force of 2,500 later engaged this same Asante force a few weeks after this incident, but it too was defeated with nearly 900 causalities and was forced to retreat.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-27-52737240) This wasn’t the first time the Asante had faced off with a army of British soldiers and their allied troops from the coast, a similar battle in 1807 had ended in an Asante victory with the British suing for peace after a lengthy siege of the cape-coast castle by the Asante armies following the escape of a rebel into the British fort.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-28-52737240)
Osei Yaw was elected Asentehene in 1824, and his first action was to strengthen the positions in the south-west and south-central regions despite the greater security demands in the rebellious northern provinces, the forces at Elmina was reinforced , and Osei Yaw himself led an attack against the British in the town of Efutu, just 8 miles from Cape-coast, where he fought them to a standstill, forcing them to fall back, and threatened to storm cape-coast, but was later forced to withdraw due to the rains and a smallpox outbreak.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-29-52737240) Throughout 1825, Osei Yaw sought the approval of the council at Kumase for more reinforcements to engage to British in the south, and by December 1825, he was back in the south, this time in the far south-east, near Accra where he established a camp at Katamanso with an army of about 40,000 in an open plain, while the new British governor had been busy rallying allied forces of several Fante states to grow his own force to over 50,000. After a bitter war that involved volleys of musket fire from both sides and brutal hand-to-hand combat, the Asante lost the battle in part due to the congreve rocket fire launched by the British in the heat of the battle, forcing Osei Yaw’s forces to withdrawl.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-30-52737240)
The Asante and the British entered into a period of negotiations over a period of 5 years that were formalized in a treaty of 1831 where the Asante relinquished their right to receive tribute from a few of its south-western provinces closest to the cape-coast in exchange for a nominal recognition by the same provinces of the Asantehene's authority, although the Asante continued to recognize these southern provinces as under the Asante political orbit by right of conquest, a right which the katamanso war hadn't overturned despite challenging it[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-31-52737240). This new treaty relieved the Asante from its southern engagements and enabled it to pacify its northern provinces, as well as increase trade in both directions that had been disrupted by the southern conflicts, the extensive Asante road system now included branches to the cape coast.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-32-52737240) But by the mid 19th century, most of the Asante’s export trade was oriented northwards as the kola trade through Salaga had exploded. The ensuring peace between the Asante and the British went on relatively unbroken for over 30 years, and on one occasion in 1853, some of the southern provinces sought to return to a tributary status under Asante which nearly led to a war with the British, that was only resolved with a prisoner exchange.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-33-52737240)
In 1862, renewed conflicts over the extradition of escaped criminals set the Asante and the British on a warpath, when a wealthy Asante citizen hoarded a large gold nugget (which by Asante’s laws belonged to the royal treasure), and fled to British protected territory near the cape coast. This provided the newly appointed governor Richard pine the pretext for conquest of Asante and after rebuffing the Asantehene Kwaku Dua's request for extradition, Pine declared that he would fight “_**until the Kingdom of Ashantee should be prostrated before the English Government.**_” The Asante army rapidly advanced south into the then British “protected territories" by May 1862, pacifying the small kingdoms with little resistance from the British allies, overrunning and sacking several towns to discourage the southern statelets from joining the British, and to demonstrate the strength of the Asante forces[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-34-52737240). After the Asante had returned to Kumase, the cape coast governor sent an expedition of about 600 well-armed British officers and thousands of their coastal allies north to attack Kumase, but this force was ill prepared for the forested region and was forced to retreat, leaving many of the heavy weapons after several deaths[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-35-52737240). Kwaku Dua then imposed a trade embargo on the British, blocking all the Asante roads to the south for the remainder of his reign while demanding that the criminals be extradited, a request that Richard Pine continued to reject despite the devastating loss of trade from Asante. Pine also responded to the blockade with his own blockade of ammunition supplies to the Asante[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-36-52737240). The latter move that would have been devastating for Asante military had it not been for their continued access to firearms through the Dutch-controlled fort of Elmina which until the year 1868, continued to be loyal to the Asante, supplying the kingdom with over 18,000 flintlock rifles and 29,000 kegs of gunpowder between 1870 and 1872[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-37-52737240).
**The British capture of Elmina and the war of 1874.**
Between 1868-1873, the continued skirmishes between the British protected territories in the south-west and the Asante garrisons in the region, led to the British loss of several territories as Asante attempted a full occupation of the region,[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-38-52737240) these battles eventually brought them near the fort of Elmina. The Dutch-owned fort of Elmina had been directly under Asante’s administration between 1811-1831, but the local edena chiefdom that controlled the lands around it had asserted its independence after the Asante army failed to protect it against an attack by British-allied chiefs from cape coast, but it nevertheless remained loyal to Asante as a check against its hostile neighbors, and every year the Dutch delivered an annual pavement to Kumase that most considered tribute/rent but that Elmina considered a token appreciation of the good Asante-Dutch trade relations. The Dutch eventually relinquished ownership of the Elmina fort to the British much to Asante's displeasure, this occurred after a lengthy period of negotiations between cape-coast and Elmina over their competing spheres of influence of the British and the Dutch, that had resulted in attacks by the British allies on Elmina and came at a time of a wider Dutch withdrawal from their African coastal possessions. The newly elected Asantehene Kofi Kakari (r 1867-74) realizing the threat this loss of Elmina presented, protested the transfer with a claim that the annual tribute paid to him by the Dutch gave him rights over the castle’s ownership[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-39-52737240) but the transfer was nevertheless completed in 1872. The Asante assembly authorized the deployment of the military in the south western provinces in December 1872, and a large force of about 80,000 was mustered to pacify the south-western provinces and forcefully repossess the Elmina fort, this army had rapidly conquered most of the British protected provinces and made preparations to capture Elmina, but was withdrawn by September 1873 on orders of the council, and the Asante commander Amankwatia, was forced to to move his forces as well the Europeans he had captured back to Kumase despite his apparent victory.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-40-52737240) With the capture of Elmina, and the arms blockade, the British had cut off Asante’s source of firearms and undermined the ability of the Asante to play European arms-suppliers against each other. For over four centuries, this political strategy had excellently served African states, especially in west-central Africa where the Dutch were pitted against the Portuguese and in the sene-gambia where the French were pitted against the English.
The British, who were now intent on circumnavigating Asante control of the now-blocked cape-coast trade route, now had room to attack Kumase, and they mobilized their forces on an unprecedented scale after the government in London had appointed the cape coast captain Garnet Wolseley and provided him with £800,000 (over £96,000,000 today) as well as 2,500 British troops and several thousand west-Indian and African allied troops[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-41-52737240). This force slowly proceeded north to Kumase where an indecisive council was repeatedly objecting to any attempts of mobilizing a counter-attack[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-42-52737240)perhaps recalling Richard Pine’s failed expedition a decade earlier, it was only after the British force reached the town of Amoafo about 50 km south of Kumase, that the Asante decided to counter-attack but even then the mobilization of troops and the battle plan was incoherent, rather than amassing at Amoafo, the forces were divided between several engagements and only about 10,000 Asante soldiers faced an equally matched British force. Once again, the Asante maintained a steady volley of musket fire using old flintlocks popular during the battle of waterloo in 1814, against the quick-firing enfield rifles and snider rifles of the British forces made in the 1860s of which the Asante had few, and despite holding the invaders for long, the cannon fire from the British won the day, forcing the Asante force to retreat after suffering nearly thousand causalities against less than a 100 on the British side, thus opening the road to Kumase, although the city itself had been deserted on Kofi's orders to deny the British a decisive victory. Aware of this, Wolseley blew up Kofi’s palace, sacked the city of Kumase and withdrew back to the coast but was met by Asante envoys enroute, who were sent by Kofi after another section of the British force had threatened Kumase following Wolseley's departure, these envoys agreed to sign a treaty where the Asante accepted to pay in installments an indemnity of 50,000 ounces of gold dust as well as to renounce claims to the south-western provinces.[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-43-52737240) But the British victory was pyrrhic, Kumase was re-occupied by the King, and the Asante only paid about 2,000 of the 50,000 ounces, which couldn’t cover a fraction of the cost, Wolseley had little to show for his victory except the treaty.
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_**Elmina castle.**_
* * *
**Interlude: The Asante state from crisis to civil war (1874-1889)**
By July of 1874, the Asantehene Kofi lost favor in the Kumasi council which proceeded to depose him after leveling charges against him that included not listing to counsel and incessant warfare; and although Kofi defended himself that the council supported his victories but blamed him for the destruction of Kumasi, he was later forced into exile and a reformist Asantehene Mensa Bonsu (1874-1883) was elected in his place. Mensa attempted a rapid modernization of Asante's institutions that was supported by prince Owusu Ansa after he had been emboldened by his crushing defeat of the British-allied province of Dwaben in 1875, but this attempt at reform came at a time of great political uncertainty with the Kumasi council not full behind him, and he was met with stiff opposition among some powerful officials[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-44-52737240). Mensa’s disillusionment at his growing political isolation made him reverse many of his earlier flirtations with reform, he formed a personal-corps of 900 soldiers armed with modern snider rifles (after the arms embargo had been briefly lifted thanks to Owusu’s skilled diplomacy), these personal guards were directly under his control and brutally suppressed opposition in the capital, yet despite this, revolts now occurred in rapid succession close to Kumase by 1883 lasting a year until he was deposed by the council. between 1875 and 1890, most of the northern provinces rebelled against Asante control and broken away, importantly, the British now bypassed Kumase, allied with the eastern provinces of Asante and traded directly with the northern merchants of Salaga.[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-45-52737240) In 1884 and Kwaku Dua was elected in his place but his reign was brief (17th march to 11th July 1884), and his death was followed by a period of internecine civil war as various factions unleashed during Mensa’s reign, sought to use force to influence the election/forcefully install their preferred Asantehenes, this weakening of the center led many of the provinces of Asante to breakaway.[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-46-52737240)
**The Prempeh restoration, Asante’s diplomacy with several African states and the British (1889-1895).**
Asante’s brief civil war ended with the election of Prempeh in 1888, the young king restored many of the lost provinces through skillful diplomacy and reignited the lucrative northern trade through Salaga by 1890, and the kingdom developed a lucrative trade in rubber, with over 2.6 million pounds exported in 1895, most of which was sold through the cape coast itself[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-47-52737240). His rapid success alarmed the British at cape-coast and their coastal allies who now had to conduct their northern trade through Kumase, and were still intent on conquering Asante, therefore in 1891, the British demanded that it become a “protectorate”(where the kingdom’s external trade and foreign policy would be dictated by the British), an offer the Kumase council and Prempeh firmly rejected.[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-48-52737240) On 1894, the British made even stronger demands for the Asante to be placed under “protectorate” status, demanding that a British officer be stationed at Kumase and he be consulted on matters of war and that the Asantehene and his councilors become paid servants of the British, this demand was again rejected.[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-49-52737240)
An even more threatening factor to the British was Prempeh's alliance with Samory Ture whose empire controlled vast swathes of territories in west-Africa from Senegal through guinea, ivory coast and Burkina Faso, and had conquered the breakaway region of Gyaman and its city of Bonduku in 1894 bringing him right next to the Asante border. Since the early 19th century, the Asante had made several diplomatic overtures to its northern and western neighbors such as the empire of Segu in 1824 and Dahomey in the 1870s, for a military alliance against the British but since the British supported Segu against the Hamdallaye empire, this first alliance didn't come to fruition, and the Dahomey alliance was rather ineffective. It therefore wasn't until the late 19th century that Samory's anti-French stance and the Asante's anti-British stance formed a loose basis for an anti-colonial alliance while simultaneously threatening both European powers, especially the British who felt that their position in west Africa was to come under French orbit in the event that the latter were to win against Samory. On 15th November 1895, the cape coast’s British governor warned Samory not to intervene on Asante's behalf as he was preparing to take Kumase under British control[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-50-52737240). The British had eliminated the threat Samory posed by straining his ability to purchase munitions through sierra Leone that he was using against the French, and despite Samory's defeat of a French force in 1895[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-51-52737240). Despite Prempeh’s partial restoration of the pre-1874 Asante institutions, its military hadn’t been strengthened to its former might, given a depleted treasury, most of the Asante political focus relied on the diplomatic efforts of the Owusu Ansa and his large group of Asante envoys who were in London attempting to negotiate a treaty more favorable to Asante and to convince the colonial office against conquest, unfortunately however, the colonial office’s claim the the Asante wanted to ally with the French (an absurd claim given their flirtations with Samory), made the colonial secretary authorize a war with Asante, and the same ship that carried the ambassadors back to Asante from London also carried 100 tonnes of supplies for the kingdom’s conquest[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-52-52737240).
* * *
**The Fall of Asante in 1896.**
The British force of over 10,000 armed with the Maxim guns and other quick-firing guns, occupied Kumase in January 1896 and were met with with no resistance after Prempeh had ordered his forces not to attack judging his forces to be too outgunned to put up an effective resistance, Kumase was thoroughly looted by the British and their allies, the Asante kingdom was placed under "protectorate" status and the Asantehene was forced into exile[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-53-52737240). While the Asante state continued to exist in some form around Kumase, its political control over the provinces outside the capital had been effectively removed as these provinces were formally tributaries for the British, and despite the large armed uprising in 1900 based at Kumase, the Asante state as it was in the 19th century had ceased to exist.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!OFGE!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0cdba918-f4d1-473f-adf1-e3476908061e_1047x564.png)
_**Kumase in 1896 after its looting.**_
Asante's conflict with the British was directly linked to the latter’s desire to control trade between the west-African interior and the coast as well as the gold-mining in the Asante provinces, both of which were under the full control of Asante and formed the base of its economic and political autonomy, which it asserted through its strong control over its extensive road network. The Asante's monopolistic position in the transit trade between the savanna and the coast was weakened by the secessions after its 1874 defeat which fundamentally undermined the institutions of the state, and while this decline was arrested by Prempeh in the 1890s through skillful diplomacy that saw the restoration of the northern trade routes and attempts at military alliances, the reforms didn’t occur fast enough especially in the military, and Asante were thus unable to afford the means, whether in imported weaponry and skills or otherwise, to offset the effects of the progressive reduction in the general cost of imperial coercion in Africa which the western European industrial economies were experiencing through advances in military technology.
* * *
**Conclusion: the evolution of Afro-European warfare from the 15th-19th century**
From the 15th to mid 19th century, western military technology offered no real advantages in their wars with African armies, and this explains why so many of the early European wars with African states in this period ended with the former's defeat across the continent especially in west-central Africa and south-eastern Africa. European states opted to stay within their coastal enclaves after their string of defeats, aware of the high cost of coercion required to colonize and pacify African states, they were often dependent on the good offices of the adjacent African states inorder to carry out any profitable trade, and accepted the status of the junior partner in these exchange, in a coastal business that was marginal to the interior African economic system, as in the case of the Dutch traders at Elmina and or the Portuguese traders in Mutapa who were gives the title of "great-wives-of-state” after their failed conquest of the kingdom in the 17th century[54](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-54-52737240).
But by the second half of the 19th century, the rapid advances in military technology such as the invention of quick-firing guns greatly reduced the cost of conquest both in numbers of soldiers and in ammunition. African states which had for long engaged the European traders from a stronger position of power and could pit European gun suppliers against each other, were now seen as an "obstacle" to trade rather than a senior partner in trade, and to this effect, the European coastal forts were turned into launch-pads for colonial conquest that in many places involved lengthy battles with African armies that lasted for much of the 19th century. While Asante had possessed the structural and demographic capacity to withstand the British attacks for nearly a century and the diplomatic know-how to navigate the rapidly changing political landscape both within Africa and Europe, the civil war of the 1880s greatly undermined its capacity to rapidly reform its military and political institutions, and tipped the scales in favor of the colonists, ending the Asante’s 300 year-old history.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ma6q!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff096e9e2-f24a-45b0-9ac6-d1b4a98cdb4e_2040x600.jpeg)
_Yam festival in Kumasi, 1817_
* * *
**HUGE THANKS to my Patreon subscribers and Paypal donors for supporting AfricanHistoryExtra!**
* * *
_**Read more about the Asante’s road network and transport system, and Download books on the Anglo-Asante war on my Patreon account**_
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[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!KSXM!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc9e48cd1-fc13-4f16-ae5b-3ddc06fcce1a_1350x546.png)
[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-1-52737240)
The forest and Twis by Ivor Wilks pg 4-7)
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-2-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 110),
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-3-52737240)
Denkyira in the making of asante by T. C. McCASKIE pp 1-25)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-4-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 18-22)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-5-52737240)
State and Society in Pre-colonial Asante By T. C. McCaskie pg 146)
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-6-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks 387-413)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-7-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 80-83, 94-95)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-8-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 678)
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-9-52737240)
Warfare in Atlantic africa by J.K.Thornton pg 63-64
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-10-52737240)
The Fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 66-69
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-11-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 683, 682)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-12-52737240)
[source](https://digitallibrary.usc.edu/asset-management/2A3BF1EB6CWD?FR_=1&W=1366&H=625)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-13-52737240)
Commercial Transitions and Abolition in West Africa pg 144-159
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-14-52737240)
Accumulation wealth belief asante by T. C. McCaskie pg 26-27
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-15-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 683-695, Accumulation wealth belief asante by T. C. McCaskie pg 33, )
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-16-52737240)
[link](http://objects.prm.ox.ac.uk/pages/PRMUID106803.html)
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-17-52737240)
Commercial Transitions and Abolition in West Africa 1630–1860 By Angus E. Dalrymple-Smith pg 168-169
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-18-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks Pg 264-272)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-19-52737240)
Elmina and greater asante pg 39-41)
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-20-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 163
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-21-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 141-151)
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-22-52737240)
The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 21-22)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-23-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg pg 167)
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-24-52737240)
From slave trade to legitimate commerce by Robin Law pg 107-110, additional commentary from “Commercial Transitions and Abolition in West Africa” pg 144-159
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-25-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 169-173),
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-26-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg pg 175),
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-27-52737240)
The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 80)
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-28-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 214, The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 44-48
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-29-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 180, The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 82)
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-30-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks 183, The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 85)
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-31-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 189-193)
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-32-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 194)
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-33-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 216-218)
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-34-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 219-220)
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-35-52737240)
The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 96)
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-36-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 224)
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-37-52737240)
The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 68
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-38-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks 225-228)
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-39-52737240)
Elmina and Greater Asante by LW Yarak pg 33-46)
[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-40-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 235-238)
[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-41-52737240)
The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 124),
[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-42-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 238-241)
[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-43-52737240)
The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 142-170)
[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-44-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 512-528, 627-230)
[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-45-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 280-281
[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-46-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 558-567)
[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-47-52737240)
The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 181
[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-48-52737240)
The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 180-194)
[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-49-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 639-640
[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-50-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 301-304, 310-324)
[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-51-52737240)
A Military History of Africa [3 volumes] By Timothy J. Stapleton pg 22)
[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-52-52737240)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 653
[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-53-52737240)
The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 184
[54](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn#footnote-anchor-54-52737240)
Portugal and Africa By D. Birmingham pg 16
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[Apr 26, 2022](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn/comment/6244368 "Apr 26, 2022, 4:35 AM")
Liked by isaac Samuel
As always a great read and great info keep it up brotha btw, I don't know if you do requests if I'm being too pushy or anything I apologize and if it's not too much I was wondering if perhaps you could maybe do a sort of research page on Warrior type classes in Africa. For example we know about Vikings and Knights and Samurai but perhaps the equivalent of sorts in Africa would be interesting if you have the time or want to.
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Africa's urban past and economy; currencies, population and early industry in pre-colonial African cities.
==========================================================================================================
### private land sales, manuscript copyists and textile sales figures.
[](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Oct 24, 2021
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Africa was a land of cities and vibrant urban cultures, from the ancient cities of the Nubia and the horn of Africa, to the medieval cities along the east African coast, on the plateaus of south east Africa, in the grasslands of west-central Africa, in the forest region of west Africa and more famously; the storied cities of Sahelian west Africa[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-1-42999610). Discourses on early African urbanism have now moved beyond the now discredited theories of Africa's lack of urbanism or its supposed introduction by foreigners, these new discourses seek to reconstruct the economies of early African urban settlements, early handicraft industries and Africa’s spatial and scared urban architecture.
African urbanism both conforms to and diverges from the established definition of cities; some African cities were directly founded by royal decree or were associated with centralized authority from the onset; such as Kerma, Aksum, Mogadishu, Kilwa, Great Zimbabwe, Mbanza Kongo, Benin, Kumbi Saleh, Gao, Ngazargamu, Kano and el-Fashir. while other cities were mostly associated with trade, religious power or scholarship, such as Qasr Ibrim, Adulis, Zeila, Sofala, Naletale, Begho, Djenne, Walata and Timbuktu; both of these types of cities were often characterized with monumental architecture; such as such as the palaces, temples and religious buildings in the cities of, Jebel Barkal, Lalibela, Gondar, Pemba, Zanzibar, Danangombe, Loango, Kuba, Ife, Bobo Dioulasso, Chinguetti and Daura. and the city walls[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-2-42999610) of Faras, Harar, Shanga, Old Oyo, Segu, Hamdallaye and Zinder.
Inside these African cities were large markets held daily in which transactions were carried out using various currencies most notably coinage that was locally struck in the cities of the kingdom of Aksum, the Swahli cities, Harar (Ethiopia), Nikki (Benin), and the cities of Omdurman and el-Fashir (in Sudan), there was also foreign coinage that was adopted in most of the “middle latitude” African states (all states between Senegal and Ethiopia) and lastly, the ubiquitous cowrie shell currency of the medieval world. African cities were home to several guilds of professional artisans and other types of wage laborers, the former included architects and master-builders, blacksmiths, carpenters, the latter included, dyers, weavers, leather workers, manuscript copyists and illustrators, painters and carvers, and dozens of other minor and trivial commercial activities such as astrologists, wrestlers and prostitutes. The majority of public buildings in African cities were religious buildings and their associated schools; such as temples, churches, mosques and monasteries and the Koranic schools of west Africa, Sudan the horn of Africa and the eastern coast; and the monastic schools of Ethiopia, other public buildings included the public squares of the Comorian cities[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-3-42999610) and a few Swahili cities. African cities recognized various forms of private property perhaps the most notable being the land charters and private estates in the cities of the states of Makuria, Ethiopia, Funj, Darfur and Sokoto among others.
* * *
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* * *
**Defining African Cities**
"_the city is a phenomenon which is notoriously difficult to define_"[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-4-42999610)
There have been many attempts at a theoretical definition of what qualifies as a city, the classic definition, which has since been modified and/or contested was that proposed by Gordon childe in which he associates urbanism with centralized states and thus lists the features of a city as; having considerable size, high population density, production of agricultural surpluses, monumental architecture and craft specialization. He also lists others features including; writing systems, state officials, priests and long-distance trade[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-5-42999610) . Several of the above listed features have since been contested especially since its possible to have monumental architecture, writing systems and trade without association with centralized political power or lack some of the above yet still live in an urban settlement associated with centralized political authority. But since several of these features overlap frequently, new definitions of cities have only modified Childe's classical categorization rather than radically alter it, these overlapping features for most cities are; craft specialization, agricultural surplus, population density and long-distance trade.
Following these overlapping definitions, discourses on African urbanism have forwarded definitions of African cities including those that fit Childe's classical definition and those that diverge from it. In the former; there are several African societies that existed as city-states; in which an independent state is centered on a city (rather than a state that contains a plurality of several cities) and in which a “city-state culture” thrives; characterized by people of similar language but living in fully autonomous states centered on cities which often compete and war with each other. In Africa, such city-states include the Yoruba city-states (southwestern Nigeria) , the Swahili city-states (Kenya and Tanzania coast), the Hausa city-states (northern Nigeria), the Kotoko city-states (southern chad), the Banaadir city-states (Somalia), the Fante city-states (southern Ghana), among others.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-6-42999610) Added to these cities that fit the classical definition are the "primate cities", these are where the largest urban settlement in the state (kingdom/empire) is the capital city; for example the cities listed in the introduction of this article like Gondar and Benin, such cities formed the bulk of African urban settlements.
lastly some African cities also diverged slightly from the classical definition but are situated firmly within the bounds of it, these cities are defined as "a large and heterogeneous unit of settlement that provides a variety of services and manufactures to a larger hinterland" and their features include specialized labor, high population density and long distance trade, among others. An example of such were the "cities without citadels" and the mobile capitals. Of the “cities without citadels” there are the classical cities of the inland Niger delta and the Senegal river valley, eg Jenne jano which covered over 7 hectares by 300BC growing to 33 ha in the mid 1st millennium, with a surrounding urban cluster of 170 ha and a city wall. Jenne-jeno also had settlement quarters for blacksmiths, potters, weavers, etc before much of the population moved to the better known city of Djenne[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-7-42999610). Among the mobile capitals were the _katamas_ of medieval Ethiopia[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-8-42999610) and in the interior of East Africa such as the capitals of the Buganda Kingdom[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-9-42999610) and the Bunyoro kingdom.
_monumental architecture of An african city; the 17th century castles of Gondar, photo from the early 20th century_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!MDfM!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F11a6e756-9309-4824-93a7-4c91103574f4_976x605.png)
_public buildings of African cities; the bangwe (public square) of Moroni and Grande Comore_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Ayrl!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4f728882-ddb2-47e0-9496-de4a44bf177a_949x591.png)
* * *
**Africa’s urban demographics**
The cities of Africa varied in population depending on their primary functions; the city-states and primate cities had both permanent and floating populations. The permanent populations were comprised of residents who dwelt within the city for generations and consisted of the city’s oldest lineages, clans and families, while the city’s “floating populations” included traders and caravans, visitors, pilgrims, armies, and the like. As such, the estimated populations of African cities varied in size, the bulk of these estimates are given by archeologists, internal and external written documents, and explorers.
While Africa had a relatively low population density in the past, the settled regions were fairly densely populated, with high population density clusters in the inland Niger delta (central Mali) northern and south-eastern Nigeria, the Ethiopian highlands, the east African coast (from Somalia to Tanzania) and other moderate population clusters in west central Africa (western and southern DRC, Northern Angola), the African great lakes region (central and western Uganda and Rwanda), and south-eastern Africa in Zimbabwe and eastern south Africa. which allowed for the development of cities.
The rate of urbanization in medieval Africa was therefore quite significant, the Mali empire is reported to have had at least four hundred cities/towns (the chronicler used the Arabic word _mudun:_ plural for city) this urbanization compared favorably with contemporaneous kingdoms of the world, and Mansa Musa told al-Umari that he had personally conquered at least 24 of these cities; which at the time included the cities of Timbuktu and Walata[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-10-42999610)
**Population estimates of African cities:**
The population estimates for African cities can be grouped into two; the cities established before the 19th century (these estimates rely on both written accounts and archeological estimates); and the cities established during the 19th century (the populations of these can be extrapolated backwards and more reliable estimates from various sources exist)
Of the pre-19th century cities (ie; from antiquity until 1800s); the most populous African cities were Gao and Timbuktu in the 16th century, and Gondar, Katsina, in the 18th century; these four are estimated to have attained a maximum population of 100,000 people during their heyday, with a low estimate of at least 70,000. These cities compare favorably to some of the most populous cities of late medieval Europe and north Africa both in size[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-11-42999610) and in population; especially during the 16th century, such as the cities of Florence, Lisbon and Prague (all of which had an estimated 70,000 people) and the city of London (with an estimated 50,000 people), while in north Africa, Tunis and Marakesh had between 50-75,000 people as well[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-12-42999610). These comparisons don't take into account the significantly higher population densities in the latter regions which would point to a relatively higher rate of urbanization in Africa at the time, for example, west Africa in the 1700 had an estimated population of 50 million[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-13-42999610) which is just over twice France's 20 million people.
**overview of the population estimates for the largest African cities before the 19th century**
**Gao** was the capital of the Songhay empire, an unofficial census conducted in the 1580s gave a total of about 100,000 as written in the _Tarikh al-fattash_[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-14-42999610), while the _Tarikh al-sudan_ states that Gao had about 7,626 houses not including the semi-permanent structures giving an estimate of 76,000 permanent residents[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-15-42999610) which combined with a floating population of caravan traders would have approached 100,000 people.
**Timbuktu** was a major commercial and scholarly city in the Mali and Songhay empires, the _Tarikh al-fatash_ estimated it had 150 schools, each enrolling around 50 students, the student population was about 7,500 providing an estimated urban population of 75,000[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-16-42999610) not including the floating population of caravan traders which in the 19th century was reported as at times trebling the resident population although by then the city was much smaller[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-17-42999610)
_timbuktu in 1906 seen from the sankore mosque (by edmond fortier)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!lKST!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5f48371d-0137-4cc3-a761-5a7dbfd25214_976x608.png)
**Katsina** was the largest Hausa city in the 18th century prior to the ascendance of Kano, the explorer Heinrich Barth provides an estimate of a maximum of 100,000 inhabitants in the mid 18th century[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-18-42999610)
**Gondar**, the capital of the Ethiopian empire during the _Gondarine era_ was estimated to have at least 65,000 inhabitants in the late 18th century when explorer James Bruce visited it, this figure is only for the families resident in the city proper, and doesn't include the armies of the king and the traders. Other estimates by later explorers such as Rosen and Mérab estimated the population to be at about 100,000[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-19-42999610), which isn't implausible since population decline had already set in by the time of James Bruce's visit.
Aside from these four largest cities, whose high populations lived in densely packed settlements such as storied buildings which can support a larger number of people in a smaller area, there were less densely packed urban settlements such as Ile-Ife, Benin and Old Oyo where houses were single-storey and compounds were fairly widely spaced, some of these cities extended over 50 sqkm and contained 19sqkm of built-up space, providing a population estimate of around 100,000 for all three at their height in the 14th, 16th and 18th centuries[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-20-42999610)
The other cities from this period that were significant populous (between 50,000-100,000) include the Kanem capital of Ngazargamu that had around 60,000 to 70,000 people in the 16th century, and the cities of Zaria, Agadez, Djenne and Kano that had around 50,000 people in the 16th century [21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-21-42999610)
_djenne in 1906 with ruins of the mosque at the center (by edmomd fortier)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!si_O!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe8c24e29-a3fc-4542-9c59-d39a85b41f82_2155x1400.jpeg)
The next group are the moderately populated cities (between 30,000-50,000) such as the ancient cities of Meroe, Aksum and Old Dongola, the medieval cities of Mombasa, Kilwa, Mogadishu, Mbanza kongo, Loango, Mbanza Soyo, and later cities of Kumasi, Kong, Abomey, Zinder, Kukawa, and dozens of other cities (usually the capitals of kingdoms), estimates for the above populations come from various sources most notably R. Feltcher[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-22-42999610), T. Chandler[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-23-42999610) and C. kusimba[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-24-42999610) .
The rest of African cities include those with populations between 10,000-30,000; which were the vast majority from antiquity to the 19th century, including Jenne-jeno, Kumbi saleh, Adulis, Zeila, Begho, many of the Swahili cities (such as Pate and Siyu), the Benadir cities (such as Merca and Brava) Hausa cities (such as Gobir and Hadejja), the cities of the Zimbabwe plateau (such as Great Zimbabwe and Naletale), the inland Niger cities (such as Segu and Nioro), the central Sudanic cities (such as Logone-birni and Kousseri), the Ethiopian cities (such as Haarla and Ifat) and the capitals of west-central africa (such as Nsheng and Mwibele)
_the city of Merca in the early 20th century_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!8ALY!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7c43579a-9a4f-44d7-b9cc-cb2f1ec55bc3_941x602.png)
_ruins of the 14th century city of Great zimbabwe_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!oi0Y!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F93c22f77-3ee7-4dd3-a861-c336dfab920b_937x606.png)
**African Cities of the 19th century**
African cities experienced a marked growth in the 19th century, most of the abovementioned cities of the pre-19th century doubled their populations by the middle of the century while other cities finally breached the 100,000 population limit, most notably, Sokoto which had 120,000 people in the early 19th century[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-25-42999610), Omdurman which had 250,000 people in the late 19th century[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-26-42999610) and Ibadan which had over 100,000 people in the mid 19th century[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-27-42999610), among others.
_general view of Omdurman in the 1920s_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!6JEh!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0afcea39-de4c-4bdb-b285-d2dc66f783c8_966x555.png)
* * *
**Sustaining African cities: extraction of agricultural surpluses from the hinterland and commercialization of agriculture and land.**
The continued existence of cities requires substantial agricultural surplus from the city’s hinterlands for the city-dwellers that are engaged in specialist pursuits. The evidence for such surpluses is present in Africa, most notably were the royal and private estates such as in the Songhay empire which produced between 600-750 tonnes of rice a year that was meant for the consumption of the royal household and personal army all of whom numbered 5-7,000 people[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-28-42999610), the royal and private farms around the city of Kano, Mbanza kongo and various swahili cities, such as the city of kilwa, whose poor soils, high population and textile production required intensive trade and interactions with the mainland[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-29-42999610) such interactions involved purchases of agricultural surpluses[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-30-42999610)
While in the “middle latitude” states of Africa such as Ethiopia, Makuria, Sokoto and Darfur, the land grant/charter system allowed for rulers and elites in cities to supply both their extended households and the city’s markets with large agricultural surpluses to support the bulging populations, in Ethiopia this proliferated during the _gondarine era_ in the 18th century[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-31-42999610) and in Darfur during the 18th century[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-32-42999610) and in Sokoto during the 19th century[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-33-42999610) and in Makuria from the 11th to the 14th century[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-34-42999610). The estates established by both elites and private entrepreneurs supplied agricultural produce to local markets and the existence of such commercialized agricultural production and land tenure systems led to the growth of a robust land market in the four African states mentioned above with the majority of private land sales confined to their cities.
_land charter of Nur al-Din given to him by darfur king Muhammad al-Fadl in 1810AD (from R.S.O Fahey’s land in darfur)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!t1tA!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcc3d90e0-da17-4d2e-a110-b9d41d092e40_398x598.png)
* * *
**The Currencies of African cities; minting, adoption and exchange of various forms of currencies in African urban commerce**
The complexity of African monetary transactions and economies is often underappreciated, African cities were major centers of commerce in both the regional and global contexts this cosmopolitanism required them to utilize a standardized medium of exchange in the form of currencies; as such African cities made use of multiple and complementary coinage and commodity currencies, most notably; the gold, copper and silver coinage in the cities of the kingdom of Aksum[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-35-42999610) (such as at Aksum and Adulis), the kingdom of Makuria[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-36-42999610) (especially in the cities of Qasr Ibrim and Old Dongola), the Swahili city-states of Kilwa, Shanga, Pemba, Songo mnrara, Tongoni and Zanzibar[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-37-42999610), the city-states of Harar and Mogadishu cities in the horn of Africa[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-38-42999610), and the kingdom of Nikki[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-39-42999610) (in modern benin), and the silver issue of the kingdom of Kanem Bornu in the city of Ngazargamu[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-40-42999610) the other form of coinage was the imported Maria Theresa silver coin used across the Sahel and the horn of Africa in the late 18th to early 19th century, but mostly common in the Ethiopian empire.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-41-42999610)
_Kilwa silver and copper coins of Ali ibn al-Hasan from tanzania dated 10th-11th century (Perkins John, 2015)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ZwjN!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2910753f-2395-46c6-b206-c39df85e7853_463x432.png)
_silver coins from the mahdiyya and darfur kingdoms in the 19th century sudan (british museum)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!8Ol9!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2927d6cd-12a9-43a1-bef5-3407e3bf1952_853x725.png)
The second form of currency was the gold dust and gold bars, common in the empires of the Sahel (Ghana, Mali, Songhai, Massina, Air, Kanem-bornu) and the Asante kingdom, and used in various west African trade networks most notably by the Wangara across various west African cities. it was measured using standardized gold weights; these weights were most present in the upper volta region (in the Asante, Dagomba cities)[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-42-42999610), the inland Niger delta (Segu to Jenne) and the Senegambia cities.
The third and perhaps the most ubiquitous currency across africa was the cowrie shell, some were acquired locally especially the _nzimbu shells_ of the west central African kingdoms of Kongo and Loango[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-43-42999610) but the majority were imported and were used in virtually all west African, eastern African and some southern African kingdoms from the late first millennium to turn of the 20th century.
lastly were the commodity currencies; primarily cloth and iron. The former became a lucrative trade for the kingdoms of Benin, Kongo and Kuba whose high quality and standardized textiles were in high demand in the surrounding regions, Benin cloth (_aso-Ado_) was bought and re-exported during the early decades of atlantic commerce to the Akan states in the gold coast[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-44-42999610) while Kongo's cloth (_libongo_) was rexported during the early stages of the atlantic commerce to many of the states of west-central Africa[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-45-42999610); and metal currencies included manila, copper ignots, and the later standardized iron bars were used in parts of west Africa.
Many African cities used several currencies concurrently and it was therefor necessary to establish currency exchanges that were fixed depending on the demand and supply of each currency; one such exchange rate was for 40 pices of silver for one pice of gold in the kingdom of makuria especially the city of qasr ibrim[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-46-42999610), in mali during the 14th century, one gold coin was exchanged for 1150 cowries in the city of gao [47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-47-42999610)and several other exchanges such as coin to cowrie, cloth to cowrie, gold dust to cowrie.
_12th century painting from Old Dongola showing financial transaction; depicting a man holding a purse giving another man a handful of gold coins (from the Kom H monastery)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!x5U2!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2cfc4949-94f1-4ec9-9df8-7d709b6b905b_850x668.jpeg)
The currencies above were primarily used in urban commerce both for internal trade in local markets and for long distance trade; an example of the use of gold dust and gold bars as currency is from an account of a wangara trader named al-Hajji al-Wagari from Timbuktu that sent 2000 ounces in gold bars and 2000 ounces of gold dust in exchange for a large consignment of cloth to be bought in the Moroccan city of Akka in 1790[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-48-42999610)
African currencies international value isn't to be underestimated, as Aksumite coins were found as far as India[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-49-42999610) and Kilwa coins were found as far as northern Australia[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-50-42999610) and southern Arabia attesting to both the cosmopolitanism of these cities and the value of their currencies, they also travelled significant distances in the African interior; a Kilwa coin was found far inland at great Zimbabwe, it can thus be concluded that African economic transactions especially in African cities were often fully monetized contrary to the misconception that the most common system of exchange was batter.
* * *
**Handicraft industries in African cities.**
Arguably the most common industry in precolonial Africa was textile production. textile production in Africa is first attested in the khartoum neolithic where some spindle whorls were found likely for making wool cloths in the 6th millennium BC[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-51-42999610). Cotton cloth was well established in Nubia during the 1st millennium BC, and then in west Africa, the horn of Africa and east Africa by the 1st millennium AD while cloth production was developed independently in west central Africa in the early second millennium AD. In all these African regions, major centers of production and use of cloth were typically the urban settlements. Alot has been written about African cloth production, cloth trade, and the various processes of spinning, weaving, dyeing, embroidering African cloth, but less has been written about the methods of production, the quantities of cloth traded and produced especially in relation to African cities; and the reason for the de-industrialization of Africa's textile manufacturing.
Various African textile producing centers used different looms, whose development and utilization dependently largely on the antiquity of cloth production in a given region.
_Varieties of looms in Africa (map from K. Frederick’s Twilight of an industry)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!OQ-e!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa66532ac-009c-467f-8be6-a944f055cfa1_483x550.png)
In the horn of Africa, the weavers used treadle looms positioned over pits, along with spinning wheels to speed up the production of yarn (especially in the cities of Mogadishu and Harar).
_Cotton spinning somalia 19th century_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!RxmX!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7856aa98-ac33-46a7-812a-af00b3093422_800x523.png)
In west Africa, narrow-band treadle Looms were used, these also had foot pedals that manipulate warp threads and were used alongside the more common vertical looms to produce larger cloths (such as in the cities of Kano, Zaria, Benin) the vertical loom was also used in parts of west central Africa. In eastern Africa, the majority of looms were fixed-heddle ground loom[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-52-42999610)
_Hausa woman weaving on vertical loom_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!-GhL!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F76751732-aeff-4d19-869f-082dacdbf20b_509x679.png)
The work of cotton cultivation, spinning, cloth weaving, dyeing and embroidering were done by both women and men in various stages and attimes involved organized textile guilds and private estates for large production, but also involved small-scale domestic production for small quantities. The majority of these processes were confined to cities rather than the countryside as was noted in Benin, Kano, Mogadishu, Zanzibar and Mbanza kongo.
* * *
**African textile trade; the figures**
In terms of quantity, the most significant cloth producers whose figures can be retrieved were the regions of south-western Nigeria, west-central Africa and the Sahelian west africa, such figures include;
In Benin city, at the height of the textile trade in the 17th century, the Dutch purchased 12,641 pieces 1633–34 in another 16,000 pieces of Benin-cloth in 1644–46, and the English bought about 4,000 pieces of Benin-Cloth in the same years, (a standard piece of Benin cloth was about 2 meters by 3 meters) both of these were resold to the gold-coast region (modern Ghana) who then sold them further inland[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-53-42999610) this outbound trend from Benin was only a fraction of the internal trade especially between Benin and the Yorubalands and the Hausalands giving us a picture of just how extensive Benin’s textile production was.
Cloth production in west central Africa, while less urban than in west Africa, was nevertheless significant, in 1611, upto 100,000 meters of _libongo_ cloths were exported from Kongo’s eastern provinces into the Portuguese coastal colony of Angola annually and 80,000 meters of Loango's cloth were also exported to the colony of Angola annually as well[54](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-54-42999610). This cloth was evenly split into use both for clothing and as currency and while some of it was purchased by kongo and loango from further inland, most of it was refashioned and standardized in Kongo and Loango itself to maintain its currency value and authenticity using unique geometric patterns
_libongo cloth from the kongo kingdom, inventoried in 1659 (Ulmer Museum)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!p7PE!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcee5b413-e817-4b07-8e61-97a9edbcd6bc_808x534.png)
Cloth production in the sahelian belt was also significant, in the 19th century, explorer Heinrich Barth estimated that the city of Kano alone exported over £40,000 worth of cloth annually ($7,000,00 today) which is a significant amount given a population of under 70,000, describing the city's textile industry as thus:
"_there is really something grand in this kind of industry, which spreads as far as murzuk, ghat and even tripoli; to the west not only to timbuctu, but in some degree even as far as the shores of the atlantic, to the east all over bornu, and to the south and south east_"[55](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-55-42999610)
the textile market in the Hausa cities was sophisticated enough to allow for product returns, this was observed by the explorer Hugh clapperton who visited Kano decades before Barth, he described it as thus :
_"if a tobe (gown) or turkadee (woman's cloth), purchased here is carried to bornu or any other distant place, without being opened, and is there discovered to be of inferior quality, it is immediately sent back as a matter of course -the name of the dylala, or broker, being written inside every parcel in this case the dylala must find out the seller, who, by the laws of kano, is forthwith obliged to refund the purchase money"_[56](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-56-42999610)
_Riga and Boubou robes from the hausa cities of northern Nigeria in the 19th century, (from; liverpool and quai branly museum),_ _photo of a fokwe chief wearing a riga_ (_University of Southern California.)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!F50p!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F425732f6-0b4c-4af4-8449-be68743046b3_994x640.png)
_kano in the 1930s (walter mittelholzer)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!qtn9!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6b39d969-6d9c-422f-a932-6144c5e123a3_2000x1448.jpeg)
These processes of cloth production in African cities used both free labor (subsistence and wage) and servile labor. The labor demands of such industries were very large and its no surprise that these aforementioned states banned the exportation of slave labour into the atlantic (Benin in the 16th-17th century, Kongo in the 17th century and Sokoto in the 19th century, among others). Significant cloth production was also noted in the swahili cities of Pate, Kilwa and Sofala and the somali city of Mogadishu where as early as the 14th century, its _maqadishu_ cloth was exported as far as Egypt
* * *
**Other major African handicraft industries included**;
_**iron production**_, which was sufficiently developed in the cities of the east African coast as noted by historian C. Kusimba: "_Swahili ironworkers were capable of producing high-carbon steel and even cast iron in their bloomeries with over 2.5 percent carbon_" these cities also exported iron to the Indian ocean cities in southern Arabia and Southern Asia[57](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-57-42999610), the other notable African urban iron production center was the in the ancient city of Meroe where about 20 tonnes of metal were produced annually in the late 1st millennium BC, which for a population of about 30,000 was very significant; Meroe was therefore a site of a substantial iron industry[58](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-58-42999610)
_**Leatherworks**_ such as sandals, shoes, bags, boots, etc were made locally in significant volumes, most notably in Kano where an estimated 10 million pairs of sandals, leather straps and bags were exported all across west Africa and north Africa especially to morocco where Kano's leather was then re-exported to Europe as "Moroccan leather" which was used in book bindings[59](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-59-42999610) and other major leatherworking cities such as the cities of Zinder and Ngazargamu, the Swahili city of Siyu and Zanzibar, the upper volta cities of of Salaga and Bondouku the western sudan cities of Segu, Timbuktu and several others.
_leather boots, shoes and sandals from the Hausa cities of northern Nigeria, inventoried in the mid 19th century (Museum of Applied Arts&Sciences, Australia)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ccyv!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7feb747c-d4d9-4f99-9ea7-d2b5b0a43db5_999x569.png)
_**Manuscript copying, book binding and manuscript illumination**_ was perhaps the only African industry exclusively confined to cities, manuscript copying was fairly widespread across much of Africa's “middle latitudes”, along the east african coast and the west central African cities in kongo. African manuscript illumination is attested as early as the 5th century AD at Aksum and later in the mid-second millennium AD at several other cities such as Timbuktu, Jenne, Kano, Ngazargamu, and book binding was present at the cities of Gondar, Mogadishu, Harar, Lamu, Siyu among others. The best documented manuscript copying industry was in Ngazargamu, the capital of Kanem-bornu which was a major center for specialists such as calligraphers and copyists whose beautifully written and illustrated Qur'ans were sold throughout north Africa in the 18th and 19th century at a price of fifty thalers[60](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-60-42999610) and the city of Siyu whose position as a major scholarly center In east Africa rivaling Zanzibar was such that books written and illuminated by Siyu's scholars were sold all across the coast[61](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-61-42999610), one of such books copied was a Quran written by a copyist named Ali al-Siyawi (his nisba meaning he is from siyu)
_Quran from the early 19th century, siyu (Fowler Museum)_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Rcc4!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8e55d69a-ddfd-45f6-b7c2-f9bd8100c169_1600x1121.png)
_**construction**_ ; which involved architects, master-builders and masons guilds such as the Hausa architect Muhammadu Mukhaila Dugura who constructed the Zaria Friday mosque[62](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-62-42999610) and the Djenne mason guilds known for erecting a number of large mansions in the late 19th and early 20th century such as the Bandiagara palace of Aguibu tall, Gbon Coulibaly's house in korhogo and the reconstruction of the 13th century mosque of Djenne, these master builders and architects were likely present since the early first millennium but their activities proliferated during the 19th century especially in the Sokoto empire where urban planning was state policy[63](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-63-42999610)
_Aguibou tall's house in badiagra buiilt in the 19th century_ (edmond fortier)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!6FUp!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F56326649-8536-49dd-b49b-4fdb575d89a3_1001x631.jpeg)
* * *
**Conclusion**
The vibrancy and cosmopolitanism of Africa’s urban past, and the dynamism of pre-colonial African cities are a window into Africa’s economic and social history, African urbanism was central to African state-building, art and architecture, the legacy of which continued well into the colonial and post-independence era, some of Africa’s old cities maintain their prominence into the present day, state capitals such as Mogadishu, Accra and Abuja, commercial emporiums such as Lagos, Mombasa and Kano, religious and pilgrim cities such as Lalibela, Timbuktu and Harar are among dozens of cities whose sacredness and importance continues to attract thousands of visitors. African cities are a salient piece of African history.
**A special thanks to all the generous contributors on my patreon and via paypal that keep this blog up, i’m grateful for your generosity.**
* * *
_**for more on African history, Free book downloads and ancient African astronomy, subscribe to my Patreon account**_
[patreon](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64?fan_landing=true)
[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-1-42999610)
The Archaeology of Africa by Bassey Andah et al, pg 21-31
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-2-42999610)
Africa's urban past by D. M. Anderson, pg 36-49
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-3-42999610)
Becoming the Other, Being Oneself by ian walker, pg 97-99
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-4-42999610)
the urban revolution by G. childe, pg2
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-5-42999610)
The Fabric of Cities by Natalie Naomi May, pg 5
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-6-42999610)
A comparative study of thirty city state cultures by Mogens Herman Hansen, pgs 445-533
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-7-42999610)
Sahel by Alisa LaGamma, pg 62
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-8-42999610)
Diversity and dispersal in African urbanism by R. Fletcher, pg8
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-9-42999610)
D. M. Anderson pg 98-106
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-10-42999610)
african dominion by M.A. Gomez pg 127
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-11-42999610)
R. Feltcher, pg 7
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-12-42999610)
3000 Years of Urban Growth by T. Chandler, pg 15, 46
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-13-42999610)
African Population, 1650–2000 by P. Manning
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-14-42999610)
West African Journal of Archaeology - Volumes 5-6 , Page 81
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-15-42999610)
Timbuktu and songhay by J. Hunwick, pg xlix
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-16-42999610)
Social history of Timbuktu by N. Saad, pg 90
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-17-42999610)
Sahara by M. de Villiers, Pg 213
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-18-42999610)
Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa vol2 by H Barth, , pg 78,526-7
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-19-42999610)
An Introduction to the History of the Ethiopian Army by R. Pnkhurst, pg 171
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-20-42999610)
Precolonial African cities size and density by C. kusimba, pg 154-157
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-21-42999610)
T. Chandler, pg 47
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-22-42999610)
Settlement area and communication in African towns and cities by R. Fletcher
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-23-42999610)
3000 Years of Urban Growth by T. Chandler
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-24-42999610)
Precolonial African cities size and density by C. kusimba
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-25-42999610)
C. Kusimba, pg 153
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-26-42999610)
Sudanesische Marginalien by F. Kramer, pg 90-101
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-27-42999610)
the city of ibadan by P. C. Lloyd pg 15
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-28-42999610)
J. Hunwick, pg 159
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-29-42999610)
African historical archaeologies by A. M. Reid, pg 110
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-30-42999610)
African civilizations by G. Connah, pg 257
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-31-42999610)
Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia by Donald Crummey, pg 166, 109
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-32-42999610)
Land in Dar Fur by R. S. O'Fahey, pg 14
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-33-42999610)
State and Economy in the Sokoto Caliphate by K. S. Chafe pg 80, 87
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-34-42999610)
Medieval Nubia by G. R. Ruffini pgs 42, 202-226
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-35-42999610)
Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson, pg 181-193
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-36-42999610)
G. R. Ruffini pg 259, 175-205
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-37-42999610)
currencies of the swahili world by K. Pallaver
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-38-42999610)
The Coinage of Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Italian Somalia by D. Gill, pgs 27-29, 87-88
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-39-42999610)
The Nineteenth-Century Gold 'Mithqal' in West and North Africa by M. Johnson pg 522-553
[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-40-42999610)
The Cowrie Currencies of West Africa. Part I by M. Johnson, pg 42
[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-41-42999610)
D. Gill, pg 17-19
[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-42-42999610)
A New Look at the Akan Gold Weights of West Africa by Hartmut Mollat
[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-43-42999610)
A History of West Central Africa to 1850 By J. K. Thornton pg 34
[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-44-42999610)
Trade and Politics on the Gold Coast, 1600-1720 by K. Y. Daaku , pg 24
[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-45-42999610)
J.K.Thornton pg 14
[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-46-42999610)
G. R. Ruffini pg 178-180
[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-47-42999610)
Metals and Monies in an Emerging Global Economy by D. O. Flynn, pg 226-228
[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-48-42999610)
history of Islam in africa by N. Levtzion pg 103
[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-49-42999610)
D. W Phillipson, pg 192)
[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-50-42999610)
The Swahili Coast, 2nd to 19th Centuries by G. Freeman, pg 2
[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-51-42999610)
Early Khartoum by A. J. Arkell
[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-52-42999610)
Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Frederick, Katharine, pg 210-213),
[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-53-42999610)
Benin and the Europeans by A. F. C. Ryder, pg 93
[54](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-54-42999610)
J.K.Thornton pg 13
[55](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-55-42999610)
An economic history of west africa by A. G. Hopkins, pg 49
[56](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-56-42999610)
Narrative of travels and discoveries… vol2 by H. clapperton , pg 287
[57](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-57-42999610)
Metals and metal-working along the Swahili coast by Bertram B. B. Mapunda
[58](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-58-42999610)
The nubian past by D. Edwards pg 173
[59](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-59-42999610)
Economic History of West Africa by G. O. Ogunremi, Pg 27
[60](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-60-42999610)
narrative of travels and discoveries … vol2 by H. clapperton, pg 161-162
[61](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-61-42999610)
Siyu in the 18th and 19th centuries by J. de V. Allen, pg 18-24
[62](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-62-42999610)
Hausa Urban Art and Its Social Background by F W. Schwerdtfeger, pg 110-113
[63](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-urban-past-and-economy-currencies#footnote-anchor-63-42999610)
A geography of jihad by S. Zehnle, pg 131
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Published Time: 2022-05-22T15:48:23+00:00
An African anti-Colonial alliance of convenience: Ethiopia and Sudan in the 19th century
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An African anti-Colonial alliance of convenience: Ethiopia and Sudan in the 19th century
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### From conflict to co-operation
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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Among the recurring themes in the historiography of the “scramble for Africa” is the notion that there was no co-operation between African states in the face of the advancing colonial powers. African rulers and their states are often implicated in the advance of European interests due to their supposedly myopic “internecine rivalries” and “tribal hostilities” which were said to have been exploited by the Colonial powers to “divide and conquer”.
Besides the inaccuracies of the anachronism and moralism of hindsight underlying such discourses which disregard African political realities, there are a number of well-documented cases of African states entering into ententes, or “alliances of convenience” against the approaching invaders, while some of these alliances were ephemeral given the pre-existing ideological and political differences between the various African states, a number of them were relatively genuine cooperations between African rulers and were tending towards formal political alliances of solidarity against colonialism. In the last decades of the 19th century, the Ethiopian empire and the Mahdiyya state of Sudan —which had been at war with each other over their own internal interests— entered into an entente against the Italian and British colonial armies.
This article explores the history of Ethiopia and the Mahdiyya in the 19th century until the formation of their anti-colonial pact.
_**Map of North-eastern africa in the late 19th century showing the Madiyya and Ethiopian empires, as well as the british advance (in red) and the sites of Mahdiyya-Ethiopia conflict (in green).**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Mn3A!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb71eb837-e7c6-44ce-884d-a6475c8a525b_711x1057.png)
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**The Ethiopian re-unification; From Tewodros and the British to Yohannes’ defeat of Ottoman-Egypt**
A century of regionalism in Ethiopia ended in 1855 with the ascension of Tewodros II and the restoration of imperial authority. The empire had since its disintegration in the 1770s, been faced with formidable political challenges, its national institutions had collapsed, provincial nobles had fully eclipsed the royal court and church, just as external powers (ottoman-Egypt and the Europeans) were appearing on the scene. Tewodros’ charismatic character and his ambition to reform and modernize the state institutions, initially won him many victories over the provincial nobles whom he reduced to tributary vassals after a series of battles resulted in him controlling much of central and northern Ethiopia by 1861.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-1-55958101) This allowed him to briefly focus on the foreign threat presented by the expansionist Ottoman-Egypt led by Pasha Muhammad Ali (r. 1805-1848) who had since 1821 colonized much of Sudan and was expanding along the red sea coast; threatening to isolate Ethiopia. Tewodros had faced of with the Ottoman-Egyptians earlier in his career in 1837 and 1848, but once enthroned, he couldn't commit fully to the threat their western presence posed before pacifying a dissenting provincial noble in the region.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-2-55958101) He nevertheless and appreciated the need to modernize his military systems, and attempted to acquire more modern rifles from the european traders within the region such as the French and the British but was frustrated by their alliance with Egypt[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-3-55958101). Repeated rebellions by his vassals (including the future emperors; Menelik in Shewa province, Yohannes in Tigray province and Giyorgis in Lasta province) reverted the empire’s earlier centralizing attempts back to the preexisting regionalism and reduced Tewodros’ army from 80,000 to 10,000 soldiers.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-4-55958101) His attempt at forcefully utilizing the disparate European missions within Ethiopia for his modernization efforts in arms and transport, coupled with the detention of foreign envoys in his royal camp, soured his relationship with the British who invaded Ethiopia in 1868, defeating his greatly reduced army at Magdala, looting the region and carrying off some of his relatives.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-5-55958101)
Takla Giyorgis (r. 1868-1871) succeeded Tewodros shortly after his demise, the former shored up his imperial legitimacy by restoring Gondar's churches and castles[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-6-55958101) and attempted to consolidate his control over the powerful provincial rulers through a proposed alliance with Menelik and through his marriage with Yohannes' sister, but the latter's assertion of his own power in the northern province of Tigray led to a clash between their armies in 1871 in which Yohannes emerged victorious.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-7-55958101) Yohannes IV (1872–89), now emperor of Ethiopia, pursued the imperial unification of the state that had been initiated by his Tewodros but rather than adopting the uncompromising centralization of the latter, he opted for a policy of “controlled regionalism”, which relieved his forces from provincial conflicts that had challenged both of his predecessors, to instead focus on the foreign threats facing Ethiopia, particularly the Ottoman Egyptians who were especially concerning to Yohannes whose powerbase in Tigray was the most vulnerable to a foreign advance from the red sea[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-8-55958101).
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!3UW4!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F11279d2b-cd60-4ee2-970e-ded9630d96f1_1216x423.png)
_**british expedition camp approaching maqdala (No. 71906, Victoria & Albert Museum)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!0Okg!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F12280073-33f6-4e7d-8efa-6ef46dba6b88_942x595.png)
_**photographs of Prince Alemayehu, Tewodros’ son who was captured by the British at Maqdala and passed away in England (Royal collection, British Museum)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!WFcU!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F789f0b9f-f745-4b12-ab90-409c641d60e7_1333x605.png)
_**Yohannes IV's palace in mekelle built in 1882**_
**Yohannes’ war with the Ottoman-Egyptians**
Yohannes’ contemporary and ruler of Ottoman-Egypt was Khedive Isma‘il (r. 1863-1879) who was Muhammad Ali’s grandson. He continued Egypt’s development through borrowing extensively from European creditors, he hired European and American military officers, adventurers, and geographers to overhaul the armed forces and administration, and the Red Sea coast upto Somalia became a target for Egyptian expansionism especially following the completion of the suez canal in the late 1860s. In 1865, he increased his interest in the provinces of Sudan subsumed by Pasha Ali in the 1820s, and thus requested and renewed the Ottoman authority over the red-sea ports of Massawa and Suakin which had since reverted to local control. Then, beginning in 1870, after the suez canal was opened, the entire Somali Red Sea coast, from Zeila to Cape Guardafui, was captured by Egyptian military missions, who completed the conquest by capturing Harar in 1875, taking over the historical capital of Ethiopia's old Muslim foe; the Adal empire. By then, Ottoman-Egypt was at the peak of its imperial power, ready to connect the Red Sea with the Sudan and stabilize a whole new empire. But then Egypt collided with Ethiopia.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-9-55958101)
Ottoman-Egyptian troops had moved into keren region (in eritrea, just north of Tigray) a few months after Yohannes was crowned in 1871 and had subsequently occupied it. Yohannes had sent envoys to Europeans; France and Britain, requesting them to press Egypt to withdraw but they were reluctant to get involved, and tactically sanctioned the Egyptian advance, with the British Queen Victoria writing to Yohannes that it was her impression the Khedive was only pursuing bandits.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-10-55958101) In 1875, Four Egyptian missions penetrated Ethiopian territory. The first group occupied Harar but didn’t advance further inland, another was delayed on the Somali coast[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-11-55958101), but two groups managed to enter the Ethiopian interior; A small force of 400 soldiers, headed by the Swiss general Munzinger, was to reach Menelik’s province of Shewa and bribe him in destroying Yohannes, en-route however, the group was annihilated by in Awsa, its arms and gifts captured[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-12-55958101). A second force of 3,000 soldiers set out from the port of Massawa, this force met with Yohannes’ army in Gundet and was virtually wiped out. When the news reached Cairo, Isma‘il tried to suppress the disaster and prepared for a full-scale war.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-13-55958101) Plans by the Khedive to ally with Menelik against Yohannes were thwarted when the former offered some of his troops to increase Yohannes’ imperial army[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-14-55958101). The invading force of 50,000 (with 15,000 soldiers), under the command of Ratib Pasha and US confederate general General W. Loring, returned to Eritrea. On March 1876 they were maneuvered out of their fortifications at Gura by Yohannes’s generals led by the general Ras Alula and overwhelmingly defeated, An estimated 14,000 Egyptian soldiers were killed in both battles[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-15-55958101), Those who escaped the massacre (including Isma‘il’s son) were taken prisoner and released only after negotiations were conducted and a treaty signed in which the Egyptians agreed not to re-enter the ethiopian highlands. The “_**well-drilled military machined armed with Remington rifles, Gatling machine-guns and Krupp artillery- the epitome of a modern colonial army**_” was all but annihilated by Yohannes’ relatively poorly equipped force of just 15,000 fighting men.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-16-55958101)
The Egyptians conducted a war of attrition using the services of the warlord Wolde Mikail, forcing Yohannes to send his general Ras Alula to pacify the region and expel the Egyptians, a task which he accomplished from his headquarters at Asmara and forced Wolde to surrender in 1878[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-17-55958101), but couldn’t fully eject them from their fortifications.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-18-55958101) Negotiations between Yohannes and the Khedive’s envoys continued through the latter’s British officers but reached a stalemate that wasn’t broken until the Mahdist movement in Sudan had overthrown the Egyptian government and threatened to annihilate the Anglo-Egyptian garrisons in Sudan forcing the British to agree to Yohannes’s terms.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-19-55958101) But the vacuum left by the Egyptian retreat was gradually filled by the advance of France and Italy from the Somali coast, who gradually came to control a number of strategic ports along the red sea, restricting the emperor's arms supplies, and keeping him pre-occupied his northern base, while loosening his control over his vassals such as Menelik who had trading with both.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-20-55958101)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!a4pQ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9ac0e539-ec3d-48c5-82bd-edfa058c0de7_882x571.png)
_**map of the Ottoman-Egyptian invasion from the red sea regions**_
**Ramifications of the Ethiopian victory: British occupation of Egypt and Ethiopia’s neighbor the Mahdiyya.**
The Gura defeat was arguably one of the most important events in the history of modern Egypt , the Ethiopians foiled the Egyptians’ goal of connecting their Red Sea ports to the Sudan, and while the Egyptians had all the resources and international legitimacy in 1876 to build a regional empire, the immediate financial losses caused by the Gura defeat worsened an already deteriorating balance of payments and ushered in the beginning of direct European interference in Egyptian affairs. In 1876 Isma'Il was forced by impending bankruptcy to give his European creditors oversight of his debt service, and to accept an Anglo-French 'dual control' of his current finance, and a series of natural disasters in 1877 and 1878 exacerbated the already dire situation in Egypt and its debt crisis, by 1879, Isami'il was deposed by the Ottoman sultan on European pressure in favour of a puppet Tawfiq, whose regime fell to the Urabi movement that sought to rid Egypt of the foreign domination.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-21-55958101) The Gura defeat had triggered a wave of Egyptian nationalism; leading the veterans of the Khedive’s Ethiopian campaign (such as Ali al-Rubi, Ahmad ‘Abd al-Ghafar, and ‘Ali Fahmi) to join with the nationalist leader Ahmad ‘Urabi (who had witnessed the defeat), to launch the anti-western Urabi revolt with the slogan “_**Egypt to the Egyptians**_.”[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-22-55958101) The ensuing upheaval and overthrow of Tawfiq’s puppet government instigated a British military invasion and occupation of Egypt in 1882, further loosening the Egyptian control of Sudan which was rapidly falling to the Mahdist movement.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-23-55958101)
The Gura victory also altered Yohannes' foreign and domestic policy towards his Muslim neighbors and vassals, while he used a fairly flexible policy during his early rein, including marrying a Muslim woman (who passed on in 1871) and allying with the predominantly Muslim elite of central Ethiopia.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-24-55958101) But this changed the moment Isma‘il's forces set foot on Ethiopian soil and tried to entice local Muslims onto their side. Yohannes’ rallying call to defend Christian Ethiopia was couched in terms of a religious war against invading Muslims, by tapping into the memories of Ethiopia’s wars with the Adal sultanate which in 1529 led to the near-extinguishing of Ethiopia by the Adal armies of Ahmad Gran. As one European witness described it, “_**It was in fact the first time in centuries that the Abyssinians as a whole responded to a call to protect their land and faith, and the clergy were the most potent instruments of propaganda. The popular movement was such that even Menilek, who the previous year had been intriguing with Munzinger, felt he ought to send his complement of troops**_.”[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-25-55958101), After the victory, Yohannes' policy became less conciliatory towards not just Ottoman-Egypt, but also against his Muslim vassals. After resolving the internal divisions in the Ethiopian orthodox churches by organizing the council of Boru Meda in 1878, Yohannes compelled all Ethiopian Christians to adhere to the official doctrine, and coerced all Muslims and traditionalists within his realm to embrace Christianity, (many of whom had adopted Islam during the regionalism preceding Tewodros’ ascent), and the ensuing resistance forced a number of Muslim elites to flee to Sudan and join the Mahdiyya[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-26-55958101). Yohannes had been so fervent on his mission that Menelik (whose political situation in Shewa required him to take a more conciliatory approach[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-27-55958101)) is said to have asked "_**will God be pleased if we exterminate our people by forcing them to take Holy communion**_" to which Yohannes replied "_**I shall avenge the blood of Ethiopia. It was also by the form of sword and fire that**_(Ahmad)_**Gran Islamized Ethiopia, who will if we do not, found and stregthen the faith of Marqos**_".[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-28-55958101) It was these Mahdists that would present the greatest threat to Yohannes’ authority for the reminder of his reign.
**A brief history of Sudan before the Mahdiyya**
**The Funj kingdom and Ethiopia**
Much of the Sudanese Nile valley had since the 16th century been dominated by the kingdom of Funj whose capital was at Sennar (near modern Khartoum), the Funj state presided over an essentially feudal government, ruling over dozens of provinces with varying degrees of autonomy and tributary obligation. In 17th century, the Funj were trading extensively with the (Gondarine) empire of Ethiopia, despite a brief period of tense relations in which Ethiopian Emperor Susenyos attempted an invasion of Funj in 1618-19.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-29-55958101)By the early 18th century tensions over the borderlands led to the Ethiopian emperor Iyasu II launching an invasion of Funj in 1744 but he was defeated by the armies of the Funj king Badi IV (r. 1724–1762) at Dindar river[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-30-55958101). Both iyasu II and Badi IV were coincidentally the last of their respective state's competent rulers, their demise heralded an era of decline in both Ethiopia and Funj as both fell in to a protracted era of disintegration and regionalism that in Funj, would result in the decline of its central government such that when the Ottoman-Egyptian Pasha Muhammad Ali of launched his invasion of Sudan in 1821, the smaller provincial armies didn't pose a formidable military challenge, resulting in Egypt controlling all of Funj's teritories.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-31-55958101)
**Ottoman-Egypt occupation of Sudan**
The period of Ottoman-Egyptian rule, known in Sudan as Turkiyya, was largely resented by the Sudanese who saw the Ottoman-Egyptian administration and its development efforts of exploiting local resources for the treasury, as instruments of oppression and injustice, and alien to most of their traditional religious, moral and cultural concepts[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-32-55958101), especially once the Ottoman-Egyptians began to implement their administrative and taxation policies that fundamentally affected the lives of ordinary Sudanese. These taxes were collected by soldiers who were incentivized by their cut to collect more than was required, which itself was already unrealistically high, the most disliked was the saqiya tax, which forced many Sudanese out of the lands that paid the highest taxes near the Nile, and into other professions including trading and mercenary work, but even these evasion efforts were curtailed. A series of tax reforms initiated by Khedive Ismai’l in the 1860s, only exacerbated the problem such that by 1870s, the European administrators whom he’d hired, reported about the deplorable state of the region, writing that because of "_**the ruin this excessive taxation brought on the country. many were reduced to destitution, others had to emigrate, and so much land went out of cultivation that in 1881, in the province of Berber, there were 1,442 abandoned sakiyes, and in Dongola 613**_". Tax enforcement became more violent and intrusive during the economic crisis from 1874-1884, such that when a young Nubian Holy-man named Muḥammad Aḥmad started a revolt under the slogan “_**Kill the Turks and cease to pay taxes**_!”, his revolution immediately attracted a large following across all sections of society.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-33-55958101)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!zTJh!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc371f916-3740-4c6b-bbbf-cd27f8bf3722_320x508.png)
_**letter from the Mahdī to Gordon dated october 1884 informing the latter of the capture of his forces and warning of his arrival at Omdurman**_ (durham university archives[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-34-55958101))
In 1881 , Muḥammad Aḥmad and his second in-command, Abdallāhi defeated several expeditions sent by Rāshid Bey, the Ottoman-Egyptian governor of Fashoda and captured ammunition[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-35-55958101), after which Muḥammad Aḥmad openly referred to himself as the Mahdī. The Mahdi is an eschatological figure in Islam, who along with the mujaddid and the 12th caliph, were expected by west African African Muslims during 13th century A.H (1785 –1883) leading to the emergence of various millenarian movements which swept across the region,[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-36-55958101) including in Sudan where West African scholars had settled in Sudan’s kingdoms of Funj and Darfur since the 18th century and become influencial[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-37-55958101). By 1885, the revolt was successful in defeating virtually all the Ottoman-Egyptian forces that had occupied Sudan since 1821 and Mahdi’s army took Khartoum in January 1885. The charisma of Muḥammad Aḥmad, the movement’s founder, and the authority and the legitimacy of his Mahdiyya state, were inextricably linked with Muslim eschatology, and various Sudanese chiefs joined the ranks of the Mahdiyya and his prestige increased throughout Muslim ruled areas. Delegations from the Hijaz, India, Tunisia, and Morroco visited him and heard his teachings.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-38-55958101) Despite is correspondence with several Muslim states in West Africa, North-Africa and Arabia and its merchant’s extensive trade through its red-sea ports , the movement didn’t establish any significant foreign relations to increase its military capacity.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-39-55958101) In June 1885, the Mahdi passed away and was succeeded by Khalifa Abdallahi. In july 1885, Abdallāhi established Omdurman as his new capital and built the Mahdi’s tomb.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-40-55958101) He then took up the task of spreading the message of the Mahdiyya after consolidating his power in the Sudan, beginning in 1887, he sent letters to various foreign leaders requesting that they join his movement, not just to his Muslim peers such as the Ottoman sultan Abd al-Ḥamīd, the Khedive Tawfīq of Egypt, and the rulers of Morocco and the, but also to Christian rulers especially queen Victoria (who was now the effective ruler of the Mahdiyya's northern neighbor egypt) and to Yohannes IV of Ethiopia.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-41-55958101)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!jhUC!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd65ced91-b1a4-4dc4-9f1a-a0cae45c903d_994x592.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!cbKP!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3477ceb5-7a0e-4889-a01b-a2f3f08de0f2_1348x557.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!XfWy!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1b80437b-267d-4306-8280-8c036ec116ab_1224x634.png)
_**General view of Omdurman in the early 20th century, the tunics of the Mahdiyya, silver coinage of Khalifa Abdullahi issued in 1894, Omdurman**_ (British museum)
**Conflicts over borderlands and ideology; Ethiopia and the Mahdiyya at war**
The Mahdiyya inherited a borderlands dispute with Ethiopia from the Ottoman-Egyptians which ultimately shaped the Khalifa’s policy towards Ethiopia.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-42-55958101) In his various letters to Ethiopian rulers Yohannes IV (and his successor Menelik II), the Khalifa reactivated the ambivalent heritage of Muslim–Aksumite contacts in order to legitimize evolving policies toward their Christian neighbor, he abandoned the old tolerant tradition of Muslim states toward Ethiopia (which was itself based on a hadith written later to justify the incapacity of early Muslim empires to conquer Ethiopia, as various Muslim states did invade Aksum in the 7th century and medieval Ethiopia from the 14th century to Ahmad Gran's invasion of the 16th century). While the Khalifa had refrained from involving his forces fully in the border skirmishes with Ethiopia in 1886 that involved a series of raids and counter-raids by vassals of the Mahdi and vassals of Yohannes, by 1887 however he had changed his stance towards Ethiopia.[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-43-55958101) In their June 1884 treaty with Ethiopia’s Yohannes, Ottoman-Egypt had agreed to retrocede the Keren region to Yohannes in return for his assistance in extricating the Egyptian garrisons in the eastern Sudan, these operations led to incidental clashes between Ethiopian troops and the Mahdists; but Yohannes recognized the Mahdist governor of Gallabat and established diplomatic relations with the Mahdi and an uneasy relationship was maintained with his successor the Khalifa whose policy towards Yohannes was purposefully ambivalent. Initially, the Khalifa refrained from the border disputes and when his ambitious governors confiscated Ethiopian merchants’ goods and launched their own incursions into Ethiopia, they were replaced and even after an Ethiopian governor of Gojjam province near the borderlands launched his own attack in January 1887 (likely without Yohannes’ approval), the Khalifa’s letter to Yohannes only asked the latter to “respect the frontiers”[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-44-55958101) But by December 1887, the Khalifa’s stance towards Ethiopia changed, likely after weighing Yohannes' strength in the region (whose forces were pre-occupied with Menelik's insubordination and the looming Italian threat), the Mahdiyya, led by the general Abu Anja then launched two incursions into ethiopia In 1889. The first one in January defeated the forces of the province of Gojjam and advanced to old city of Gondar whose churches were sacked and looted, and a second one in June reached deep into the Ethiopian heartland, sacking the lake Tana region but retreated shortly after Menelik’s forces appeared in the region on Yohannes’ orders.[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-45-55958101)
Yohannes responded to Anja's incursion with a letter addressed directly to the later, assuring him that "_**I have no wish to cross my frontiers into your country nor should you desire to cross your frontier into my country. Let us both remain, each in his country within his own limits**_" and included an eloquent plea for peace and co-operation against "_**those who come from Europe and against the Turks and others who wish to govern your country and our country and who are a continual trouble to us both**_".[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-46-55958101) Abu 'Anja replied, (likely without consulting the Khalifa), in provocative and very insulting terms, calling him “ignorant”, and “lacking intellect”, Yohannes’ peace proposal was interpreted as a sign of weakness (a conception Anja likely based on the internal conflict between Menelik and Yohannes and the looming Italian threat)[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-47-55958101). This reply prompted Yohannes, who had mustered a massive army to attack Menelik, to change course and face the Mahdiyya, his forces quickly stormed Gallabat on March 1889 and crushed the Mahdist army, but this resounding victory was transformed into defeat when Yohannes sustained fatal bullet wounds, the disorderly Ethiopian retreat turned into a rout as Mahdist army quickly overran the demoralized forces and captured the emperor's remains, which were sent to Omdurman.[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-48-55958101)
The victory at Gallabat emboldened the Khalifa to launch a full scale conquest of Egypt (then under British occupation), but the campaign had been beset by ill-timing, bad logistics for provisioning it, and many had deserted, such that by the time it reached Tushki in southern Egypt in august 1889, the Mahdist force of about 5,000 led by the general al-Nujumi was crushed by the Anglo-Egyptian armies[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-49-55958101) A follow-up attack on costal town of Suakin was met with considerable resistance and by 1891, an Anglo-Egyptian force controlled more ports south of suakin.[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-50-55958101) These setbacks forced the Khalifa to abandon his expansionism and focus on consolidation, and while he had a number of successes in improving the Mahydiyya’s fiscal position[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-51-55958101), the international position remained tenuous as the defeats from the Italians in 1893 and loss of the red seaport of Kassala to the same in 1894, and the new threat of the Belgians from their colony of Congo to the south-west, effectively isolated the Mahdist state, enabling the gradual advance of the Anglo-Egyptian colonial forces from the north beginning in 1896. The Khalifa then begun responding more positively to the proposals of Menelik II of Ethiopia for a formal peace on the frontier and co-operation against the Europeans, Ethiopian diplomatic missions were honorably received in Omdurman, the earlier anti-Ethiopian propaganda documents were destroyed.[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-52-55958101)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!JNhY!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fab869b22-f62e-49a9-a514-92fc391c31fb_1248x624.png)
_**copy letter from the Khalīfah AbdAllāhi to Queen Victoria 1886 May 24 - 1887 May 27**_ _**on the former’s imminent attack on Egypt**_ (Durham university archives)
**The Ethiopia-Mahdiyya alliance of convenience: Menelik and the Kahlifa**
In Ethiopia, the death of Yohannes led to a brief contest of power that was quickly won by Menelik II, who through shrewd diplomacy and military conquest had been expanding his power from his base in the province of Shewa, at the expense of his overlord Yohannes, and had built up a formidable military enabled by his control of the trade route to the Indian-ocean ports on the Somali coast.[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-53-55958101) While his activities consolidating his control in Ethiopia are beyond the scope of this article, Menelik's pragmatic approach to the Mahdists provides a blueprint for how he maintained his autonomy during the African colonial upheaval preceding and succeeding his monumental victory at Adwa.[54](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-54-55958101) Menelik had maintained fairly cordial relations with the Khalifa despite the circumstances of Yohannes’ death and continued Mahdist skirmishes, and when Menelik heard the news of the Italian occupation of Kassala in 1894 (which had dislodged the Mahdists) he held a council to discuss what steps should be taken. It is reported that some of his counselors pointed out that they should refrain from taking sides, since both (Italians and Mahdists) were proven enemies. Menelik retorted by saying that: “_**the Dervishes only raid and return to their country, whereas the Italians remain, steal the land and occupy the country. It is therefore preferable to side with the Mahdists**_.” he sent several delegations to Omdurman including one in 1895 with a letter "_**When you were in war against Emperor Yohannes, I was also fighting against him; there has never been a war between us…Now, we are confronted by an enemy worse than ever. The enemy has come to enslave both of us. We are of the same color. Therefore, we must-co-operate to get rid of our common enemy**_", The Ethiopian and the Mahdiyya empires thus entered an alliance of convenience.[55](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-55-55958101) A similar alliance of convenience against colonial expansionist forces had been created between the Wasulu emperor Samory Ture and the Asante king Prempeh in 1894/1895 faced with the French and British threats around the same time.[56](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-56-55958101)
In February 1896, the Mahdists advanced near Kassala and were engaged with the Italian forces that had garrisoned in the town, but were repelled by the latter, a few days later, Mahdist envoys were present in Menelik's camp at Adwa on March 1896 when he inflicted his historic defeat on the Italian army.[57](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-57-55958101) Despite the Mahdist loss at Kassa versus the Ethiopian victory at Adwa, Menelik didn’t alter his policy towards the Mahdists but rather strengthened it, fearing the intentions of the British who had seized the occasion of the Italian loss to advance into Sudan in march 1896, despite his position of strength Menelik, through his governor addressed the Khalifa in July 1896 as “_**the protector of Islam and the Khalifa of the Mahdi, peace be upon him**_!” in a very radical break from Ethiopia’s past correspondence with the Mahdists (or indeed with any Muslim leader) he informs the Khalifa that he is now anxious “_**to establish good relations with you and to cease friendly relations with the whites”**_, in particular, the British, he also assures the Khalifa “_**your enemy is our enemy and our enemy is your enemy, and we shall stand together as firm allies**_”[58](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-58-55958101). The letter was sent during the earliest phase of the Anglo-Mahdist war when the British had made their initial advance into the northern Mahdiyya territories of Dongola in March 1896, but couldn’t take them until September 1896.[59](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-59-55958101) Menelik was alarmed by the British advance into Sudan, he had long suspected them of being in alliance with the Italians during the failed negotiations that preceded the war with Italy, and their northern advance from their colony in Uganda into Ethiopia’s south-western territory further confirmed his fears of encirclement, Menelik continued to send more gestures of alliance to the Khalifa warning the latter not to trust the British, French or Belgians, and informing him of the latter two's movements in southern Sudan, assuring him to "_**be strong lest if the europeans enter our midst a great disaster befall us and our children have no rest**_".[60](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-60-55958101)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!XuS9!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffae1da44-cae1-4330-aa0a-0024e5c55bb1_848x665.png)
_**1896/1897, Abstract of a despatch from Menilik II, Emperor of Ethiopia to the Khalīfah warning him that the English and al-Ifranj (Belgians or French) were approaching the White Nile from east and west.**_(Durham University archives)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!GsCC!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F40fd522c-516e-4b03-a84a-223c8b11a6bd_1341x598.png)
_**contemporary illustration of the Ethiopian-Italian battle at Adwa**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!zOMq!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcdabaa29-fc5d-4fef-b956-7a072f5a6079_1003x619.png)
_**contemporary illustration of the Khalifa leading his army to attack Kassala**_
Hoping to stall the formation of the formalization of this Ethiopian-Mahdist alliance, the British signed a treaty with a reluctant Menelik for the latter to not supply arms to the Mahdist (similar to a threat they imposed on Samory in 1895 to not supply the Asante with arms prior to their invasion of the latter in 1896[61](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-61-55958101)). To counteract the British, Menelik also signed a treaty with France (who were about to fight the British for Sudan in the Fashoda crisis), in which he promised to partition part of Mahdiyya’s Nile-Sobat confluence in the same year[62](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-62-55958101). But in his dealings with the Khalifa, Menelik simply ignored the European treaties, including the French one that required a military occupation, when the French approached the region, he sent a governor to set up an Ethiopian flag and immediately removed it, begging the Khalifa not to misunderstand his intentions, and despite the Anglo-Mahdist wars leaving a power vacuum in most of the Ethiopia-Sudan borderlands, Menelik chose not to press his military advantage, choosing to send diplomatic missions in most parts for token submission, Menelik strove to maintain good will of the Khalifa continuing a cautious border policy of deference and restrain as late as February 1898.[63](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-63-55958101) By September 1898, the invading force had reached Omdurman, the Mahdist army, poorly provisioned and with a limited stock of modern rifles, fell.[64](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-64-55958101)
From 1896 until the collapse of the Mahdiyya in 1898, Menelik, according to the words of Sudan's Colonial governor Reginald Wingate, had sought to "_**strengthen the Khalifa against the**_(Colonial) _**government troops, whom he feared as neighbors preferring the dervishes**_(Mahdiyya)"[65](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-65-55958101) but with the total collapse of the Mahdiyya, Menelik's policy of restraint became irrelevant and he abandoned it.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!2dFY!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F887465f8-372c-4742-b96a-647e9a0e8117_1287x618.png)
_**symbol of destruction; the tomb of the Mahdi damaged during the British invasion (photo taken in 1898)**_
* * *
**Conclusion: Finding the elusive pre-colonial African solidarity.**
The alliance of convenience between Ethiopia and Mahdist Sudan on the eve of colonialism provides an example of co-operation between African states in the face of foreign invasion, an African alliance that was considered concerning enough to the colonial powers that they sought to suppress it before it could be formalized. While the initiative from Menelik to the Khalifa wasn’t immediately reciprocated, this had more to do with the political realities in the Mahdiyya whose army was battling invasions on several fronts, and its these same political realities that prevented a more formal cooperation between the Asante King Prempeh and the Wasulu emperor Samory Ture. Yet despite unfavorable odds, both pairs of African states transcended their ideological differences to unite against the foreign invaders; Wasulu and the Mahdiyya were Muslim states while Ethiopia was Christian, and Asante was traditionalist.
The example of Ethiopia and Mahdist Sudan shows that African states’ foreign policy was pragmatic and flexible, and reveals the robustness of African diplomacy and solidarity at the twilight of their power.
* * *
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-1-55958101)
The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 5: c. 1790-c. 1870 pg 71-74)
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-2-55958101)
The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 5: c. 1790-c. 1870 pg 74)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-3-55958101)
The Cross and the River by Haggai Erlich pg 65)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-4-55958101)
The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 5: c. 1790-c. 1870 pg 75)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-5-55958101)
The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 5: c. 1790-c. 1870 pg 79-80)
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-6-55958101)
Imperial Legitimacy and the Creation of Neo-Solomonic Ideology in 19th-Century Ethiopia by Donald Crummey pg 23)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-7-55958101)
Layers of Time by Paul B. Henze pg 146)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-8-55958101)
Ethiopia and the Middle East by Haggai Erlich pg 57)
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-9-55958101)
The Cross and the River by Haggai Erlich pg 66-69)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-10-55958101)
Layers of Time by Paul B. Henze pg 147
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-11-55958101)
The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 5 : c. 1790-c. 1870 pg 95
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-12-55958101)
Khedive Ismail's Army By John P. Dunn pg 111-112
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-13-55958101)
Layers of Time by Paul B. Henze pg 147
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-14-55958101)
The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 5 : c. 1790-c. 1870 pg 96
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-15-55958101)
Khedive Ismail's Army By John P. Dunn pg 120
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-16-55958101)
Khedive Ismail's Army By John P. Dunn pg 113, 114
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-17-55958101)
Khedive Ismail's Army By John P. Dunn pg 152
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-18-55958101)
The Cross and the River by Haggai Erlich pg 70)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-19-55958101)
The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 5 : c. 1790-c. 1870 pg 97-99
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-20-55958101)
The Cambridge History of Africa: From 1870 to 1905 pg 654)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-21-55958101)
The Cambridge History of Africa: From 1870 to 1905 pg 595-601)
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-22-55958101)
The Cross and the River by Haggai Erlich pg 71)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-23-55958101)
The Cambridge History of Africa: From 1870 to 1905 pg 605-608)
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-24-55958101)
The Cross and the River by Haggai Erlich pg 69)
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-25-55958101)
The Cross and the River by Haggai Erlich pg 72)
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-26-55958101)
"Transborder" Exchanges of People, Things, and Representations: Revisiting the Conflict Between Mahdist Sudan and Christian Ethiopia, 1885–1889 by Iris Seri-Hersch pg 5
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-27-55958101)
The Other Abyssinians: The Northern Oromo and the Creation of Modern Ethiopia, 1855-1913 by Brian J. Yates pg 69
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-28-55958101)
The palgrave handbook of islam by fallou Ngom pg 462-63)
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-29-55958101)
Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey pg 59-61)
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-30-55958101)
The kingdoms of sudan pg 90-92)
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-31-55958101)
The Formation of the Sudanese Mahdist State by Kim Searcy pg 18-19)
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-32-55958101)
Prelude to the Mahdiyya by Anders Bjørkelo pg 35)
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-33-55958101)
Prelude to the Mahdiyya by Anders Bjørkelo 108-103)
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-34-55958101)
[link to](https://reed.dur.ac.uk/xtf/view?docId=ark/32150_s1f4752g79m.xml) papers of sir Richard Windgate
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-35-55958101)
The river war by Winston Churchill pg 29-30
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-36-55958101)
Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith: Aḥmad Lobbo, the Tārīkh al-fattāsh and the Making of an Islamic State in West Africa by M Nobili, pg 109-114, 227
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-37-55958101)
The Formation of the Sudanese Mahdist State by Kim Searcy pg 80-88
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-38-55958101)
The Formation of the Sudanese Mahdist State by Kim Searcy pg 29-34)
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-39-55958101)
The Sudanese Mahdia and the outside World: 1881-9 P. M. Holt pg 276-290
[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-40-55958101)
The Formation of the Sudanese Mahdist State by Kim Searcy pg 107-108, 111-113
[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-41-55958101)
The Formation of the Sudanese Mahdist State by Kim Searcy pg 131-136)
[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-42-55958101)
"Transborder" Exchanges of People, Things, and Representations by Iris Seri-Hersch
[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-43-55958101)
Confronting a Christian Neighbor: Sudanese Representations of Ethiopia in the Early Mahdist Period by I Seri-Hersch pg 258-259)
[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-44-55958101)
Confronting a Christian Neighbor: Sudanese Representations of Ethiopia in the Early Mahdist Period by I Seri-Hersch pg 259)
[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-45-55958101)
Confronting a Christian Neighbor: Sudanese Representations of Ethiopia in the Early Mahdist Period by I Seri-Hersch pg 251)
[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-46-55958101)
The Battle of Adwa: Reflections on Ethiopia's Historic Victory Against European Colonialism by Paulos Milkias, Getachew Metaferia pg 120)
[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-47-55958101)
Confronting a Christian Neighbor: Sudanese Representations of Ethiopia in the Early Mahdist Period by I Seri-Hersch pg 260)
[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-48-55958101)
The Cambridge History of Africa: From 1870 to 1905 pg pg 654-655)
[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-49-55958101)
A History of the Sudan P. Holt pg 76)
[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-50-55958101)
Lords of the Red Sea by Anthony D'Avray pg 90-161
[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-51-55958101)
Fiscal and Monetary Systems in the Mahdist Sudan by Yitzhak Nakash pg 365-385
[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-52-55958101)
The Cambridge History of Africa: From 1870 to 1905 pg 639, Confronting a Christian Neighbor by I Seri-Hersch 252)
[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-53-55958101)
The Cambridge History of Africa: From 1870 to 1905 pg 653)
[54](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-54-55958101)
Conflict and cooperation between ethiopia and the mahdist state by G. N. Sanderson
[55](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-55-55958101)
The Battle of Adwa: Reflections on Ethiopia's Historic Victory Against European Colonialism by Paulos Milkias, Getachew Metaferia pg 119)
[56](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-56-55958101)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 301-304
[57](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-57-55958101)
The Battle of Adwa: Reflections on Ethiopia's Historic Victory Against European Colonialism by Paulos Milkias, Getachew Metaferia pg 1201-121).
[58](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-58-55958101)
Conflict and cooperation between ethiopia and the mahdist state by G. N. Sanderson pg 30-31
[59](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-59-55958101)
The history of sudan P. holt pg 80
[60](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-60-55958101)
Conflict and cooperation between ethiopia and the mahdist state by G. N. Sanderson pg 34)
[61](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-61-55958101)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 310-324)
[62](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-62-55958101)
Conflict and cooperation between ethiopia and the mahdist state by G. N. Sanderson pg 35-36
[63](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-63-55958101)
Conflict and cooperation between ethiopia and the mahdist state by G. N. Sanderson pg-37
[64](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-64-55958101)
The history of sudan P. holt pg 82)
[65](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance#footnote-anchor-65-55958101)
Conflict and cooperation between ethiopia and the mahdist state by G. N. Sanderson pg 33
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Published Time: 2022-09-11T13:26:09+00:00
An African-centered intellectual world; the scholarly traditions and literary production of the Bornu empire (11th-19th century)
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An African-centered intellectual world; the scholarly traditions and literary production of the Bornu empire (11th-19th century)
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### A 16th century African scholar's view of his world.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Sep 11, 2022
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Studies of African scholarship in general, and west African scholarship in particular, are often framed within diffusionist discourses, in which African intellectual traditions are "received” from outside and are positioned on the periphery of a greater system beyond the continent[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-1-72703562). But this conceptual framework isn't grounded in any evidence from studies of African history, where African scholars —such as those in west-Africa's Bornu empire— situated themselves firmly within their own environment, and perceived the rest of the world as located on the margins of their African society.
From its inception, the Bornu empire's ruling dynasty was closely associated with its scholarly community, encouraging the latter's growth through patronage and privileges in order to legitimate and exercise its own power. The influence of Bornu's scholars spread from Egypt to the Hausalands, and from Morocco to Sudan and its intellectual production and diasporic communities greatly shaped the education networks of West Africa.
This article explores the intellectual history of Bornu, including its 16th century chronicles in which the world was perceived as anchored in west Africa with Bornu at its center.
_**Map of the Bornu empire in the 17th-18th century.**_[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-2-72703562)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!CHH5!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F69816763-f1fd-4cd6-8198-33efc88133f9_637x900.png)
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* * *
**The political and intellectual history of Bornu**
The empire of Bornu was originally established in the 9th century in the northeast region of Lake Chad of Kanem, and was the most dominant political power in the region of west Africa historically referred to as the “central Sudan”. Kanem's ruling Seyfuwa ruling dynasty adopted Islam, and quickly transformed their state into a major center of learning. By the late 14th century, the kings (titled _**Mai**_) moved to the Bornu province on the western edge of Lake Chad after being forced out of Kanem by a rival power, and Bornu soon become the heir to the scholarly traditions of Kanem. At the height of Bornu's power in the 16th and 17th century when it reconquered Kanem (hence Kanem-Bornu), the state's administration included scholars who were employed as judges, minsters and members of the powerful advisory council to the King, such that even the position of the imam of the main mosque was a state office.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-3-72703562)
Beginning in the reign of 'Alī b. Dūnama (1465-1497), many schools were built in the new capital Birni Ngazagamu. The city quickly became a center of Islamic education under Dūnama's successors, who encouraged the growth of its scholarly community and funded the activities of the scholars, a tradition that would be maintained through the 19th century.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-4-72703562)
Bornu's rulers actively encouraged the spread of scholarship across the provinces by granting scholars _mahrams_ (charters of privilege) of lands and permission to levy taxes from their lands and be exempted from civic duties. These scholars, called _mallemtis_ became influential and their towns grew into important centers of learning[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-5-72703562). From the capital came a wave of migration of Bornuan scholars, traders and craftsmen across west Africa, following a voluntary policy on the part of the Bornu rulers, to extend their influence over the administrative structures and cultural practices of Bornu's neighbors.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-6-72703562)
Some of the most notable Bornu scholars include the 17th century scholar Abd al-ʿAzīz al-Burnāwī (d.1667), that was active in the northern fringes of Bornu at the town of Kulumbardo, from where his students carried his teachings to north Africa especially morocco. His disciples such as the Funj scholar Aḥmad al- Yamanī (d. 1712) from Sennar (in modern Sudan) who'd been to Bornu and was active in the moroccan city of Fez, where he influenced the prominent sufi scholar al-Dabbāgh (d.1719). Through his influence on sufism, al-Burnāwī was considered an axial scholar by his peers; “the master of his time” and the “wonder of his age.”[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-7-72703562)
Another is Hajrami al-Burnāwī (d. 1746), who was born and studied in Ngazargamu, and wrote several works on various subjects, including a famous critique of Bornu's rulers and elites titled _**Shurb al-zulal**_, in which he castigated them for their corruption, the unfairness of the judges and the selfishness of the wealthy merchants. This work was copied across west Africa where it was highly influential to later scholars such as the Sokoto founder Uthman Fodio (d.1817), and was also copied in Egypt's Al-Azhar University by the Egyptian scholar Hasan al-Quwaysini (d. 1839).[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-8-72703562)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!PMmy!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdd834765-3781-49be-80f0-cabb8dc310d6_1346x646.png)
_**17th-18th century manuscript, Shurb al-zulal' written by Kanuri scholar Harjami, Kaduna national archives**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Yk2N!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffc640e26-5af0-4970-9adb-2786666e14c6_1348x648.png)
_**17th century Quran with Kanembu glosses, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS.Arabe 402, 17th-18th century, Qur’an copied in Konduga, Bornu, private collection, MS.5 Konduga, 18th-19th century Bornu Quran, With marginal commentaries from al-Qurṭubī's tasfir**_
* * *
**Bornu and West Africa: an intellectual diaspora.**
Groups of scholars and pilgrims from across west Africa were attracted to Ngazargamu and encouraged to settle in the city, especially the Fulani diaspora which was to become prominent in the central sudan’s scholarly communities and networks during this time[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-9-72703562). Among these was the 17th century scholar Muḥammad al-Walī al-Burnāwī al-Fulānī. His family was originally from Kebbi studied in Bornu and eventually settled in its vassal state of Bagirmi. He was a prominent scholar who composed several works across various subjects, he was also the teacher of the Katsina mathematician Al-Kashnāwī (d. 1741), and both were well-know in Egypt where they travelled in later years.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-10-72703562)
Another was al-Tahir al-Barnawi al-Fullani (d. 1771), who studied and taught in Ngazargamu and served as one of the advisors to the Bornu rulers Mai Muhammad al-Hajj (r. 1729-44) and Mai Ali Dunama (r. 1747-92) for whom he composed two chronicles. Some of his compositions were included in the west African curriculum and were also copied in Egypt.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-11-72703562) Bornu scholars also travelled to other learning centers across west Africa and were especially active in the Hausa city-states of Katsina and Kano, as well as in the kingdoms of Bagirmi, Wadai and Nupe.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-12-72703562)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!UCct!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9cc5d221-d7c7-43ea-9e85-a9e110da9036_1345x592.png)
_**1705 Qur’an with old kanembu glosses, written by a Kanuri scholar in the Hausa city-state of Katsina, now at the kaduna national archives MS.AR33; Old Kanembu manuscript on tawḥīd by Muhammad Suma Lameen written in 1910.**_
* * *
**Bornu and the wider Muslim world: pilgrimage and international scholarship**
Bornu's scholarship was distantly associated with Mamluk Egypt, where Bornu teachers had the most visible influence outside west Africa. This connection was a product of the deliberate policy by the Seyfuwa rulers who financed the establishment of infrastructure to house pilgrims from Kanem-Bornu in Cairo and Mecca, as well as to elevate their prestige across the Islamic world[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-13-72703562). The 11th century Mai Ḥummay reportedly built a mosque in Cairo, and several external accounts mention the construction of a school by pilgrims from Kanem to Cairo in 1242 during the reign of Mai Dūnama b. Salma (1210-1248), other internal documents from 1576, the 17th century and external accounts reveal that many Bornu-educated scholars also taught and studied at the al-Azhar university in Cairo.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-14-72703562)
Bornu's rulers also legitimized their power by performing the Hajj pilgrimage, demonstrating the remarkable stability of power in Bornu whose institutions allowed for the absence of their King, especially in the 16th- 18th century when 9 out of 15 rulers made the pilgrimage with some travelling as frequently as 5 times. While the obligatory pilgrimage was only rarely undertaken by most Muslim rulers in the wider Islamic world, the Hajj in Bornu had been transformed into a uniquely local legitimating tool as early as the 11th century when the first Seyfuwa ruler travelled to mecca. The pilgrimage later lost its power as a legitimating tool in the 18th and 19th century when the 'Hajj-King' figure was displaced by the Scholar-King figure.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-15-72703562)
The pilgrimage served other functions besides enhancing the ruler's legitimacy, the retinue of the ruler which attimes numbered several hundred, also included scholars and traders from the empire, which served to augment Bornu's scholarship and trade, and maintain the chain of schools and lodges used by the Bornu diaspora across the Islamic world. Mai Idris b. 'Alī (1564-1596) is said to have spent a tonne of gold in cairo (a sum only rivaled by the Mali emperor Mansa Musa's famous pilgrimage in which the latter spent 12 tonnes in 1324).[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-16-72703562)
Some of this money was likely spent on maintaining Bornu's foreign housing facilities as such were usually the first order of business in the Mai's correspondence with the Mamluk rulers. As the Mamluk-Egypt historian al-Maqrīzī (d. 1442) writes; "_**This madrasa is for the Malikites. It is in the Hamam al Rish district in the medina of Cairo. It is for the Kanem, tribe of Takrur. When they came to Cairo around the years 640 (**_ 1242 AD _**) for the pilgrimage, they handed over a sum of money to the cadi 'Ilm al-Din b. Rashik. He built the madrasa and taught there; it has since been known by his name. Great fame was made in Takrur at this madrasa. Money was sent there almost every year**_"[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-17-72703562)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!83r8!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdec0ff86-a7e2-4fbb-b38c-1743f468afe2_1304x643.png)
_**Copy of Al-ashmawiya written by Abubakar bn Almahir (Goni) Umar in bornu, SOAS; 19th century manuscript with kanembu annotations of Ibn ʿĀshir's poem titled al-Murshid, Imam Shettima Habib’s collection, SOAS london.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!P73-!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0a985fe9-3688-44d6-a9c5-c6e142eca517_367x480.jpeg)
_**al-Kishnawi’s “Mughni al-mawafi” written in 1732 while he was in Egypt (now at the Khedive library cairo)**_
* * *
**Bornu’s intellectual production: calligraphy and competing scholarly communities**
The scholarly production of Bornu was fairly extensive. A specialist community of calligraphers and copyists emerged at Ngazargamu where they were engaged in the production of beautifully illuminated Qurans, with a unique form of calligraphy, that were sold across north Africa for 50 MTT, some of which ultimately ended up in western collections.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-18-72703562)
Bornu's scholars innovated a unite form of calligraphy called _**barnāwī**_ characterized by heavy and angular strokes, and by distinctive letter-shapes and pointing, it inturn influenced related forms of calligraphic styles in the central Sudan such as the _**kanawī**_ used by Kano's scholars. The barnāwī calligraphic style was distinctive from the maghribī style of north africa and its derivatives across west africa, It was created during the early period of Islam's adoption in Bornu between the 11th and 13th century, and is alrgely based on older calligraphic styles used during the abassid era including _Kufic_.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-19-72703562)
Despite the mostly royal patronage of Bornu's scholarship, the scholarly community of Ngazargamu and across the kingdom was divided between those who were active in the political centers and rendered their services to the royal class, versus those who functioned independently of the royal court and derived their income from commerce and teaching. It was the latter group that maintained a rather antagonistic relationship with the royal court, and acted as a check on the powers of Bornu's rulers by criticizing the excesses of the royal court. In two notable incidents, the scholars at the capital influenced the Bornu King Umar Idriss to get rid of two "troublesome" scholars in 1667 by exiling one named al-Waldede to Baghirmi and allowing the execution of another named al-Jirmi during an inavsion.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-20-72703562)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!cLYX!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcb858a4e-0a67-4df5-a87a-083ff949ada5_1054x633.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!u-3z!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F56cf2df8-691f-4918-8adc-6a42f4824dab_1344x641.png)
_**19th century Qur'an from Bornu ,met museum, 18th century Bornu Quran, SOAS london; 19th-20th century Bornu Quran from Nguigmi, Niger,SOAS, London,**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ZiUE!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4f31a0e2-663a-4121-835f-97f4e286fc99_1348x570.png)
_**19th century leather bag for carrying books and writing utensils, Bida, Nigeria; modern leather bag and case for carrying a Bornu Quran.**_
* * *
**A monumental work of African intellectual history; The 16th century Bornu chronicles**
From the 16th century, Bornu's rulers developed a discourse of legitimacy, the main objective of which was to assert the political and religious superiority of the Seyfuwa rulers in the central Sudan and in the wider Islamic world. The writing of history was closely associated with the need to legitimize all political power and It was this question of legitimacy of Mai Idrīs b. 'Alī that was the most likely the origin of the two Bornu chronicles. The years of their composition in 1576 and 1578 were a turning point in Idrīs’ reign and for the Seyfuwa dynasty, as he definitively imposed himself against the previous dynastic branch and consolidated his military power on the fringes of the Bornu state. He thus commissioned a prominent Ngazargamu scholar; Aḥmad Furṭū, to write an account of his accomplishments.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-21-72703562)
Aḥmad Furṭū was a Kanuri scholar born and educated in Bornu into a prominent scholarly family who were the beneficiaries of an 11th century charter granted by the first Seyfuwa ruler Mai Ḥummay (r. 1075-1086) to their ancestor Muḥammad Mānī and to a 15th century Bornu chronicler named Masbarma Uṯmān. Furṭū was considered a "man of letters" and had mastered various disciplines including law, theology, sufism and grammar, as reflected in the works he cited as well as his position as Imam of the main mosque at Ngazargamu. Despite never having left the central Sudan (not even for the Hajj) Furṭū was proficient in classical arabic philology and grammar, and cites several "classical" Muslim authors of the 7th-15th century including Ibn Taymiya (d. 1328) and al-Fīrūzābādī (d. 1414), his education reflects the high standard of learning present in Bornu and west Africa at the time.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-22-72703562)
Furṭū accompanied his patron Mai Idrīs b. 'Alī during the latter's military campaigns and ceremonial visits to provinces, he was also present at the reception of diplomats at Idrīs' court from across the region as well as from the Ottomans, and therefore recorded first-hand accounts of Bornu's politics in the late 16th century. The two chronicles are essentially political works, and are the products of an established tradition which begun with Masbarma Uṯmān’s now lost chronicle for Idrīs' predecessor Mai Alī b. Dūnama (r.1465-1497).[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-23-72703562)
The _**Kitāb ġazawāt Barnū**_ (written in 1576) constituting a legitimation of Idrīs' political and military actions in Bornu during a time of contested power between rival branches of the Seyfuwa dynasty at the capital, while the _**Kitāb ġazawāt Kānim**_ (written in 1578) details the progress of his expeditions into the region of Kanem, and the province's itineraries, alliances and peace agreement.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-24-72703562)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!EbuU!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F36cb3238-899c-4ef7-9657-bbdf8ae48063_1200x954.jpeg)
_**Map of the central Sudan during Mai Idrīs’ reign**_[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-25-72703562)
All of the extant manuscripts of these two chronicles are copies made in the 19th century from an older 17th century copy owned by al-Ḥāǧǧ Bašīr, the vizier of Bornu in 1853; the 19th century copies were further reproduced in 1921 and are currently stored at the SOAS[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-26-72703562). The frequent copying of old texts isn't unusual in the region, because paper produced before the 18th century had a life span of only 150–200 years in West Africa, making it necessary to recopy a work at least every two centuries.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-27-72703562)
The chronicles elevate the evolving genealogical and religious legitimacy of the Bornu rulers, by assuming the title of caliph and tracing the (superficial) origin of his Sefuwa dynasty to the Islamic heartland (initially the Yemeni Hymarites and later, the Meccan Qurayš), inorder to position him at the top of the hierarchy among the sovereigns of west Africa and the Muslim world, whose competitive ideological landscape was contested between the sovereigns of Morocco, Songhai and the Ottomans; **read**:
[African History Extra Morocco, Songhai, Bornu and the quest to create an African empire to rival the Ottomans. The Sahara has for long been perceived as an impenetrable barrier separating “north africa” from “sub-saharan Africa”, the barren shifting sands of the 1,000-mile desert were thought to have constrained commerce between the two regions and restrained any political ambitions of states on either side to interact; a “desert barrier” theory that was popular… Read more 4 years ago · 2 comments · isaac Samuel](https://isaacsamuel.substack.com/p/morocco-songhai-bornu-and-the-quest?utm_source=substack&utm_campaign=post_embed&utm_medium=web)
But just like similar mythmaking attempts across the Muslim world however, such bold genealogical claims received a mixed reception in both the domestic and international scholarly community of the time, with just as many scholars refuting them as those accepting them, and they remained a subject of heated debate in the Bornu capital itself.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-28-72703562) But this eastern-origin myth created at Bornu was nevertheless very influential in the myths of origin used by the ruling dynasties of the central Sudan region especially among the Hausa city-states.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-29-72703562)
The majority of the expeditions recorded in the two chronicles were largely political in character, to pacify rebellious regions and to affirm Bornu's authority; but some had a commercial character tied to the salt oases. These were especially important as the taxes and other revenues from the regional salt and natron trade comprised the bulk of Bornu's state revenues[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-30-72703562). While the primarily military account of the texts has led historians to see Idrīs' reign as an unbroken succession of wars, this is only an impressionistic reading, as the records of foreign embassies, the inclusion of peace agreements and trade caravans shows that the campaigns were only one among several facets of the exchanges between Bornu and its neighbors[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-31-72703562)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ay-J!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3d981cf8-a1ea-4d78-9da6-6e10c0d9ed89_975x648.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!7YcQ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F447a7b4d-ea6f-4b8b-9b55-ef505f6b1f34_1052x682.png)
_**Copies of the ghazawāt Barnū (The Book of the Bornu Wars), ghazawāt kānem (The Book of the Kanem Wars) and Diwan salatin al Barnu (Annals of the kings of bornu), at SOAS**_
Importantly, the two chronicles present a very Bornu-centric conception of the world, highlighting the importance of regional relations over long distance contacts. In the world centered at Bornu, the wider Muslim world of North Africa and the Ottomans is only a marginal player in Bornu's politics and trade, the modesty of its presence in the narrative of Aḥmad Furṭū relativizes its place in relation to the relations that Bornu maintains with its closer neighbors.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-32-72703562)
From his point of observation, Aḥmad Furṭū invites us to discover his world from a more accurately contextualized, African point of view: a Bornu-centric world, shaped by its own interests but open to the outside world, overturning the modern academic construct which perceives Bornu and other West African states as culturally and commercially oriented towards North Africa.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-33-72703562)
Rather than straddling the long-distance routes crisscrossing western Africa and North Africa, Bornu was at the center of its world, from where all roads radiated.
* * *
**Conclusion: Bornu’s place in African history.**
Bornu's intellectual traditions resituate the legacy of African scholarship with its environment, placing Africa at the center of its own intellectual production.
While the old libraries of Ngazargamu were mostly destroyed during the course of the Bornu-Sokoto wars in the early 19th century and the internal conflicts which heralded the ascendance of the Kanemi dynasty, Bornu's scholarship survived the political turmoil. Many cities across the region became home to a vibrant scholarly diaspora from Bornu with some scholars travelling as far as Ethiopia; greatly contributing to the vast corpus of African literature now housed in dozens of archives across west Africa, waiting to be translated and studied.
* * *
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-1-72703562)
see Rudolph Ware’s discussion of ‘Isalm Noir’ in The Walking Qur'an
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-2-72703562)
mapmaker; twitter handle @Gargaristan
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-3-72703562)
Doubt, Scholap and Society in 17th-Century Central Sudanic Africa By Dorrit van Dalen pg 32)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-4-72703562)
Du lac Tchad à la Mecque by Rémi Dewière pg 214, The Tradition of Qur'anic Learning in Borno by Yahya Oyewole Imam pg 98)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-5-72703562)
Doubt, Scholarship and Society in 17th-Century Central Sudanic Africa By Dorrit van Dalen pg 37
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-6-72703562)
Du lac Tchad à la Mecque by Rémi Dewière pg 192-193)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-7-72703562)
Realizing Islam by Zachary Valentine Wright pg 24-25, The African Roots of a Global Eighteenth-Century Islamic Scholarly Renewal by Zachary Wright pg 34-35
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-8-72703562)
Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 2 pg 39-41, The Kanuri in Diaspora by Kalli Alkali pg 43
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-9-72703562)
Du lac Tchad à la Mecque by Rémi Dewière pg 230)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-10-72703562)
Doubt, Scholarship and Society in 17th-Century Central Sudanic Africa By Dorrit van Dalen
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-11-72703562)
Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 2 pg 42-43
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-12-72703562)
The Kanuri in Diaspora: The Contributions of the Ulama of Kanem Borno to Islamic Education in Nupe and Yorubalands by Kalli Alkali Yusuf Gazali
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-13-72703562)
Du lac Tchad à la Mecque by Rémi Dewière pg 249)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-14-72703562)
Du lac Tchad à la Mecque by Rémi Dewière 228)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-15-72703562)
Du lac Tchad à la Mecque by Rémi Dewière pg 220-226, 246, 340-341
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-16-72703562)
Du lac Tchad à la Mecque by Rémi Dewière pg 250)
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-17-72703562)
Du lac Tchad à la Mecque by Rémi Dewière pg 247-248,252)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-18-72703562)
Doubt, Scholarship and Society in 17th-Century Central Sudanic Africa By Dorrit van Dalen pg 33)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-19-72703562)
Central Sudanic Arabic Scripts (Part 2) by Andrea Brigaglia, Mauro Nobili pg 221-223 )
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-20-72703562)
Doubt, Scholarship and Society in 17th-Century Central Sudanic Africa By Dorrit van Dalen pg 38-40)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-21-72703562)
Du lac Tchad à la Mecque by Rémi Dewière pg 71-72)
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-22-72703562)
Du lac Tchad à la Mecque by Rémi Dewière pg 54- 58)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-23-72703562)
Du lac Tchad à la Mecque by Rémi Dewière pg 67
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-24-72703562)
Du lac Tchad à la Mecque by Rémi Dewière pg 71-72, 329)
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-25-72703562)
mapmaker; twitter handle @Gargaristan
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-26-72703562)
Du lac Tchad à la Mecque by Rémi Dewière pg 45-50)
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-27-72703562)
The Trans-Saharan Book Trade by Graziano Krätli pg 149)
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-28-72703562)
Du lac Tchad à la Mecque by Rémi Dewière pg 314-319
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-29-72703562)
Some considerations relating to the formation of states in Hausaland by A Smith pg 336
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-30-72703562)
Du lac Tchad à la Mecque by Rémi Dewière pg 275-277, also see; Salt of the desert sun by Paul Lovejoy, and The Oasis of Salt by Knut S. Vikør
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-31-72703562)
Du lac Tchad à la Mecque by Rémi Dewière 306)
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-32-72703562)
Du lac Tchad à la Mecque by Rémi Dewière pg 93-94)
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-centered-intellectual#footnote-anchor-33-72703562)
Du lac Tchad à la Mecque by Rémi Dewière 329-330)
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Published Time: 2022-12-11T12:08:08+00:00
An African civilization in the heart of the Sahara: the Kawar oasis-towns from 850-1913
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An African civilization in the heart of the Sahara: the Kawar oasis-towns from 850-1913
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### castles, salt and dates
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Dec 11, 2022
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The central Sahara may be the world's most inhospitable environment, but it was also home to one west Africa's most dynamic civilizations.
The picturesque oases of Kawar in northern Niger; with their towering fortresses, multi-colored salt-pans and shady palm-gardens, were at the heart of west Africa's political and economic history, facilitating the production and exchange of commodities that were central to the urban industries of the regions' kingdoms.
This article explores the history of the Kawar oasis towns from the 9th century, it includes an overview of the production and trade of salt in Kawar and the role of its oasis-towns in the political and economic history of the central Sahara.
_**Map showing the Kawar Oases[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-1-89796970)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!mo86!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3039aec6-3a8a-4fb2-8503-aa6f02d9c533_996x640.png)
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**Description of Kawar and its early history: 850-1050**
Kawar comprises a 80-km series of fortified Oasis towns in north-eastern Niger, on the eastern edge of the Ténéré desert. From the north, the string of Oasis towns begins with the Djado cluster, that includes the towns of; Djaba, Djado, Chifra and Seguedine, which were occupied as early as the 11th-14th century based on material recovered from Djaba. Settlements comprise agglomerated stone and mudbrick structures, as well as fortresses with square towers, date-palm gardens, wells. The main towns of Kawar are located just south of this Djado cluster, and they include the towns of Aney, Gazebi/Gasabi, Emi Tchouma, Dirku, Bilma, Fachi, and Agadem. These settlements comprise substantial rectilinear stone and mud-brick structures, large square fortresses, mosques, date-palm gardens, wells and salt-pans.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-2-89796970)
The role of Kawar in the trans-Saharan trade was well known in the medieval sources from the 9th century and local sources from the 16th century; the main towns at that period were Gasabi, Bilma, and Djado. The town of Gasabi was among the oldest settlements in Kawar and is the largest of them, covering 320 acres including the 20ha town itself and 300 acres of gardens. Tradition of its original inhabitants called the _**Gezebida**_ —who now reside in the towns of Aney and Emi Tchouma— claim that the town was surrounded by a perimeter wall and that it was conquered by the _**Tebu**_/Teda after a long battle.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-3-89796970) Kawar was first documented by Ibn Abd al-Hakam the 9th century and is associated with the north African conquest of the Rashidun general Uqba b. Nāfi in the 7th century, who reportedly seized its main citadel (although this may be anachronistic)[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-4-89796970). The Kawar towns of Gasabi and Bilma were first mentioned by al-Muhallabi (d. 963) as the major Oasis towns which travelers went through to reach the kingdom of Kanem in the lake chad basin, its likely that Gasabi was originally inhabited by Ibadis.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-5-89796970)
In the mid 12th century, the geographer Al-idrisi provided the most detailed description of the Kawar oasis towns; Qaşr Umm Īsā (Djado?) and al-Qaşaba (Gasabi) with their “date-palms and wells of sweet water” as well as the production and export of a mineral called _"shabb_" from the salt-mining oasis towns of Kawwār to markets in Egypt and in the maghreb, which was said to be without equal in quality[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-6-89796970). He also identifies the Kawar town of Ankalās (Kalala) —which he located south of Gasabi and north of _Tamalma_ (Bilma)— that reportedly had mines of pure _shabb_, that was gathered from the mountains. Al-idrisi's “_shabb_” may relate to Kawar’s alum trade which was directed towards north Africa, but he may have combined it with the large scale of salt-mining from Kawar oases.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-7-89796970)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!B-uZ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff6d87d98-defd-4be8-8277-267346290560_1920x1200.jpeg)
_**ruins of Djado surrounded by date-palm trees**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ZX5p!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1686b059-4898-47cf-9f61-0af6a4c121a1_1203x872.jpeg)
_**Djaba**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Iv-0!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fac7e0e12-fe3a-43a6-8f52-a19944fd96c5_815x680.png)
_**ruins of Dabassa (Chirfa) and Séguédine**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!eYYF!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F44e0e165-9f9a-45f7-b8a2-b2dbd31b3d97_1033x488.png)
_**ruins of Bilma**_
* * *
**Kawar under the Kanem-Bornu empire: 1050-1759**
The inhabitants of Kawar consist mainly of the Tebu, who are more closely connected to the highlands of Tibesti in northern chad, and the Kanuri, who are associated with the empire of Kanem and Bornu. The Kanuri are the older part of the population that's associated with the earliest settlements, and the part that is most closely connected to the salt production, they were likely contemporaneous with the foundation of the oldest towns during the time when the Ibādīs were active in the central sahara.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-8-89796970) The earliest traditions associating the Kanem empire with the Kawar oasis towns was during the reign of the Kanem emperor (_**Mai**_) Arku (r 1023-1067) whose mother was said to have been born in Kawar. Arku is credited with the establishment of Kanuri settlers in the region of Kawar from Dirku to Séguédine, but this settlement may have been short-lived since Kawar is mentioned to be under an independent king according to al-Idrisi (d. 1165).[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-9-89796970)
It was during the reign of Mai Dunama Dibalami (1210-1248) that Kanem firmly extended its control over the oasis towns of Kawar as part of its northward conquest of the Fezzan (southern Libya) where the Kanem ruler established his provincial capital at Traghen. The Kanem control of southern and central Libya lasted over two centuries and its attested in external accounts by Ibn Sa'id (d. 1286) and al-Umari (d. 1384) who mentioned that Kanem’s political influence extended to the town of Zella, a few hundred kilometers south of Libya’s coast[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-10-89796970). The Kanuri legacy in southern and central Libya remains visible with the ruins of Kanem cities such as Traghen, the use of Kanuri wells in various oases towns of southern Libya, and the population of Kanuri speakers.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-11-89796970)
**Read more about the Kanem-Bornu conquest of Libya on Patreon:**
[WHEN AFRICAN EMPIRES CROSSED THE SAHARA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/when-west-sahara-59096311)
Kawar-type oasis communities of the Kanuri extended further northwards during this period, for example, just south of Traghen is the fortified oasis town of Ganderma built in the same fashion as the Kawar oasis towns. The town contains many old wells built during the Kanem era, which still bear their original Kanuri names as recorded by Nachtigal in the mid-19th century, suggesting that Ganderma represented one of the old settlements of the Kanuri in southern Libya.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-12-89796970) While the oasis towns of Kawar were located along an important trans-Saharan trading route, few appear to have been dependent on the commercial and political conditions of this trade, as the basis of their existence was entirely concerned with the exploitation of Salt. In the 15th century, only one of the oasis towns; Gasabi, was known for trade, while the rest of the towns, especially Bilma and Dirku were exclusively associated with the salt and alum trade.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-13-89796970)
The Tebu who presently form a local political elite in Kawar, arrived in the area around the 15th-17th century from the Tibesti region of northern Chad[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-14-89796970). The nominal ruler of the entire Kawar was always a Tebu, and some of the oasis towns such as Dirku were occasionally considered "capitals" of Kawar, and were the residence of a _tomagra_ chief, a title held by Tebu rulers who were connected to the Tibesti region, that also used Kawar as a halting station on the route from Bornu through Murzuq to Tripoli[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-15-89796970). The Gezebida who previously inhabited the town of Gasabi and are now settled in the northernmost oasis towns of Ayer and Emi Tchouma, are products of the intermarriage between the Kanuri and Tebu.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-16-89796970)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ikju!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F131d8f79-4701-4dcd-8f98-5d897d6c4603_377x534.png)
_**Map showing the migrations from the Tibesti region between the 13th and 19th century**_[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-17-89796970)
The political relationship between the Tebu and Kanuri was however more fluid than the hierarchical one of Kanem. For example, the town of Séguédine appears to have remained under local Kanuri control even after the Tebu’s arrival, with a chief bearing the title '_Mai_' Gari. Similarly, the cluster of towns from Djado to Djaba were settled entirely by the Kanuri and were more connected to the town of Fachi than other Kawar towns, with the Kanuri community at Djado lasting until the mid-19th century when the town became a majority Tebu settlement.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-18-89796970) Additionally, despite the use of the Tebu title of _tomagra_ by the elites at Dirku, the town's ruling class (called the _Tura_) claimed to be clan from Bornu in the eastern shores of lake Chad (where the Kanem rulers eventually re-located), and the rulers of Kawar’s other towns including Bilma, often carried the title of _Mai_, claiming to be subjects of Bornu.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-19-89796970)
Re-established in the 15th century on the western shores of lake Chad, the empire of Bornu retook Kawar during the reign of Mai Ali Gaji before 1500, who took the town of Fachi.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-20-89796970) The Bornu conquest of Kawar was continued by Idris Aloma who conducted expeditions into several oasis towns especially Fachi and Bilma, forcing the local Tubu elite to seek refuge in the surrounding regions, but most of them eventually submitted to Bornu's rule such as the rulers of Djado who sent a delegation to Mai Idris. While Gasabi isn't treated as target of Idris' campaigns, it was nevertheless included among the other Kawar towns (along with Bilma and Dirku) that brought horses to the king of Bornu. The salt trade from Kawar was thereafter oriented towards the Bornu region where it was traded southwards to the Hausalands and other parts of west Africa.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-21-89796970)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!2GMB!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa6620954-5af4-4b11-ba21-3848e9a5cc1e_750x313.jpeg)
_**Séguédine**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!4Owh!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff6c91029-791b-4758-b855-06873e860a38_960x640.jpeg)
_**Djado**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!gYqB!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fad41101b-d8bb-435d-9684-1bbc552574c8_2048x1358.jpeg)
_**Dirku**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!HljU!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff2b5b540-83ab-4371-b1e6-3d2310980dbc_1243x456.png)
_**Fortresses of Fachi, and Aney**_
* * *
**Kawar under Tuareg rule from 18th-19th century; Salt production and trade in the central Sudan**
Beginning in the early 18th century, the decline of Bornu's military strength led to its loss of the Kawar region to the forces of the Tuareg especially after the battle of Ashegur that was fought near the town of Fachi in 1759-1760[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-22-89796970). The Tuareg then established their own political system over Kawar, which was controlled through the office of an appointed figure called the _Bulama_, and they then shifted the Kawar salt trade through their territories. The Tuareg possessed a less centralized/hierarchical political structure than Bornu, as they constituted independent segments/clans that recognized the authority of a nominal king (_Amenokal_) who was based at Agadez. In Kawar, the most prominent Tuareg clan were the Kel Owey; their activities there were almost entirely confined to the lucrative salt trade which they funneled through Agadez and the Hausa cities.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-23-89796970)
It is during the 18th and 19th century when we get a more complete description of the structure of salt production and trade from Kawar. The individual owners of salt pits in Kawar often went to the local chieftain to receive permission to dig them, and in exchange paid a duty/tax, but the individuals could transfer or sell their salt-pits at will. The majority of the owners of salt-pits and their workers were Kanuri, but some included the Teda, and the average Kanuri owned anywhere between 4 to 20 salt pits. In theory, the salt pits and the surrounding land belonged to the local chieftains (and to their Bornu and Tuareg suzerains) but this was largely formal rather than practical. Each salt-basin owner paid a small tax to the local chieftain, the latter of whom then remitted it to the Bulama, whose then passes it on to his counterpart on the Tuareg side; the _Sarkin Turawa_ (who represents the king of Agadez) and who also received the duty at the beginning of each caravan.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-24-89796970)
The vast majority of those who worked the salt pits of Kawar were free and were the owners of their own pits, rather than enslaved people who had been brought to work the mines —as earlier scholarship had wrongly surmised—[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-25-89796970). The bulk of the salt-mining labor was supplied by other family members but in the case of wealthy mine owners, this was supplemented by wage-laborers paid in salt. While slaves formed a minority of the population in the Oasis towns and weren't needed for salt production but for mostly domestic activities, wealthy salt-pit owners would occasionally include slave labor in salt mining and these were paid half the wages of the wage laborers.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-26-89796970)
The technique of salt production is based on the evaporation of subsoil water that has passed through layers of salt and is collected in pits dugs to a depth of 2 meters and a breadth of 20-25 sqm. Different layers of salt are formed of varying quality after a number of weeks, and the process required little human assistance making the work generally non-intensive. The best quality salt were called _**beza**_, which are shaped into salt-cakes of 4-6kg while the coarser ones are called _**kantu**_, which are blocks of 15-20kg, with a single salt-pit producing around 4-5 tonnes each season, or about 40-50 camel loads of salt. An average of 30,000 camels a year are estimated to have carried 2-3,000 tonnes of salt a year during the 19th century from the salt-mines of Kawar, which was just under a third of Bornu's annual production of 6-9,000 tonnes.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-27-89796970) The oases of also produced red natron especially at Dirku, while white natron was taken from Djado and Séguédine.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-28-89796970)
Besides salt, the other source of wealth in Kawar was date-palms. Gardens of dates were first mentioned in the 9th century and there are 100,000 of these by the mid 20th century, many of these dates are of high quality and are sold regionally in the Saharan region of Aïr (where the Tuareg are centered), and unlike the Kanuri dominated salt-production, the growing and sale of dates also involved the Tebu.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-29-89796970)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!FIIj!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcc7fad64-069d-4b28-803e-faa77ad547fb_800x511.jpeg)
_**Saltpans of Bilma**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Ai1E!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7175e711-f680-435c-9d46-9c40d9314f76_1555x1031.png)
_**date-palms of Djado**_
Trading was conducted between the Kanuri and the Tuareg through client relationships overseen by the _Bulama_ and the _Sarkin Turawa_, during the two main trading seasons of the year when caravans arrived at Kawar. The salt was often exchanged for grain, livestock and pastoral products at relatively fixed prices and the grain was often stored in Agram for resale throughout the Oasis towns, the salt was also exchange for textiles and other commodity currencies used in long distance trade. Since the 18th century, much of the southwards trade was controlled by the Tuareg who were involved in the regional trade for grain grown in various Sahelian cities where large farms owned by Kanuri and Hausa merchants produced the primary grain demanded in Kawar. One wealthy merchant in the Kanuri city of Zinder (kingdom of Damagaram) was Malam Yaro, the son of a Kanuri merchant and a Tuareg woman, who invested in the salt and grain trade between the Tuareg and Kawar and built up a large-scale business from west Africa to north Africa.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-30-89796970)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!6QpJ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd10e303a-271f-4509-98d5-17069161a9fb_764x563.png)
_**Malam Yaro’s house in Timbuktu (left), 1930, quai branly**_
The salt from Kawar was used for a variety of industrial, culinary, medicinal purposes. The main function of salt besides its consumption by people and livestock was; as a mordant in dyeing textiles; in the making of soap and ink; in the leather industry for tanning hides and skins; and in treating various medical ailments. Kawar’s natron had a high demand in Hausa city-states especially prior to the 19th century when textile dyeing required the use of white natron, and in the Bornu and Hausa markets where leather trade was a significant crafts industry.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-31-89796970)
The grain and other agricultural products received in exchange for Kawar's salt enabled the Oasis towns to sustain relatively large populations that would otherwise be impossible to maintain in the arid environment.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-32-89796970)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!0tQ0!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcaec2120-b243-4522-8dbd-282bb3a8a9f0_854x620.png)
_**abandoned houses in Fachi**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!WBMt!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F41cd2b83-a53e-4a04-ba03-4ad43365f655_1555x1031.jpeg)
_**abandoned houses in Djado**_
* * *
**Kawar from the Ottoman and Sannusiya era to French colonialism; 1870-1913**
By the mid-19th century, the Ottoman conquest of the Fezzan region (southern Libya) forced the its local elite; the Awlad Sulaiman, out of their capital at Murquk and into the Kawar and Tibesti regions where they took to raiding trade caravans and caused a general state of insecurity in the region. The Kel Owey provided little military assistance to the inhabitants of Kawar against these raids, so the latter's local rulers sought the aid of the Ottomans who flushed out the Awlad Sulaiman brigands by 1871. In response to the Kel Owey's apathy, the Kawar elite sent more requests to the Ottomans in the 1875 and 1890 to formally occupy Kawar, but these were not fulfilled until 1901, by which time, the rulers of Kawar had switched their allegiance to the Sanussiya brotherhood.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-33-89796970)
The Sanussiya were the main political and commercial organization of the central Sahara in the late 19th century, and had attracted many Tebu and Kanuri from Kawar as initiates, constructing lodges in Djado and Bilma between the 1866 and the 1890s[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-34-89796970). However, Kawar never become as important to their activities as other regions (such as Wadai), especially considering the French advance from the south. Beginning in 1906, French forces gradually occupied the towns of Kawar, meeting little resistance until Djado where a number of skirmishes were fought beginning in 1907 and ending with the French occupation of the town in 1913.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-35-89796970)
While some of the Kawar oases like Bilma and Dirku remained important centers of salt and natron production, the rest of the towns such as Djado were abandoned in the mid-20th century, their ruins gradually covered by the shifting sands of the Sahara.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!LBc5!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F302450b4-3408-445b-8220-67e502fd47f9_1555x1031.png)
_**Djaba in winter**_
* * *
As the example of Kawar has shown, the Sahara desert wasn’t an impenetrable barrier that divided Africa. During the ancient times; **Africans travelled and lived in the Roman Europe just as Romans travelled into Africa**; read about this and more in;
[AFRICANS IN ROME AND ROMANS IN AFRICA](https://patreon.com/posts/75714077)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!vOhC!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6112c2fa-cb8d-4ba6-881a-500183991c0b_622x1145.png)
* * *
**On Kanem-Bornu’s conquest of southern and central Libya;**
[WHEN AFRICAN EMPIRES CROSSED THE SAHARA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/when-west-sahara-59096311)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!XqiX!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6bccf79f-b0da-4313-abe7-c39aedadaddb_660x607.png)
* * *
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-1-89796970)
taken from; l-Qasaba et d'autres villes de la route centrale du Sahara by Dierk Lange and Urbanisation and State Formation in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond by Martin Sterry, David J. Mattingly
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-2-89796970)
Urbanisation and State Formation in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond by Martin Sterry, David J. Mattingly pg 303-304, 305-306
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-3-89796970)
Al-Qasaba et d'autres villes de la route centrale du Sahara by Dierk Lange and Silvio Berthoud pg 21)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-4-89796970)
The Oasis of Salt: The History of Kawar, a Saharan Centre of Salt Production Knut S. Vikør pg 150
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-5-89796970)
Al-Qasaba et d'autres villes de la route centrale du Sahara by Dierk Lange and Silvio Berthoud pg 22, Du lac Tchad à la Mecque by Rémi Dewière pg 161
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-6-89796970)
The Oasis of Salt: The History of Kawar, a Saharan Centre of Salt Production Knut S. Vikør pg 295, 169
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-7-89796970)
The Desert-Side Salt Trade of Kawar by Knut S. Vikør pg 123-5, Al-Qasaba et d'autres villes de la route centrale du Sahara by Dierk Lange and Silvio Berthoud pg 28, 33)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-8-89796970)
The Desert-Side Salt Trade of Kawar by Knut S. Vikør pg 115, Al-Qasaba et d'autres villes de la route centrale du Sahara by Dierk Lange and Silvio Berthoud pg 36, The Oasis of Salt: The History of Kawar by Knut S. Vikør pg 161-163, 169
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-9-89796970)
Al-Qasaba et d'autres villes de la route centrale du Sahara by Dierk Lange and Silvio Berthoud pg 37)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-10-89796970)
The kingdoms and peoples of Chad by Dierk Lange pg 252
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-11-89796970)
Kanem, Bornu, and the Fazzān: Notes on the political history of a Trade Route by B. G. Martin
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-12-89796970)
Al-Qasaba et d'autres villes de la route centrale du Sahara by Dierk Lange and Silvio Berthoud pg 31-32)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-13-89796970)
Al-Qasaba et d'autres villes de la route centrale du Sahara by Dierk Lange and Silvio Berthoud pg 32-33)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-14-89796970)
The Oasis of Salt: The History of Kawar, a Saharan Centre of Salt Production by Knut S. Vikør pg 50,63
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-15-89796970)
Al-Qasaba et d'autres villes de la route centrale du Sahara by Dierk Lange and Silvio Berthoud pg 23, 29, An Episode of Saharan Rivalry: The French Occupation of Kawar, 1906 by Knut S. Vikor pg 702)
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-16-89796970)
Al-Qasaba et d'autres villes de la route centrale du Sahara by Dierk Lange and Silvio Berthoud pg 37)
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-17-89796970)
Du lac Tchad à la Mecque by Rémi Dewière pg 178
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-18-89796970)
The Oasis of Salt: The History of Kawar, a Saharan Centre of Salt Production by Knut S. Vikør pg 59)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-19-89796970)
The Oasis of Salt: The History of Kawar, a Saharan Centre of Salt Production by Knut S. Vikør 190, An Episode of Saharan Rivalry: The French Occupation of Kawar, 1906 by Knut S. Vikor pg 702)
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-20-89796970)
The Oasis of Salt: The History of Kawar, a Saharan Centre of Salt Production by Knut S. Vikør pg 188)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-21-89796970)
Al-Qasaba et d'autres villes de la route centrale du Sahara by Dierk Lange and Silvio Berthoud pg 38-39, Du lac Tchad à la Mecque by Rémi Dewière pg 275
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-22-89796970)
The Oasis of Salt: The History of Kawar, a Saharan Centre of Salt Production by Knut S. Vikør pg 212
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-23-89796970)
An Episode of Saharan Rivalry: The French Occupation of Kawar, 1906 by Knut S. Vikor pg 702-703)
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-24-89796970)
The Desert-Side Salt Trade of Kawar by Knut S. Vikør pg 118)
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-25-89796970)
The Desert-Side Salt Trade of Kawar by Knut S. Vikør pg 118, The Oasis of Salt: The History of Kawar, a Saharan Centre of Salt Production by Knut S. Vikør pg 91
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-26-89796970)
The Desert-Side Salt Trade of Kawar by Knut S. Vikør pg 118-120)
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-27-89796970)
The Desert-Side Salt Trade of Kawar by Knut S. Vikør pg 122, 135, The Borno salt industry by P. Lovejoy pg 639
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-28-89796970)
The Borno salt industry by P. Lovejoy pg 630
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-29-89796970)
The Oasis of Salt: The History of Kawar, a Saharan Centre of Salt Production by Knut S. Vikør pg 34-233
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-30-89796970)
The Desert-Side Salt Trade of Kawar by Knut S. Vikør pg 127-128, 139
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-31-89796970)
The Borno salt industry by P. Lovejoy pg 635-636
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-32-89796970)
The Desert-Side Salt Trade of Kawar by Knut S. Vikør pg 139,
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-33-89796970)
An Episode of Saharan Rivalry: The French Occupation of Kawar, 1906 by Knut S. Vikor pg 704-712
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-34-89796970)
Libya, Chad and the Central Sahara By John Wright pg 92-94
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart#footnote-anchor-35-89796970)
An Episode of Saharan Rivalry: The French Occupation of Kawar, 1906 by Knut S. Vikor pg 712-714)
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[Apr 20, 2025](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart/comment/110672659 "Apr 20, 2025, 8:51 PM")
Liked by isaac Samuel
Amazing article,it’s crazy how these town settlements have been mystified and has had it’s origins being attributed to Berbers and foreign entities
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[Dec 18, 2022](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart/comment/11241410 "Dec 18, 2022, 2:40 PM")
The history of the Sahara desert is still so interesting to me, and I'm glad you mentioned the fact that the Sahara was never a barrier between the Southern nations and more Northerly regions but instead a sort of bridge that many African peoples would traverse back n forth through since it's greener phase up till now.
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Published Time: 2022-07-10T13:37:04+00:00
An African island at the nexus of global trade: The Comoros island of Nzwani from 750-1889AD
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An African island at the nexus of global trade: The Comoros island of Nzwani from 750-1889AD
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### The history of one of the Indian Ocean world's busiest port cities.
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In the 17th century, a small island off the coast of East Africa became a cosmopolitan locus of economic and cultural interchanges in the Indian ocean world that stitched together the continents of Africa, Asia, Europe, and the Americas.
Surrounded by wealthier and more powerful neighbors, Nzwani forged economic and political alliances with distant maritime empires through strategies of similitude, enabling it to grow its economy and emerge as one of the most important port-of-call in the Indian ocean.
This article explores the history of Nzwani, from its settlement in the 8th century to its emergence as the busiest port in the western half of the Indian ocean.
_**Map of the global maritime trade routes in the 17th and 18th century showing the position of Nzwani and its largest cities.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Igt2!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F88f1a620-c184-4830-bb4c-bd42c9378434_1335x598.png)
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**Early History of Nzwani, from its settlement to the establishment of a state.(8th-15th century)**
During the second half of the 1st millennium, the island of Nzwani was primarily settled by groups from the east African mainland which spoke the shinzwani dialect of the Comorian language (related to Swahili and other Sabaki languages, found within the Bantu languages subgroup). Between 750–1000, several nucleated settlements of farming and fishing communities were established all over the Island beginning with the old town of Sima. The inhabitants of these communities engaged in long distance maritime trade and constructed houses of wood and daub, which would gradually be replaced with coral stone.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-1-63279848)
Through their extensive maritime trade, the people of Nzwani adopted Islam and the old mosques of Sima and Domoni were built in the 11th century and enlarged over the 13th-15th century. The classical period of Nzwani's history begins in the 15th century with the emergence of centralized institutions, an elaborate social hierarchy and the flourishing of a large agro-pastoral economy supplemented by maritime trade. The towns of Domoni and Sima both extended over 8- 11 hectares with populations exceeding 1,000 each. The elites at Domoni, which had a well-sheltered port, later imposed themselves over Sima and parts of the Island during the course of the 15th century.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-2-63279848)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Khrf!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F526deb60-f79a-4df3-8993-d0b0399ebb11_1164x584.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!1xZ8!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F413d8b2f-8de6-4c65-b127-ef04678a50b8_1295x587.png)
_**The old mosques of Sima and Domoni, originally built in the 11th century, and extended in the 14th-15th century.**_
* * *
**Classical Nzwani, east African ties and maritime trade in the 15th and 16th century**
The al-Maduwa dynasty kings that ruled Nzwani for much of its history were closely associated with the ruling elites of the wider Swahili coastal civilization of east Africa and utilized the same superficial "shirazi" claims to legitimize social positions of domination. Like in the Swahili traditions, the "shirazi" of Nzwani, are an endonymous identification for the recognized local kin groups, whose claims to residence in their coastal environs were putatively the most ancient.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-3-63279848)
According to Nzwani founding traditions, the al-Maduwa elites moved their capital from Sima to Domoni around the 15th century, and later intermarried with the dynasty of Pate (one of the larger Swahili cities of the era), and by the 17th century, had also intermarried with other groups from the east African coast and Hadramaut who claimed sharif lineages.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-4-63279848) The distinction between the autochthonous "shirazi" rulers and the sharifs served, as in the rest of the Swahili coast, to justify either group’s pedigree in the competition among the isalnd’s socially dominant social positions,[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-5-63279848) allowing the al-Maduwa dynasty (which often included the nisba ‘_al-Shirazi_’) to retain their power.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!UwfN!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9dc7081c-8eb9-4132-83fb-f7d2bf1f8fa0_1280x960.png)
_**Domoni old town**_
Nzwani was extensively engaged in trade with the Swahili cities and the wider Indian ocean world, mostly as a trans-shipment port rather than from domestic production. The merchants of Nzwani used their own sewn ships and sailed to Madagascar for commodities including rice, millet, ambergris and ivory which they included cowries fished near Nzwani, and were then sold to Pate, Lamu, Hadramaut, and India where they received silk fabrics and iron weapons.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-6-63279848)
* * *
**Comoros’ first contacts with European maritime traders and Nzwani’s growth as a port of call.**
The first contact between the Comoro archipelago and European sailors was when Vasco Dagama's ships passed by Grande Comore in march 1503, but his crew was rushing to sail back to Portugal with its loot obtained in India so it didn't make anchor. Over the following century while the Portuguese were occupying Swahili cities, informal trade and descriptions of Comoros were made by Portuguese captains in Kilwa and Mombasa, who described the Islands as "healthy, fertile and prosperous", urging the crown to bring them formally under the Portuguese rule but no significant extension of political hegemony over them was achieved by the Portuguese whose activities in Nzwani were confined to trading and a few settlements at Mwali.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-7-63279848)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!TGuI!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9d8f3c2e-9380-4194-88a9-278372afb443_492x625.png)
_**Map of the Comoros archipelago (**_ inset _**) with the Islands of Grande Comore (**_ Top _**), Nzwani and Mwali (**middle**), and Mayotte (**_ bottom _**).**_
In 1591 and in 1616, two separate English and Portuguese ships which landed on Grande Comore for provisions of food and water, had their crew attacked after a heated dispute as the islands were at the end of the dry season. Subsequent ships were thus warned to avoid the island and despite occasional positive reports by other ship crews who landed on the island as well as the Mitsamiouli ruler efforts at diplomacy in 1620 using letters written by previous traders, the lack of supplies and good anchorage only make the island less attractive for European ships who chose Mwali and later Nzwani as their main stops.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-8-63279848)
The Island of Mwali, which was under the suzerainty of Nzwani's rulers, briefly became a major stop-over for the European ships entering the Indian ocean in the 1620s, it possessed relatively safe anchorages and plenty of agricultural produce for provisioning ships. But by the 1630s, the European ships had shifted to Nzwani, whose harbor at Mutsamudu was much safer despite Nzwani being less provisioned than Mwali.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-9-63279848)
Given the significance of export trade to the islands, Nzwani's rulers gradually shifted their capital from Domoni to Mutsamudu. The increased demand for agricultural produce from the dozens of ships -each with crews of over 500- allowed the urban based Nzwani rulers to extend their control over the rest of the hinterlands in the rest of the island, by collecting agricultural tribute, as well as reserving lands for livestock rearing.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-10-63279848)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!sH9b!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F77bd94c4-4afe-495d-b7c5-f02d0ea4ca5b_1231x623.png)
_**The old palace of Domoni, traditionally dated to the 13th century, was likely built in the 15th-16th century.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!cEco!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4828965c-40f3-423c-b6c8-093d46e74fa2_1340x601.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ZB4z!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9fe28bb7-abac-42ad-8680-96eaad8a23e9_1127x633.png)
_**Interior and exterior of the old palace of Mutsamudu called ‘Ujembe’ built in 1786**_
The circular trade of Nzwani sailors buying raw cotton and arms from Bombay (India), to selling them Madagascar, which they then sold for silver and gold from European ships at Mutsamudu, which were inturn exchanged in Mozambique for livestock, ivory and other commodities that were retained on Nzwani, was described by a prince of Nzwani in 1783 to an English traveler William Jones . Adding that "_**we carry on this traffic in our own vessels**_".[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-11-63279848)
Unlike most of their East African peers who infrequently sailed the Indian ocean, the Nzwani merchants were regular sailors to Arabia and India. In the 17th century, the English diplomat Thomas Roe met a sailor in Nzwani with an elaborate nautical chart of the Indian ocean and was a regular traveler to Mogadishu and Cambay (India).[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-12-63279848) In the 19th century, an American trader, J. Ross Browne described a mosque in Mutsamudu whose walls were painted with naval charts.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-13-63279848)
Over the mid-17th and 18th century, the population of Nzwani had grown to over 25,000. Trade expanded significantly and was well organized with fixed port fees levied on each foreign ship (often in _**reals**_ -silver coinage); a fixed price list of supplies for ships; and tributes for the Nzwani King, princes and Mutsamudu governor (often silver coinage and firearms). Such trade was significant, with the Nzwani King reportedly earning as much as $500 from every ship that passed by.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-14-63279848)
Between the years 1601 and 1834 over 90% of all 400 English ships outbound to India called at Nzwani's harbor at Mutsamudu, and more than 55% of these ships had made a direct sail from England to Nzwani without having stopped over anywhere along the way, attesting to the importance of the Island in the Indian ocean world.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-15-63279848)
A 1787 account by one English merchant describes the trade on Nzwani as such;
"_**The town is close to the sea, the houses are enclosed either with high stone walls or palings made with a kind of reed, and the streets are little narrow alleys, the better kind of houses are built of stone. The king lives at a town about two miles off on the eastern side of the island**_ (ie; Domoni), _**Two princes of the blood reside here**_ (ie; Mustamudu), _**These black princes —for this is the complexion of them and all the inhabitants— have by some means or other obtained the titles of prince of Wales. They have an officer who seems to be at the head of the finance department. Of dukes they have a prodigious number, who entertain us**_ (ie: host) _**at their hotels for a dollar per day. Even before the ship has let go its anchor, they come alongside in their canoes, and produce written certificates of the honesty and abilities from those who have been here before. The price of every article is regulated and each ship has its contractor, who engages to supply it with necessities at the established rate. Most of the people speak a little English"**_.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-16-63279848)
This description highlights Nzwani's strategy of similitude in which nonmaterial signifiers such as English titles and speaking the English language, were employed by Nzwani-ans not only to affect local relationships, but also to shape the way the itinerant English traders perceived and related to Nzwani. Through superficially approximating English customs, Nzwanians forged commercial alliances and used them for all the economic, political, and military benefits they could offer.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-17-63279848)
Nzwani’s similitude was a strategy born of the island’s particular politico-economic history in relation with the Indian ocean world, which they leveraged to make requests for commercial alliances and military aid that played on sentiments of reciprocity and camaraderie.
As early as the late 17th century, Nzwanians were asking English captains to intervene in conflicts with other neighboring Islands as well as on the Island itself And by the 18th century, the English would give military assistance to Mutsamudu in its attempts to re-impose its suzerainty over Mwali and Mayotte which however, only garnered mixed results.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-18-63279848)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!GuZv!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbb1b1ad7-6628-4249-907b-424a26ab5a6c_901x960.jpeg)
_**cannons in the fortress of Mutsamudu supplied by English traders in 1808.**_[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-19-63279848)
* * *
**Political upheaval and changing patterns in the late 18th century.**
During the late 18th century, Nzwani was faced with succession disputes which forced the feuding Kings; Alwali and Abdallah to request for military assistance from the Sakalava (of northern Madagascar), the Merina (of central Madagascar) and the English, to strengthen their power.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-20-63279848)But given the English’s past failures in assisting Nzwani's military, their conquest of the cape colony (south Africa) in 1795 and other international concerns, they only offered token assistance to Abdallah and Allawi won.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-21-63279848) Nzwani and its neighbors would continue to face incursions of the Sakalava over the course of the 18th century, prompting them to construct more elaborate fortifications.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-22-63279848)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Tv4F!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc4693937-c9a5-42d1-ad42-d47409493b6d_1005x730.png)
Overtime, the English reduced their activities on Nzwani and were intime supplanted by the French and Americans merchants who were becoming active along the east African coast, allowing Nzwani to continue playing a leading role in international trade throughout the 19th century.
* * *
**Nzwanis’ resurgence in the 19th century.**
While its neighbors of Mwali and Mayotte were faced with Sakalava raids and were increasingly coming under the suzerainty of the Omani Arabs at Zanzibar and the Merina rulers of Madagascar,[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-23-63279848) Nzwani's Kings were expanding the island's economy, and encouraged the settlement of Indian merchants who had funded the arming of the fortress of Mutsamudu[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-24-63279848), and by the middle of the 19th century, an average of 60 French and American ships called at Mutsamudu each year between the years 1852-1858.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-25-63279848)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!QKik!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4724ce13-d06f-4751-a9b4-cd04a7fd4351_1347x604.png)
_**the citadel of Mutsamudu, construction begun in the 1780s under King Abdallah I and was completed by 1796, its cannons were added around 1808 under King Allawi.**_[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-26-63279848)
The second half of the 19th century was Nzwani in the twilight of its political and commercial autonomy in the face of expansionist colonial empires. The French had taken over much of the administration of the neighboring island of Mayotte in 1841 and were gradually occupying Mwali (which were both claimed by the Nzwani rulers) as well as the largest island of Grande Comore, in contest with the Omani sultans of Zanzibar.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-27-63279848)
To counteract the French, Nzwani's King Salim (r. 1837-1852) invited the British to establish a consulate on the island in 1848. After having outlawed slavery in 1844, Salim and his successor Abdallah III (r. 1852-1891) sought to expand plantation agriculture using British capital inorder to compensate for the declining port revenues following the reduction in the number of ships calling at Mutsamudu after the 1860s. Through the services of the British consuls Napier and Sunley, sugar plantations and refineries were set up that produced 400 tonnes of sugar a year.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-28-63279848)
But internal conflicts between the dynastic families and the sharifs continued to undermine Abdallah III’s central authority, forcing him to build a palace outside the city in a town called Bambao. His relationship with the British waned, and he was wary of American activities in Mutsamudu, the King thus shifted alliances to the French signing a treaty in 1886 to conduct foreign affairs through them ( as a protectorate) but retained significant internal political autonomy at a time when all the neighboring Islands had been forcefully occupied by the French.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-29-63279848)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!M2QW!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Faf3d2fbd-5e7c-4bf2-8f6f-eb248d9bbeda_1303x568.png)
_**ruins of King Abdallah III’s palace in Bambao built in the late 19th century.**_
But this state of affairs was opposed by the conflicting factions of Nzwani and a rebellion broke out, prompting a French military occupation in 1889 shortly before Abdallah’s death in 1891. While Nzwani was formally brought under colonial control, its social institutions were relatively preserved thanks to the political maneuverability of its elites, who remained a powerful group its politics and enabled the island to retain a measure of political autonomy throughout the colonial and modern era.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-30-63279848)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!gxgb!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Febb234cb-d17d-4bca-8334-e5ed7756d149_1349x557.png)
_**Anjouan in the early 20th century**_
* * *
**Nzwani’s place as a cosmopolitan African state in the Indian ocean world.**
For nearly three centuries, the entrepôt of Nzwani was at the heart of a vast maritime trade network that connected the Indian ocean world to the Atlantic world.
Through its strategic economic alliances and extensive commercial networks, Nzwani transformed itself from an island that was peripheral to the region's trade networks, into cosmopolitan state that was one of the Indian ocean's busiest port cities
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!tBR8!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5d739179-73dd-47b3-9e33-5e6dd64ca8e1_960x576.png)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-1-63279848)
The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 272
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-2-63279848)
The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 281)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-3-63279848)
Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 17,37)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-4-63279848)
Anjouan (Comores), un nœud dans les réseaux de l’océan Indien by Sophie Blanchy
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-5-63279848)
Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 240
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-6-63279848)
L’Afrique orientale et l’océan Indien by Thomas Vernet and Philippe Beaujard pg 182-186
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-7-63279848)
Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea by Iain Walker pg 50, 53-54)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-8-63279848)
Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea by Iain Walker pg 54-55)
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-9-63279848)
Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea by Iain Walker pg pg 55-57)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-10-63279848)
Anjouan (Comores), un nœud dans les réseaux de l’océan Indien by Sophie Blanchy
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-11-63279848)
The East India Company and the island of Johanna (Anjouan) during the long eighteenth
century by H. V. Bowen, pg 227)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-12-63279848)
L’Afrique orientale et l’océan Indien by Thomas Vernet and Philippe Beaujard, pg 178)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-13-63279848)
Domesticating the World By Jeremy Prestholdt, pg 19)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-14-63279848)
Islands in cosmopolitan sea, pg 68, 58-59)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-15-63279848)
The East India Company and the island of Johanna (Anjouan) during the long eighteenth
century by H. V. Bowen, pg 222-223)
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-16-63279848)
Travels to the Coast of Arabia Felix and from Thence by the Red Sea, pg 21-29
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-17-63279848)
Similitude and Empire: On Comorian Strategies of Englishness by Prestholdt, Jeremy pg 119)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-18-63279848)
Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea by Iain Walker pg 69-71)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-19-63279848)
Domesticating the World by Jeremy Prestholdt pg 26
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-20-63279848)
Anjouan dans l'histoire by Institut national des langues et civilisations orientales, Pg 32)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-21-63279848)
The East India Company and the island of Johanna (Anjouan) during the long eighteenth
century by H. V. Bowen pg 231-232)
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-22-63279848)
Du corail au volcan: l'histoire des îles Comores by Roland Barraux pg 60
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-23-63279848)
The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency In The Indian Ocean by Malyn D Newitt pg 27-28,31)
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-24-63279848)
Les mémoires de Saïd Hamza el-Masela by Jean Martin pg 119
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-25-63279848)
The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency In The Indian Ocean by Malyn D Newitt pg 26)
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-26-63279848)
Anjouan dans l'histoire by Institut national des langues et civilizations orientales pg 31-32
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-27-63279848)
The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency In The Indian Ocean by Malyn D Newitt pg 27-33).
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-28-63279848)
The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency In The Indian Ocean by Malyn D Newitt pg 34, 26)
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-29-63279848)
Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea by Iain Walker pg 99-1010
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of#footnote-anchor-30-63279848)
The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency In The Indian Ocean by Malyn D Newitt pg 35)
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Published Time: 2022-09-04T13:24:13+00:00
An African kingdom on the edge of empires: Noubadia between Rome and the Caliphate. (400-700AD)
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An African kingdom on the edge of empires: Noubadia between Rome and the Caliphate. (400-700AD)
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### the transition from classical to medieval Africa.
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The collapse of Kush heralded a period of upheaval in north-east Africa, with the disappearance of central administration, the abandonment of cities, and a general social decline characterized by unrest and insecurity, that was only stemmed by the rise of the kingdom of Noubadia.
Noubadia was at the nexus of cross-cultural exchanges between north-east Africa and the Byzantium, and its military strength served as a bulwark against the region's domination by the expansionist armies of the early caliphate which ultimately subdued much of the Mediterranean.
This article explores the history of Noubadia and the relationship which the kingdom had with the Byzantine empire and the Rashidun Caliphate.
_**Map showing the extent of the kingdom of Noubadia between Egypt and Sudan**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!bYVh!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe4c68564-a3b9-4f93-922c-b03994921b5d_707x616.png)
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**Ancient Nubia following the fall of Meroe in 360AD.**
After the decline of central authority at Meroe and the disappearance of a unified culture of Kush in the 4th century —as pyramid construction ceased, Meroitic writing was discontinued, and the kingdom's palaces and temples fell into ruin—, the former territories of Kush were taken over by smaller incipient states, which quickly grew into three powerful kingdoms that would later dominate most of the Nile valley during the medieval era.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-1-71660665)
The most socio-politically dominant group within Kush’s successor states were the Noubades (an ethnonym that also appears as the Nobates/Annoubades/Noba/Nubai in other sources), representing a distinct ethnic group in the middle Nile-valley region, that was nevertheless linguistically related to the Meroitic-speakers who had dominated Kush, as both of these languages belong to the North-East Sudanic subgroup of the Nilo-Saharan language family.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-2-71660665)
The Noubades had been living in the western frontiers of Kush since the 3rd century BC, they were subject to a number of incursions from Kush's armies at the height of Meroe (100BC-100AD) and are represented in a number of "prisoner" figures. The Noubades would later be gradually assimilated into Kush, along with a different nomadic group called the Blemmyes —the latter of whom were often at war with both Kush and Rome, and following the fall of Kush, would establish an independent state centered at the city of Kalabsha in 394. The conflict between the Noubades and the Blemmyes would greatly shape the establishment of the Noubadian kingdom, as the earliest of the three Nubian kingdoms which succeeded Kush.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-3-71660665)
* * *
**Rise of Noubadia and the fall of the Blemmyan state (394-450)**
Fragmentary historical sources provide some insights into the socio-political situation in the decades after the fall of Kush, as the latter's power was extinguished following the two Aksumite invasions between 350-360[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-4-71660665). There is evidence for continuity between Kushite and Noubadian periods in terms of the continued use and occupation of the sites and the cultural practices of the populations.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-5-71660665)
Following the establishment of the Blemmyan state at Kalabsha in the late 4th century, a roman diplomat from Thebes named Olympiodorus visited the region in 423, and noted that Blemmyan power centered at Kalabsha extended over several towns within the 1st cataract area (the region now under lake Nasser). The Blemmyan capital Kalabsha was an important cult site centered at the temple of the Kushite deity Mandulis . On this temple’s walls were royal inscriptions of different rulers, in different scripts from the late 4th-mid 5th century including Greek inscriptions left by; the Blemmyan kings (Tamal, Isemne, Degou, and Phonen) and one by the Noubadian king Silko; as well as a meroitic inscription left by (an earlier) Noubadian king Kharamadoye.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-6-71660665)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!G5ba!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3dbbcfab-395d-455a-8f3d-314f44a1b220_624x545.png)
_**4th/5th century Meroitic inscription of the Noubadian King Kharamadoye against the Blemmyan king Isemne, found at the Mandulis temple at Kalabsha.**_
The Noubadian inscriptions at Kalabasha on the other hand, represent the kingdom's northward push from its capital at Qasr Ibrim where its kings were based during the 5th century. Early in its formative era, the Noubadian state had extended its control over the old meroitic cities of Faras and Gebel Adda located not far from the Noubadian royal necropolises of Qustul and Ballana within the 2nd cataract region. Between 423 and 450, Noubadia’s kings launched a number of campaigns northwards directed against the Blemmyan rulers in the 1st cataract region.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-7-71660665)
A 5th-century victory inscription, made by the Noubadian King Silko records his three major campaigns against the Blemmyes, in which he also identifies himself as “_**king of the Nobades and all the Aithiopians**_”. In the course of his campaigns, king Silko's first victory ends with a peace treaty with the Blemmyes, that was reportedly broken by the latter prompting two more campaigns, the last of which ended with his occupation of Kalabsha and the decisive defeat of the Blemmye ruler, who then became Silko's subject. A Blemmyan perspective of these defeats is presented in a letter written by the subordinate Blemmyan ruler Phonen to Silko's successor Abourni found at the latter's capital in the city of Qasr Ibrim, in which the former pleads with the latter to restore some of his possessions, but to no avail.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-8-71660665)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Zjf2!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8f18cda7-4bfb-4a55-b619-d2347aadd4a9_1335x581.png)
_**5th century Greek inscription by King Silko and his depiction on the Mandulis temple at Kalabsha.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!g9Nl!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc0f4e426-a85b-4fe9-89ed-035ee8186415_846x561.png)
_**5th century Greek letter by the Blemmyan ruler Phonen to the Noubadian king Abourni, found at Qasr Ibrim.**_
* * *
**The Noubadian Kingdom**
Following their conquest of the 1st cataract region, successive Noubadian kings, including; king Abourni, king Tantani, king Orfulo, and king Tokiltoenon in the 5th-6th century, extended their control south into the 3rd cataract region moving the kingdom's capital from Qasr Ibrim to Faras, and establishing a more complex administrative system, with subordinate regional elites. Noubadia’s cities were major centers of domestic crafts production, and the kingdom engaged in extensive trade, including external trade with Byzantine Egypt, regional trade with the emergent Nubian kingdoms to its south like Makuria and Alodia, as well as domestic trade and gift exchange internally.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-9-71660665)
Noubadian cities and other urban settlements were characterized by monumental stone and mudbrick architecture for both domestic and public functions, they were enclosed within city walls and other fortifications, and were laid out following the classic meroitic street grid. The largest Noubadian settlements included the capital city of Faras with its palatial residences; the regional administrative centers Qasr Ibrim, Firkinarti and Gebel Sesi; the sub-regional cities like Meinarti and the fortified cities of Sabagura, Ikhmindi and Sheikh Daud; as well as a continuous string of walled towns and villages along the banks of the Nile.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-10-71660665)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!jHa4!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe3fd4702-c457-4246-b80a-33c9f4f64826_739x1034.png)
_**ruins of the Noubadian city of Sabagura built in the 6th century**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!6mEX!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6ff5805e-d288-440b-b1b9-c798105b6472_1050x788.jpeg)
_**ruins of the cathedral of Faras, originally constructed in the 7th century, but rebuilt in 707 after the original church was destroyed in a storm.**_[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-11-71660665)
* * *
**Relations between Byzantine-Egypt and Noubadia: Christianizing Nubia.**
Noubadian rulers cautiously chose certain cultural aspects derived from their interactions with Byzantine Egypt, which they then adapted into their local cultural context. The most notable being the use of the Greek script (in lieu of Meroitic) and the adoption of Christianity. While previous scholarship regarded the Noubadia kingdom as politically subordinate to Rome, recent research has rendered this untenable. The primary claim of Noubadia’s subordinate relationship to Rome is given by the ambiguous status of the early Noubadian state based on the royal titles its kings were referred with, and king Silko’s supposed position as a _**foederati**_ (a term that included both independent and client states on the Roman frontier).[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-12-71660665)
The main source of confusion are the titles for Noubadian kings used by external writers. While the roman official Viventius used the title _**phylarchos**_ for the Noubadian king Tantani, this was because the title _**basileus**_ was reserved for the Roman emperor for roman writers[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-13-71660665). But this wasn't the case for Noubadian scribes, as it was this exact title (both _**basileus**_ and _**basiliskos**_) which the Noubadian king Silko used in his Greek inscription to describe himself, as the paramount authority in Noubadia who was independent of any other state[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-14-71660665). The other claim that the Romans allied with the Noubadian king Silko in a federate relationship, is mostly conjectural. This is suggested by the existence of archeological finds of roman luxury items in Noubadian elite burials, which in other roman frontiers had been presented to federate rulers, but in Noubadia were most likely derived from gift-exchanges, considering that there are no mentions of such a relationship in Noubadian or Roman texts.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-15-71660665)
Noubadia’s conversion to Christianity was a gradual and syncretic process as represented by the persistence of non-Christian practices within the kingdom. The former capital at Qasr Ibrim remained a center for “pagan” pilgrimage, alongside other sites such as Kalabsha and Philae (in Byzantine Egypt) , whose temples were open until 537. The monumental Noubadian royal burials at Qustul (in use from 380-420) and Ballana (in use from 420-500)[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-16-71660665) are also largely pre-Christian, but their grave goods, which include artwork and weaponry of both domestic and foreign manufacture, came to include Christian items during their terminal stages, such as baptismal spoons as well as a reliquary and a censer that were included in a tomb at Ballana, dated to 450-475.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-17-71660665)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Ewhu!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7e8f4dc9-5630-4009-a79e-117acc989b65_1230x542.png)
_**5th century Pre-christian Noubadian silver crowns embossed with beryl, carnelian and glass, found in the royal cemetery of Ballana. The design of the crowns was partly based on Meroitic models and insignia but were unlikely to have worn during the king's lifetime**_[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-18-71660665)_**. (Nubian museum Aswan)**_
The name of one of Silko’s sons; Mouses, which is included in the letter written by Phonen to the Noubadian king Tantani, also points to a conversion to Christianity by the Noubadian royals, as the name was common among the Christianized populations of Byzantine Egypt during the time[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-19-71660665). The initial adaptation of Christianity was a top-down affair that enabled the Noubadian rulers to centralize their power and integrate themselves into the then largely Christian Mediterranean world with which they traded and were engaged in cultural exchanges.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-20-71660665)
The formal adoption of Christianity in Noubadia however, begun with a Monophysite mission from the Byzantine Empress Theodora which reached Faras in 543, and a second mission that returned in 556 to assist in the establishment of an independent Noubadian bishopric at Faras, during the reign of the Noubadian king Orfulo.By the 7th century, the Noubadians had a unique Christian culture centered at Faras, with bishoprics at Qasr ibrim, Sai, and Qurte.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-21-71660665)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!0MIa!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6da83694-82f2-4e36-bd2f-e459de27d3c4_742x544.png)
_**Temple ruins at Qasr Ibrim, originally built by taharqa in the 7th century BC, but later converted into a church in early 6th century AD.**_[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-22-71660665)
* * *
**Rashidun Caliphate and Noubadia**
After the Rashidun caliphate's conquest of Byzantine Egypt between 639 and 641, the caliphate's armies turned their sights on Noubadia. There are several different accounts of the Arab invasion of Nubia in 640/641, most of which post-date the invasion and identify the Noubadian kingdom as the primary foe of the Caliphate's armies, differentiating it from the more southerly kingdom of Makuria, with which Noubadia would later unite and would be conflated in other accounts.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-23-71660665)
In 641, the Rashidun force led by the famous conquer Uqba Ibn Nafi faced off with the armies of Noubadia. A 9th century account written by the Arab chronicler Al-Baladhur records the decisive Nubian victory over the Arab forces;
"_**When the Muslims conquered Egypt, Amr ibn al-As sent to the villages which surround it cavalry to overcome them and sent 'Uqba ibn Nafi', who was a brother of al-As. The cavalry entered the land of Nubi like the summer campaigns against the Greeks. The Muslims found that the Nubians fought strongly, and they met showers of arrows until the majority were wounded and returned with many wounded and blinded eyes. So the Nubians were called 'pupil smiters … I saw one of them [i.e. the Nubians] saying to a Muslim, 'Where would you like me to place my arrow in you', and when the Muslim replied, 'In such a place', he would not miss. . . . One day they came out against us and formed a line; we wanted to use swords, but we were not able to, and they shot at us and put out eyes to the number of one hundred and fifty**_."[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-24-71660665)
The Noubadian victory was reportedly followed by a truce -that was most likely imposed by themselves, and is claimed to have been broken after the death of the caliph Umar in 644, after which the Noubadian forces advanced into upper Egypt, beginning a pattern of warfare that would characterize most of Nubian-Egyptian relations until the 10th century.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-25-71660665)
The exact nature of Noubadia's unification with Makuria in the 7th or early 8th century is still debated, with most scholars following the common interpretation of the (post-dated) Arabic documents which place it before the battle at Dongola in 651[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-26-71660665), while other scholars place the unification in 707 under king Merkurios.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-27-71660665) In either case however, the Nubians (Noubadia and/or Makuria) were ultimately victorious over the invading Arab armies and were the ones who imposed a truce on their defeated foes, in a treaty which was modified in later accounts as the balance of power oscillated.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-28-71660665)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!qfO4!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbc414846-dd92-4c41-b7ef-5bdec8adb3a2_1212x604.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!8uMF!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F91c9bc1c-cca3-481f-a60e-a0a06e9dc412_725x1189.png)
_**the churches at Qasr Ibrim and Sabagura, the earliest phase of construction at Qasr Ibrim begun in the late 7th century during the time of Noubadia’s unification with Makuria.**_[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-29-71660665)
* * *
**Conclusion: Noubadia’s position in African history.**
The rise of Noubadia was a significant event in the political history of Northeast Africa. While old theories which posited Noubadia as a "conduit" for the diffusion of Mediterranean cultural aspects have been discarded as such aspects were only selectively syncretized into its local cultural milieu, the kingdom was nevertheless at the center of cross-cultural exchanges and trade between north-east Africa and the Mediterranean, and it was thanks to its military strength that the region retained its political autonomy, defining the political trajectory of medieval Africa on its own terms.
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-anchor-1-71660665)
The Nubian past by David Edwards pg 182-183)
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-anchor-2-71660665)
The Meroitic Language and Writing System by Claude Rilly pg 174)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-anchor-3-71660665)
Between Two Worlds by László Török pg 515-525)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-anchor-4-71660665)
Aksum and Nubia by George Hatke pg 97-101)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-anchor-5-71660665)
The Rise of Nobadia by Artur Obłuski pg 19-22)
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-anchor-6-71660665)
Between Two Worlds by László Török pg 525-526)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-anchor-7-71660665)
The Rise of Nobadia by Artur Obłuski pg 98-99, 197)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-anchor-8-71660665)
Between Two Worlds by László Török pg 528-529)
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-anchor-9-71660665)
The Rise of Nobadia by Artur Obłuski pg 191-192, 197-198, 151-160)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-anchor-10-71660665)
The Rise of Nobadia by Artur Obłuski pg 99-105)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-anchor-11-71660665)
Was King Merkourios (696 - 710), an African ‘New Constantine by Benjamin Hendrickx pg 11
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-anchor-12-71660665)
Romans, Barbarians, and the Transformation of the Roman World by Ralph W. Mathisen, Military History of Late Rome 284-361 By Ilkka Syvanne, pg 142-143, Aksum and Nubia by G Hatke pg 157
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-anchor-13-71660665)
The Rise of Nobadia by Artur Obłuski pg 188-190
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-anchor-14-71660665)
Was King Merkourios (696 - 710), an African ‘New Constantine by Benjamin Hendrickx pg 12-13
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-anchor-15-71660665)
Between Two Worlds by László Török pg 523)
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-anchor-16-71660665)
Between Two Worlds by László Török pg 520
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-anchor-17-71660665)
The Christianisation of Nubia by David N. Edwards pg 90-92)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-anchor-18-71660665)
Daily life of the Nubians by Robert Steven Bianchi pg 267)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-anchor-19-71660665)
Between Two Worlds by László Török pg pg 529
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-anchor-20-71660665)
The Rise of Nobadia by Artur Obłuski pg 188-190 pg 175).
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-anchor-21-71660665)
The Rise of Nobadia by Artur Obłuski 169-173)
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-anchor-22-71660665)
The Monasteries and Monks of Nubia by Artur Obłuski pg 98)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-anchor-23-71660665)
The Rise of Nobadia by Artur Obłuski pg 199)
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-anchor-24-71660665)
Ancient Nubia by P. L. Shinnie pg 123)
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-anchor-25-71660665)
The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 761
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-anchor-26-71660665)
Was King Merkourios (696 - 710), an African ‘New Constantine by Benjamin Hendrickx pg 17
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-anchor-27-71660665)
The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 761-762, The Rise of Nobadia by Artur Obłuski pg 200
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-anchor-28-71660665)
Medieval Christian Nubia and the Islamic World by Jay Spaulding pg 584
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdom-on-the-edge-of#footnote-anchor-29-71660665)
The Rise of Nobadia by Artur Obłuski pg 173
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Published Time: 2022-10-09T13:29:31+00:00
An African kingdom's existential war against the British colonial empire: the Anglo-Bunyoro wars (1872-1899)
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An African kingdom's existential war against the British colonial empire: the Anglo-Bunyoro wars (1872-1899)
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### A little-known extermination campaign by colonial armies in East-Africa
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For nearly 30 years, some of the most ferocious British colonial wars in the world occurred in the kingdom of Bunyoro in western Uganda, they involved dozens of invasions by tens of thousands of soldiers armed with the most destructive modern weapons, conducting severe extermination campaigns that were nearly as brutal as those carried out by the Germans in Namibia and French in Algeria.
While Bunyoro, like the other centuries-old kingdoms of the 'Great Lakes' region of eastern Africa, had only recently extended its commercial reach into the global markets, Its institutions proved adaptive enough to be quickly adjusted in response to the rapidly changing international political landscape of imperial expansion in which the kingdom was thrust; enabling Bunyoro to sustain one of the longest defensive wars against colonialism.
This article explores the history of Bunyoro from its establishment in the 15th century to its existential war for survival against the onslaught of British colonial expansion in the late 19th century.
**A collapsed time-scale map showing the major invasions of the Bunyoro kingdom by year and the British commanding officers leading them.**
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!3W-F!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7fb9a67a-d8db-4461-b391-ad8ad2d1bed4_855x586.png)
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**The establishment of the Bunyoro kingdom: a reinterpretation of “kitara”**
One of the recurring themes about the early history of the Great-lakes kingdoms is the political concept of “Kitara”, a semi-legendary 'empire' which controlled a vast territory extending from the western shores of lake albert, eastwards to lake Victoria and southwards to lake kivu.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-1-77188525) The Kitara state's semi-legendary Chwezi dynasty were later claimed to have constructed the monumental earthworks of the ‘iron-age’ sites across western Uganda, and their associated hill-top religious centers, and are said to have been deposed by the Bito dynasty who retained the core of the fragmented empire as the Bunyoro kingdom, while other splinter dynasties established the various kingdoms of Buganda, Nkore, Nyiginya (rwanda), Karagwe, etc.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-2-77188525)
This interpretation of the region’s history was popular in the early 20th century, was based on uncritical analysis of oral history and 19th century accounts, as well as the political exigencies of the colonial era, but it has since been discredited as simplistic, after it was discovered to contradict with recent archeological research and more critical analysis of oral and documented history[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-3-77188525). The traditions about the so-called Chwezi dynasty were subverted by subsequent rulers of the Great-lakes kingdoms to provide symbolic sanction for their own authority, and the identification of the monumental earthworks as Chewzi sites was a 20th century invention created in the accounts of writers that were external to the region[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-4-77188525). The over-emphasized role of a "foreign-founder" pastoral elite can be safely disregarded as a recent invention influenced by the Hamitic race myth of colonial historiography[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-5-77188525), since hierarchical centralized states were largely absent among the pastoral groups in the regions immediately outside the Great-lakes region where the southern elites are supposed to have emerged,[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-6-77188525) and the archeological evidence of a mixed agro-pastoral economy within the elite settlements at the iron-age sites contradicts any claim of a singularly pastoral elite.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-7-77188525)
Combining archeological evidence with history traditions reveals a more coherent picture about the political structure of the incipient states of the Great-lakes region; revealing early states in which rulers performed several roles, including political leadership of smaller-scale polities founded at the iron-age sites of Munsa, Ntusi, Bigo, Kibengo (9th-17th century)[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-8-77188525), control of production of salt (eg from kibiro 11th century-), as well as iron, cloth and the accumulation of wealth in cattle plus some long distance trade goods eg copper, ivory[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-9-77188525), and the promulgation of several religious cults on the hill-top sites of Mubende and Kasunga (14th century) ; all of which were features that were transmitted across the region, hence their preservation in many history traditions across all the Great-lakes kingdoms including the Bunyoro kingdom.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-10-77188525)
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_**Map of showing the iron-age sites, the location of the Bunyoro kingdom’s core and the semi-legendary Kitara heartland.**_[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-11-77188525)
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**The Political history of the Bunyoro kingdom: expansion and consolidation (15th-18th century)**
The kingdom of Bunyoro was established in the 15th century around the time the iron-age sites were abandoned[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-12-77188525). The kingdom held a significant demographic and resource advantage over its later peers; the territory it controlled had long been a magnet for concentrating populations (necessary for producing agricultural surpluses and raising armies)[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-13-77188525), it possessed rich sources of salt for long distance trade (eg at Katwe and Kibiro, the latter of which was a town with a population of 6,000-10,000 in the late 19th century[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-14-77188525)), as well as iron ore which was necessary for agricultural tools and weaponry.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-15-77188525)
The emergence of Bunyoro as a large, territorial kingdom that subsumed the smaller incipient states, altered the political equilibrium in the region, and its hegemony was counter-balanced by the emergence of other polities on Bunyoro's southern and eastern fringes who were by then constituting themselves into kingdoms.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-16-77188525) From the reign of the Bunyoro King (_**Omukama**_) Olimi I (r.1517-1544) down to Olimi III (r.1733-1760), the kingdom expanded and consolidated its power across the region; eastwards against Buganda during the reign of Olimi I, northwards against the Madi during the reign of Nyabongo (r.1544-1571), southwards against Nkore and Rwanda during the reign of Chwa I (r.1626-1652). [17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-17-77188525)
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_**Map of the Great-Lakes kingdoms in the 18th century**_
The best evidence for Bunyoro's regional hegemony in the not so distant past comes from the historical traditions of its southern neighbors —a region which the Bunyoro courtiers who met explorer J.H Speke in 1862— claimed was once part of their vast state whose influence extended upto the Kagera river in Rwanda. Traditions of the kingdoms of Nkore (south-western Uganda), Karagwe (in north-western Tanzania) and Nyiginya (in Rwanda) all recall wars with Bunyoro’s armies in the 16th-17th century which were repelled by kings who took the title of Nyoro-slayer (_**kiitabanyoro**_), and their enemy forces’ leaders often have Nyoro royal names and ethnonyms (especially Chwa).[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-18-77188525)
As for its eastern expansion, Bunyoro’s king Kamurasi (r.1851-1878) told the explorer Samuel Baker in 1866 that Buganda had been a dependent province until the early 19th century. While this story was mostly a deliberate fabrication by Kamurasi since Buganda had defeated Bunyoro in the late 18th century leading to King Duhaga's death in 1782, it had also annexed Bunyoro’s client state of Buddu, and installed an ally in the breakaway province of Toro, but Kamurasi's story nevertheless referenced a real historical relationship during the not-so-distant past when Bunyoro wielded significant political power over the early Buganda kingdom. This is also evidenced by the appearance of Bunyoro in Buganda's early political history, as well as the early Buganda ruler Chwa who precedes king (_**kabaka**_) Kimera, the founder of the ruling dynasty of Buganda, and who is himself said to have been raised in the Bunyoro court and brought with him some of its regalia and institutions.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-19-77188525)
Bunyoro in the 18th and 19th century was a large centralized kingdom that was organized with a similar (but not entirely identical) structure as medieval feudal states. The ultimate political authority was the King (_**omukama**_) who was subordinated by provincial rulers (_**abakama b’obuhanga**_) and lesser chiefs, who received grants of estates from the king and were expected to collect tribute for the king, provide military levies and corvée labor. The provincial rulers and chiefs were also resident in the capital for elaborate ceremonies (such as the new-moon ceremony) and occasionally accompanied the king during his tour of the kingdom, staying within his mobile or ”moving” capitals.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-20-77188525) The king was assisted by a hierarchy of officials especially councilors (_**abakuru b’ebitebe**_) who influenced the choice of provincial rulers, and were part of the governing body or "parliament" of the kingdom (_**orukurato orukuru rw’ihanga**_).[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-21-77188525)
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_**Bunyoro’s new moon ceremony, king Andereya (r. 1902-1924) advancing along the sacred pathway, c. 1919, John Roscoe**_
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_**building for Bunyoro’s “parliament” (foreground) and the King’s residence (background), Masindi, c. 1919, John Roscoe**_
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**Bunyoro under king Kabalega and the first colonial invasion**
The quasi-feudal structure of the Bunyoro kingdom encouraged the emergence of an intermediate class of titled officials and aristocrats and the dispersion of royal claimants across a much broader section of society, which served to increase succession conflicts led by rebellious princes.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-22-77188525) When king Kamurasi died in 1869, a bitter succession war engulfed the kingdom, fought between the rival claimants Kabigumire, Ruyonga, and Kabalega; with the Kabigumire soliciting support from Nkore, Ruyonga soliciting support from Ottoman-Egypt in the north, while Kabalega solicited support from Buganda's king Mutesa, the latter of whom ultimately secured Kabalega's installation in 1871, while Kabigumire was eventually defeated and killed, as Ruyonga fled north of Bunyoro.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-23-77188525)
The involvement of Ottoman-Egypt in Bunyoro's succession wars increased the resolve of its sultan; Khedive Ismāʿīl (r. 1863-1879), to colonize the kingdom by employing the services of the British (and other European powers) to whom he was deeply indebted, and was desperately looking for more resources to pay them back[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-24-77188525). Ismail chose Samuel Baker --the above-mentioned explorer who had been treated to a cold reception in Bunyoro during his first visit 1866-- to be OttomanEgypt's governor of equatoria colony (southern Sudan) in 1869. Baker was tasked to extend the then "Anglo-Egyptian" empire and (ostensibly) to stop slave trade; both of which tasks he claimed success but with little justification[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-25-77188525), as the evidenced by the disintegration of the Bari-land's political structures (Bari was directly north of Bunyoro), and the incessant rebellions and devastation of the region during his governorship (1869-74) and that of his successors; Charles Gordon (1874-1876) and Emin Pasha (1876-1888)[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-26-77188525). Samuel Baker's overt prejudice against Bunyoro as recorded in his accounts about the kingdom reflected not just his background as a son of a west-Indian slave owner, but also his belief in polygenism (about the separate genesis of "races"), both of which give him a habit of exaggerating cultural differences inorder to justify his imperialist argument for "enlightened governance".[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-27-77188525)
Baker arrived at Kabalega's capital of Masindi in 1872 with an armed expedition of 1,000 of which about 120 were soldiers, and while his intention was to annex Bunyoro, Kabalega's hope was that Baker could support his war against Rionga. Baker's poor diplomatic skills turned Kabalega's initially positive attitude against him especially after the former refused to assist Kabalega, but chose to raise the Ottoman-Egyptian flag at Masindi in an absurd ceremony declaring Bunyoro its colony. After a series of clashes between Baker's army and Kabalega's bodyguard, both sides descended into war that ended with Masindi's burning, while Baker retreated with his army and flag, barely able to survive the repeated ambushes by Kabalega's army who inflicted significant causalities.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-28-77188525)
Baker's hyperbolic bluster that masked his humiliating retreat from Bunyoro was celebrated in the British press, but the Khedive Ismāʿīl knew that the expedition was a failure, writing that "_**the success of the expedition has been much exaggerated**_" and that Baker, had been "_**too prone to fighting giving rise to a general feeling of hostility towards Europeans and my government in Upper Egypt**_".[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-29-77188525) The Khedive's failure in Bunyoro was a prelude to his monumental defeat by the Ethiopians at Gura in 1876, which fueled the 1881 Mahdist uprising in Sudan that expelled the Ottoman-Egyptians, and ultimately lead to Egypt's formal colonization by Britain in 1882. **(see this article below)**
[African History Extra An African anti-Colonial alliance of convenience: Ethiopia and Sudan in the 19th century Among the recurring themes in the historiography of the “scramble for Africa” is the notion that there was no co-operation between African states in the face of the advancing colonial powers. African rulers and their states are often implicated in the advance of European interests due to their supposedly myopic “internecine rivalries” and “tribal hostil… Read more 4 years ago · 7 likes · isaac Samuel](https://isaacsamuel.substack.com/p/an-african-anti-colonial-alliance?utm_source=substack&utm_campaign=post_embed&utm_medium=web)
Under Kabalega, Bunyoro underwent an institutional transformation that underpinned its economic and military revival, iron production was rapidly increased to supply the expanding northern markets, ivory trade was expanded to acquire more firearms (with one provincial ruler giving 1,800 loads of ivory as tribute), and a direct route to Zanzibar was secured through the southern kingdom of Nkore[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-30-77188525). Bunyoro's quasi-feudal army was largely replaced by a permanent army of 12 regiments (known as the _**abarusura**_), armed with about 2,000 rifles by the 1889 and supported by the regular army 10-20,000 spearmen. The _abarusura_ were created by reconstituting king Kamurasi's bodyguard of the same name, some of their regiments were then garrisoned in Kabalega's capital as a police force (_**babbogora**_). This army's formation influenced the creation of similar standing armies of rifle-men that supported regular armies in Buganda (_**kijasi**_) and Nkore (_**abagonya**_).[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-31-77188525)
With this army, Kabalega gradually retook Toro and Busongora (in the south), as well as Chope and Bugungu (in the north) between 1876-1889, he also shifted the balance of power away from Buganda which was then under king Mwanga (r. 1884-8, 1889-97), especially after he defeated a large force from the latter in 1886 at Rwengabi. Following this victory, Kabalega moved to influence Buganda's internal politics during the latter's civil wars in 1889 by supporting the short-lived king Kalema, before Mwanga sought British support for his reinstallation; effectively becoming a colony in December 1890.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-32-77188525)
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**An existential war for survival: the Anglo-Bunyoro wars (1891-1899).**
Despite Baker's failed ambitions in Bunyoro, he had established a relationship with the rebellious prince Ruyonga in the north-east of Bunyoro, which, added to Buganda's king Mutesa's (r 1852-1888) resentment over Kabalega's ungratefulness, led to the establishment of direct communication between Buganda and the Anglo-Egyptians in the north, but also with the "Anglo-Zanzibar" sultanate on the east African coast which had been sending commercial expeditions to Buganda, and was also coming under British control[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-33-77188525). Buganda's king Mutesa's shrewd diplomatic skills oscillated between perceiving Kabalega as a threat, and successfully averting another Bunyoro invasion by the Anglo-Egyptians in 1876 when he deceitfully trapped their forces at Buganda's capital inorder to preserve Kabalega's kingdom as a buffer. But the politico-religious civil wars under his successor Mwanga's reign that involved all these foreign elements eventually led to the abovementioned vassalage of Buganda to the British under the infamous Lord Lugard.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-34-77188525)
In 1891, Bunyoro's allies in Buganda, who had been expelled after Mwanga's reinstallation by Lugard, were decisively defeated by a combined army of 25,000 from Buganda (with 5,000 riflemen, 600 of who were under Lugard), against an army of less than 5,000 (1,300 of whom were _abarusura_ riflemen), marking the start of war between the 'Anglo-Buganda' kingdom and Bunyoro. Lugard then supported a deposed prince of Toro to retake the kingdom from Bunyoro and constructed a line of temporary forts in Bunyoro’s south-western flank that managed to repel dozens of sieges and attacks from Bunyoro from August-November 1891, but the tide of battle turned in Kabalega’s favour by September 1893 following the partial withdrawal of the fort's soldiers, and Toro was briefly retaken by Bunyoro. By November 1893 however, a massive Anglo-Buganda force of 13,000 (with 3,000 riflemen, several maxims and cannon) under the command of British officer Colvile, pursued Kabalega's divided forces (that had been in Toro), and when Kabalega eventually gave battle in August 1894 at Mparo, his army suffered a decisive loss.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-35-77188525)
Kabalega soon realized that the constraints his reformed army faced that included; reduced capacity to mobilize large armies, difficulty of procuring modern rifles, slow repaire of old firearms and ammunition shortages, which he weighed against the strength advantages on the British side that had; imposed an arms embargo against him, could outnumber Kabalega's forces using auxiliary troops from Buganda and Sudan that they armed with maxim guns and garrisoned in "forts", and had killed Kabalega's envoys to Mahdist Sudan who had gone to procure more rifles. After having his offer of peace turned down in December 1894 by the British that were bent on total war, Kabalega switched to guerrilla warfare, utilizing his army’s mobility, the use of fortifications and trenches to stall the dozens of British expeditions, and foment rebellions in colonial territories. His resistance was sustained largely because of its wide support across the Bunyoro society and allied chiefdoms.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-36-77188525)
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_**“fort Hoima” in 1894 by A.B Thruston, one of the temporary British fortifications, and the headquarters of their main colonial forces.**_
During the dozens of British colonial invasions from 1891-1899, Bunyoro was systemically depopulated and destocked, due to the demographic disaster that was triggered by the spread of rinderpest and jiggers epidemics introduced by the colonial troops,[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-37-77188525) that greatly depleted Bunyoro's manpower[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-38-77188525), this was in addition to the kingdom losing 2/3rds of its lands to neighboring kingdoms under British colonial control. Samuel Baker's very prejudiced accounts of Bunyoro had been widely circulated and read by his later peers, and they provoked a strong racial antipathy among the British colonial army officers against Bunyoro kingdom’s subjects, especially after the British realized that the Banyoro didn't perceive them as "liberators" from "barbarous tyranny" of Kabalega. By 1894, this antipathy had degraded into campaigns of ethnic extermination, with British military officers such as Thruston writing (in brazen admission) that it _**"was the rule to shoot at sight any Wanyoro whom we encountered carrying a gun"**_ and by 1896, the armies of the British under Ternan were in the habit of _**"randomly murdering Banyoro non-combatants**_, _**burning every village and cutting down their banannas"**_.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-39-77188525)
Each of these invasions was met with sustained resistance by Kabalega's forces who ambushed retreating British columns, besieged British forts and inflicted a significant causality rate on invading forces.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-40-77188525)But Bunyoro's determination to fight was ground down by the sheer brutality of colonial warfare. The primarily intention of Thruston's campaigns was the depopulation of entire provinces, he sent weekly raids in the Bunyoro provinces of _katonje_ and _matama_ that leveled large tracts of farmland and burned thousands of homes until —by Thruston’s own account; "_**the Banyoro abandoned the area**_".[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-41-77188525) In 1898, one British soldier described the cataclysmic social collapse across the kingdom;
"_**The time-honoured war with Kabarega had left Unyoro almost a barren waste, and we scarcely saw a native anywhere. With the exception of a few who lived near Masindi, those who had not been exterminated were in arms under their King. The desolation on all sides was most depressing. The little gardens and plantations were rank with weeds and completely deserted, and few wandering natives we met looked half-starved.**_"[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-42-77188525)
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**A.B Thruston, H.E. Colville, T.P.B Ternan. Many of the officers who led the Bunyoro invasions attained high ranks solely because of their actions in Bunyoro, because frontier wars offered young officers the kind of positions that couldn't be attained in the main British Army; as Colville commented unpon putting Thruston in charge of Bunyoro's expedition, "it was not every captain of two years who gets an independent command like this"**
In April 1898, Kabalega formed an alliance with the deposed Buganda king Mwanga and several thousand of his soldiers who had rebelled against British rule in 1897 and had taken his guerrilla war against the British across the entire region. The British on the other hand, had spent the year reinforcing their colonial troops with more allied Indian, Sudanese, Baganda and Swahili regiments to fight their own mutinous colonial soldiers that, combined with Kabalega and Mwanga's wars, had turned the entire country into a fiery warzone[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-43-77188525). By April 1899, frustrated by the British's severe punishments of his subjects for allying with Kabalega, a local chief gave up the position of Kabalega's forces, who were then overwhelmed in a surprise attack by the British that ended with the capture of Kabalega, the last independent Bunyoro king, and effectively ended the kingdom's three decades long war against colonization.[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-44-77188525)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!c4oX!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd5b99110-7d9a-48be-994c-93d6c18f1c3f_1494x1088.jpeg)
_**photo of Omukama Kabalega (2nd from the left) with his family in the Seychelles Islands where he was exiled.**_
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_**Bunyoro drummers and trumpeters assembling for the new moon ceremony, c. 1919, John Roscoe**_
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**Conclusion: Bunyoro and the African response to colonial expansion.**
Bunyoro was just one among hundreds of African states whose military strength had for four centuries, successfully kept the colonial armies at bay until the African armies had exploited all the advantages they could gain from their available political and military institutions, relative to the rapidly modernizing armies of industrial Europe. Despite its relative isolation and previous inexperience with modern warfare, Bunyoro rapidly transformed its political and military institutions, enabling it to sustain an extremely bitter existential war in which it was outgunned and outmanned.
While many prefer to imagine the process of colonization as one in which gullible African kings signed away entire nations to shrewd colonial officers, The reality was colonial conquest was a brutal, protracted processes involving total war against entire societies, the decimation of their social institutions, and the advance of disease environments, inorder to exhaust African kingdom’s depleting reservoirs of political goodwill, drain their economic resources that sustain a prolonged war, and ultimately crush their resolve to fight.
While 1899 closed the chapter on the Kingdom’s independence, its resolve to fight continued under colonial rule with the Nyangire anti-colonial rebellion of 1907, and its former subjects continued to play a major role in the political movements that ultimately secured Uganda’s independence.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!jIjj!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd25758d7-51c3-4124-8026-39eb0ac3a564_792x492.png)
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_**Bunyoro’s King Andereya and courtiers at a wedding, c. 1906, Albert Lloyd, King Andereya and his courtiers and bodyguard, c. 1919, John Roscoe**_
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The **HAMITIC MYTH** about the **FOREIGN** origin of African civilizations is a pervasive concept in African historiography including in the history of Bunyoro, But it wasn’t alien product of colonial imposition, it was instead an intellectual conglomeration of both African and European versions of the Hamitic myths.
Read about the interpretation of the **BYZANTINE-ARAB****ORIGIN** myth of west-Africa’s **FULANI** ethnic group; and **AFRICA’S HAMITIC MYTH** on my Patreon
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-1-77188525)
The Study of the State by Henri J. Claessen pg 354)
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-2-77188525)
The Antecedents of the Interlacustrine Kingdoms by J. E. G. Sutton pg 39-41, 63)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-3-77188525)
The Ancient Earthworks of Western Uganda by Peter Robertshaw pg 27-28)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-4-77188525)
Beyond the Segmentary State by Peter Robertshaw pg 259)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-5-77188525)
The great lakes of Africa by Jean-Pierre Chrétien pg 103-104
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-6-77188525)
Kingship and State By Christopher Wrigley pg 201, The Ancient Earthworks of Western Uganda by Peter Robertshaw pg 25-26)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-7-77188525)
Archaeological Survey, Ceramic Analysis, and State Formation in Western Uganda by Peter Robertshaw pg 110, The Antecedents of the Interlacustrine Kingdoms by J. E. G. Sutton pg 54)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-8-77188525)
The Ancient Earthworks of Western Uganda by Peter Robertshaw pg 17-18)
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-9-77188525)
Archaeological Survey, Ceramic Analysis, and State Formation in Western Uganda by Peter Robertshaw pg 126-127)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-10-77188525)
Archaeological Survey, Ceramic Analysis, and State Formation in Western Uganda by Peter Robertshaw pg 107, Kingship and State By Christopher Wrigley pg 202, Antecedents to Modern Rwanda by Jan Vansina pg 39)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-11-77188525)
credit; Peter Robertshaw
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-12-77188525)
The Antecedents of the Interlacustrine Kingdoms by J. E. G. Sutton pg 57-59
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-13-77188525)
Women, Labor, and State Formation in Western Uganda by Peter Robertshaw pg 60, Archaeological Survey, Ceramic Analysis, and State Formation in Western Uganda by Peter Robertshaw pg 126, A History of Modern Uganda pg 109-110)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-14-77188525)
The salt of Bunyoro by Graham Connah pg 480
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-15-77188525)
Analysis of iron working remains from Kooki and Masindi, western Uganda by Louise Iles pg 43-56
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-16-77188525)
Antecedents to Modern Rwanda by Jan Vansina pg 45-46, Kingship and State By Christopher Wrigley pg 202)
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-17-77188525)
The Study of the State by Henri J. Claessen pg 360-362)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-18-77188525)
Kingship and State By Christopher Wrigley pg 199-200, Antecedents to Modern Rwanda by Jan Vansina pg 219)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-19-77188525)
Kingship and State By Christopher Wrigley pg 193-196)
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-20-77188525)
Beyond the Segmentary State by Peter Robertshaw pg 261-262)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-21-77188525)
Bunyoro-Kitara Revisited by GN Uzoigwe pg 21-23
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-22-77188525)
The Study of the State by Henri J. Claessen pg 362-364
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-23-77188525)
Fabrication of Empire: The British and the Uganda Kingdoms, 1890-1902 By D. A. Low pg 34, 37)
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-24-77188525)
Khedive Ismail's Army By John P. Dunn pg 63-70
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-25-77188525)
Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 5 pg 42-44
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-26-77188525)
Sudan’s Wars and Peace Agreements by Stephanie Beswick pg 188-193).
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-27-77188525)
Irregular Connections By Andrew P. Lyons, Harriet Lyons pg 137-138).
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-28-77188525)
Explorers of the Nile by Tim Jeal pg 338-347
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-29-77188525)
Explorers of the Nile by Tim Jeal pg 348
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-30-77188525)
Crisis & Decline in Bunyoro by Shane Doyle pg 30, 60, Fabrication of Empire by D. A. Low pg 53)
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-31-77188525)
Crisis & Decline in Bunyoro by Shane Doyle pg 31, Fabrication of Empire By D. A. Low pg 129-130
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-32-77188525)
Crisis & Decline in Bunyoro by Shane Doyle pg 57-59)
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-33-77188525)
The great lakes of Africa by Jean-Pierre Chrétien pg 205-207, Fabrication of Empire By D. A. Low pg 40-49
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-34-77188525)
Fabrication of Empire By D. A. Low pg 76-78)
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-35-77188525)
Fabrication of Empire By D. A. Low pg 79, 151-154, 186-189)
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-36-77188525)
Crisis & Decline in Bunyoro by Shane Doyle pg 73-75)
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-37-77188525)
for the colonial introduction of rinderpest and jiggers in east africa; Ecology Control and Economic Development in East African History by Helge Kjekshus pg 127-136
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-38-77188525)
for the colonial introduction of rinderpest and jiggers in Bunyoro; Crisis & Decline in Bunyoro by Shane Doyle pg 90-91
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-39-77188525)
Crisis & Decline in Bunyoro by Shane Doyle pg 73-75
[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-40-77188525)
Fabrication of Empire By D. A. Low pg
[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-41-77188525)
Crisis & Decline in Bunyoro by Shane Doyle pg 73)
[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-42-77188525)
service and sport on the tropical Nile by Skyes C.A pg 76
[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-43-77188525)
Crisis & Decline in Bunyoro by Shane Doyle pg 77
[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war#footnote-anchor-44-77188525)
Fabrication of Empire By D. A. Low pg 209-210
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[Oct 9, 2022](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war/comment/9617757 "Oct 9, 2022, 7:29 PM")
Liked by isaac Samuel
"The time-honoured war with Kabarega had left Unyoro almost a barren waste, and we scarcely saw a native anywhere. With the exception of a few who lived near Masindi, those who had not been exterminated were in arms under their King. The desolation on all sides was most depressing...” This account was something else. It really underscores the apocalyptic nature of this time when a colonial soldier is getting misty eyed about the plight of the “natives.” What a read!
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[Jul 29, 2023](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-kingdoms-existential-war/comment/21559971 "Jul 29, 2023, 5:23 PM")
This was an excellent read. So heartbreaking when I think of the fact that Uganda to this day has never recovered from this brutal war of conquest.
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Published Time: 2024-10-20T17:10:43+00:00
An empire of cloth: the textile industry of the Sokoto empire ca. 1808-1903.
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An empire of cloth: the textile industry of the Sokoto empire ca. 1808-1903.
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The Hausaland region of northern Nigeria was home to one of the largest textile industries in pre-colonial Africa, whose scale and scope were unparalleled throughout most of the continent.
As one German explorer who visited the region in 1854 noted, there was ‘something grand’ about this textile industry whose signature robes could be found as far as Tripoli, Alexandria, Mauritania, and the Atlantic coast. Centers of textile production like Kano were home to thousands of tailors and dyers producing an estimated 100,000 dyed-robes a year in 1854, and more than two million rolls of cloth per year by 1911.
Much of the industry’s growth was associated with the establishment of the empire of Sokoto in the 19th century, which created West Africa’s largest state after the fall of Songhai, and expanded pre-existing patterns of trade and production that facilitated the emergence of one of the few examples of proto-industrialization on the continent.
This article explores the textile industry of the Sokoto empire during the 19th century, focusing on the production and trade of cotton textiles across the Hauslands and beyond.
_**Map of the Sokoto Caliphate and neighboring states. ca. 1850, by P. Lovejoy.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!osBP!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F064fa669-fee3-44ec-8a70-ede71cb0f8e0_1200x909.jpeg)
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**A brief background on the history and political economy of the empire of Sokoto.**
In the early decades of the 19th century, a political-religious movement led by Sheikh Usman dan Fodio across the Hausaland region subsumed many of the old Hausa states into the Sokoto Caliphate, creating west Africa’s largest empire after the fall of Songhay. Headed by a ‘Sultan’ or ‘Caliph’ who resided in the capital, also named Sokoto, the empire was made up of several emirates, which were quasi-vassal political units built on top of pre-existing Hausa institutions, such as the emirates of Kano, Katsina, Zaria, and Adamawa.
The vast size of the Caliphate erased pre-existing political barriers, which created a large internal market and influenced major demographic changes that facilitated the expansion of the region's economy. The rapid growth of textile manufacturing in the empire emerged within this context, bringing together various textile traditions in an efficient distribution network that included a greater share of the ordinary population than was possible in the preceding period[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-1-150446951).
The material basis of Sokoto's economy was provided by the political and ideological control of land through a state dominated by an officeholding class. In a society where the majority of producers maintained possession of land and experienced a low level of economic subsumption, surpluses were primarily accrued through rents. That is ‘a politically based exaction for the right to cultivate… whose level will depend upon the coercive means available through the State’. This resulted in the creation of a ‘mixed economy’ where the State played a central role in economic production and regulating institutions, albeit only as one among many different economic agents.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-2-150446951)
The economic policies adopted by Usman's successors served to consolidate the territories acquired during the movement as well as to restore and integrate their economies. Most of these policies were undertaken by Muhammad Bello who is credited with establishing ribats (garrison towns) in peripheral regions, eg between Kano and Adamawa, that were settled by skilled artisans and merchants who developed local economies, and urbanized the hinterlands.
Bello's writings to his emirs include instructions to
_**"foster the artisans, and be concerned with tradesmen who are indispensable to the people, such as farmers and smiths, tailors and dyers, physicians and grocers, butchers and carpenters and all sorts of traders who contribute to [stabilising] the proper order of this world. The ruler must allocate these tradesmen to every village and every locality."**_[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-3-150446951)
The urbanisation of rural areas, as well as the improved accessibility, allowed for greater administrative control through the appointment of officials (_**jakadu**_) who controled trade and collected taxes (on dye pits, hoes used in farming, and trade cloth).[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-4-150446951) This influenced the activities of long-distance traders, farmers, and craftsmen, by reinvigorating pre-existing patterns of trade and population movements that had been initiated by the [Hausa kingdoms centuries earlier to create numerous diasporic communities across West Africa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-creation-of-an-african-lingua).
The manufacture and trade of textiles in Hausaland predated the industry's expansion in the 19th century.
The earliest written accounts describing the Hausaland region in the 14th century mention the presence of [Wangara merchants (from medieval Mali)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education), who settled in its cities and wore sewn garments. These Wangara merchants also appear in earlier accounts from the 12th century, when they are described as wearing chemises and mantles. They were thus likely involved in the development of the Hausa textile and leather industry, which would receive further impetus from the westward shift of the Bornu empire in the 15th century, which also possessed a thriving textile industry and used cloth strips as currency.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-5-150446951)
By the 16th century, local textile industries had emerged across Hausaland, especially in the cities of Kano, Zamfara, and Gobir. According to Leo Africanus' account, grain and cotton were cultivated in large quantities in the Kano countryside and Kano's cloth was bought by Tuareg traders from then north. Other contemporary accounts mention the arrival of Kanuri artisans from Bornu, the trade in dyed cloth from Kano, as well as the import of foreign cloth from the Maghreb. After the 17th century, the white gown (_**riga fari**_) became popular among the ordinary population, while the elites wore the large gown**(**_**babbar riga)**_, which in later periods would be adopted by the former.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-6-150446951)
This pre-existing textile industry and trade continued to expand over the centuries and would grow exponentially during the 19th century.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!V6Pu!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7557dfd3-b4f9-4d3a-9b91-728db4b9a880_1023x735.jpeg)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!1TYa!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa6019f9a-5472-42b0-8448-a24811bb32d8_2000x1448.jpeg)
Kano in 1931, Walter Mittelholzer.
* * *
**Cotton cultivation in the Sokoto empire.**
Most of the cloth produced in Hausaland was made from cotton and silk, which was cultivated locally by farmers together with their staple crops. Cotton cultivation, which had been undertaken in the region for centuries, is however, highly sensitive to rainfall, requires significant land and labour, and is subject to price fluctuations caused by taxation and market speculation, all of which could result in hefty economic losses for a farmer if not carefully managed[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-7-150446951).
Initially, the emirates of Zaria and Zamfara specialized in growing cotton while those of Sokoto and Kano specialized in manufacturing textiles. This would gradually change by the late 19th century, as textile manufacturing expanded rapidly across most emirates and the demand for raw cotton was so high that considerable quantities of yarn were even imported from Tripoli.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-8-150446951)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Yiue!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fccc9a0c0-2a3e-4eb4-aba9-f3242ca94db5_998x563.png)
_**Embroidered cotton gown (shabka) made in Zaria, Nigeria. ca. 1950**_. British Museum.
The comparative advantage of Zaria and Zamfara in cotton growing was enabled by its middle-density population, its clayey soil rich in nitrates, and the relative abundance of land for swidden agriculture. Besides the pre-existing population of farmers who grew their own cotton on a small scale, large agricultural estates were also established by wealthy elites and were populated with clients and slaves, the latter of whom were war captives or purchased from the peripheral regions[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-9-150446951).
The explorer Hugh Clapperton, who visited Sokoto in 1826 and provides some of the most detailed descriptions of its society, including on slavery, writes: _**“The domestic slaves are generally well treated. The males who have arrived at the age of eighteen or nineteen are given a wife, and sent to live at their villages and farms in the country, where they build a hut, and until the harvest are fed by their owners. The hours of labour, for his master, are from daylight till mid-day; the remainder of the day is employed on his own. At the time of harvest, when they cut and tie up the grain, each slave gets a bundle of the different sorts of grain for himself. The grain on his own ground is entirely left for his own use, and he may dispose of it as he thinks proper. At the vacant seasons of the year he must attend to the calls of his master, whether to accompany him on a journey, or go to war, if so ordered**_.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-10-150446951)_**”**_
This was repeated later by Heinrich Barth who visited Sokoto from 1851-1854, noting that _**“The quiet course of domestic slavery has very little to offend the mind of the traveller ; the slave is generally well treated , is not over worked , and is very often considered as a member of the family”**_ but he differs slightly from Clapperton with regards to marriages among ‘slaves’, suggesting that they weren’t encouraged to marry, which he surmises was the cause of the institutions’ continuation.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-11-150446951)
Scholarly debates on the nature of slavery in Sokoto, as in most discussions of ‘internal slavery’ in Africa, reveal the limitations of relying on conceptual frameworks derived from the historiography of slavery in the Americas [12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-12-150446951) (this includes Clapperton and Barth’s quotes above, who refer to ‘slaves’ on agricultural estates as ‘domestic slaves’).
For the sake of brevity, it is instructive to use a comparative approach here to illustrate the differences between the ‘slaves’ in west Africa versus those in the Americas; the most important difference is the lack of a binary of ‘slaves’ and ‘free’ persons, as all social groups occupied a continuum of social relations from elites and kin-group members, to clients and pawns, to dependants and captives. Aside from the royals/ruling elites, none of these groups occupied a rigid hierarchy but instead derived their status from their relationship with other kin-groups or patrons, hence why slaves could be found on all levels of society from governors and scribes, to soldiers and merchants, to household concubines and plantation workers[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-13-150446951).
Most ‘slaves’ in Sokoto could work on their own account through the _murgu_ system thus accumulating wealth to establish their own families, gain their own dependants,and in some cases, earn their freedom. Still, their labor, social mobility, and rate of assimilation were negotiated by the needs of political authorities, making slavery in Sokoto a political institution as much as it was a social institution. This created highly heterogenous systems of slavery, with some powerful ‘slave-officials’ exercising authority over ‘free’ persons and ‘slaves,’ with some client farmers and ‘slaves’ working on the same estates owned by state officials, aristocrats or wealthy merchants, some of whom could also be ‘slaves’.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-14-150446951)
Despite the complexities of ‘slavery’ in Sokoto, the significance of slave use in its textile industry and the economy was inflated in earlier scholarship according to more recent examination. The empire of Sokoto was a pre-industrial society, largely agrarian and rural. The bulk of economic production was undertaken by individual households on a subsistence basis, with the surplus produce (grain, crafts, labour, etc) being traded for other items in temporary markets, or remitted as tribute/tax to authorities whose capacity for coercion was significantly less than that of modern states, and whose economy was ultimately less influenced by demand from international trade.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-15-150446951)
It’s for this reason that while 'slaves' would have been involved in the cultivation process alongside 'free' workers who constituted the bulk of the empire’s population, ‘slaves’ were less involved in the textile manufacturing process itself which required specialized skills, and was considered respectable for ‘freeborn’ persons including the scholarly elite.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-16-150446951)
The political economic and ideological tendency in the empire was mainly toward the production of peasants who could be taxed, as well as in their participation in the regional economy where more rents could be extracted.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-17-150446951) Additionally, the textile industry also relied on the mobility of 'free' labour, including not just ordinary subjects, but also skilled craftsmen and traders from among the Tuareg, Kanuri, Fulani, Nupe, and Gobir. These were involved in all stages of cloth production from spinning to dyeing, they became acculturated into the predominantly Hausa society and settled in the major textile centers[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-18-150446951).
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_**'Robe and cap of the King of Dahomey given to Vice-Admiral Eardley Wilmot,’ ca. 1863-1866**_. British Museum. _Art historian Alisa LaGamma suggests that this robe, which was part of a diplomatic gift from Dahomey (in modern Benin) to Britain, ultimately came from the Sokoto empire and was likely made by Nupe and Hausa weavers and embroiderers._
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**The textile production process.**
The manufacture of textiles was not just the prerogative of a few specialized artisans but involved the bulk of the population in both urban and rural areas. While clothing was a symbol of religious and social identity, its manufacture and exchange in Hausaland was the expression of a culture that tended to integrate different strata of the population regardless of social identity.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-19-150446951)
The empire's textile industry underwent significant changes over the course of the 19th century, especially in major centers like Kano where specialization increased as different cities and towns took over specific parts of the production processes, resulting in significant economies of scale. Increased demand and competition led to a rapid improvement in standards of workmanship and the quality of cloth produced. This in turn, created an internal market for highly skilled labour whose training period could last as long as 6 years.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-20-150446951)
Textile workers differed in the kinds and levels of skills attained, the types of products they made, and the stage in the process: the garments changed hands at different stages in the process of spinning, weaving, sewing, beating and dyeing. The empire's diverse textile industry combined two pre-existing production systems; one north of the Niger-Benue region where most spinners were women, while men did the weaving, dyeing, and embroidering; and one south of the Niger-Benue region where both women and men were involved in all processes.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-21-150446951)
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_**Talismanic cotton tunic (riga) made by a hausa weaver in northern Nigeria**_, late 19th century, British museum.
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_**Cotton and silk robe embroidered with checkered patterns and the 8-knife motif. late 19th century**_, British Museum.
Spinning was the slowest and most laborious activity in the process, it was done in domestic settings often by women who were supplied with local cotton and silk as well as imported yarn from the Maghreb. On the other hand, weaving was undertaken by the greater part of the population as a secondary occupation when farming activities were suspended. Weavers, both men, and women, used a transportable horizontal double-heddle loom as well as a vertical loom to produce narrow strips of cloth which were later sewn together.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-22-150446951)
The two main subgroups of looms used in Hausaland were defined by two ranges of standard cloth width, indicating two types of production in the export sector: cloth consisting of very narrow strips (1.25–6 cm) was transported in the salt and natron trade to Bornu and Air, whereas wider strips (8–12 cm) were prominent in trade to the western Sudan region. The latter type of loom was likely associated with the rise of the kola trade to Gonja in the late 18th century, but would have existed in the Gonja region centuries earlier.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-23-150446951)
In cities like Kano, local weavers were at times joined by skilled immigrants from the Bornu empire and the Nupe region, with many diverse groups contributing to the production of luxury and ordinary cloth as the garments changed hands multiple times. Craftsmen often had no special workshops but instead worked in or near the markets according to local demand, although specialist quarters like the Soron D’Inki ward of Kano were developed by skilled tailors and dyers.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-24-150446951)
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_**Man's gown composed of 250 narrow strips of hand-spun and hand-woven cotton, hand-sewn together along the selvage and thee ‘two knives’ embroidered design. early 20th cent.**_ Nigeria. British Museum.
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_**Trousers (Wando), 19th–20th century, Nigeria**_. Met Museum, Han Museum of Art.
The co-current expansion of domestic and external demand for dyed textiles stimulated the production of dyed textiles and the construction of dyeing pits. From 1815, outside the city boundaries of Sokoto, around 285 dyeing pits were built, while Kano in 1855 had more than 2,000 dyeing pits, which would increase to between 15,000 to 20,000 by the end of the 19th century with a corresponding number of dyers.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-25-150446951)
Cloth-dyeing in Kano was a centuries-old practice that pre-existed the establishment of Sokoto. Dyers used huge fired-clay pots (_**Kwatanniya**_), that were waterproofed by burying them in beds of dyebath residue (_**katsi**_) and then lining them with laso cement (made from burned indo-dye residue mixed with viscous vegetable matter). By the 19th century, dyers in Kano, Sokoto, Katsina, and Zaria created much larger dyeing vats of laso cement, which reduced the unit cost of finished cloth.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-26-150446951)
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_**dyeing textiles with indigo in Kano**_, ca. 1938. Quai Branly.
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_**Cloth dyers in Kano, ca. 1938**_, Quai Branly.
Dyers used locally cultivated indigo dye (_**Indigofera**_) and utilized specific methods to prepare the indigo dye vat. Like all parts of the textile manufacturing process, cloth dyeing was influenced by the activities of traders who took cloth strips from one textile center to another for stitching, dyeing, and embroidering. In the case of Kano, the town of Kura, about 20 miles to its south, was one of the city's major dyeing centers by the time of Barth's visit in 1851. In 1909, an estimated 2,000 dyers resided in the town out of a population of 8,000, and it was renowned for producing some of the finest and most expensive indigo-dyed cloths in Kano[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-27-150446951).
Skillfully tailored and embroidered garments were the most expensive textile products made in the empire, and they were worn and distributed as gifts by the elite. Tailors and embroiderers used small needles to work specialized cloth that was designed particularly for the tailoring process. They were embellished with geometric designs and motifs drawn from a Muslim visual vocabulary that was international in scope and comprehensible to individuals in different strata of society.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-28-150446951)
Cities like Sokoto initially specialized in producing white cloth (riga fari) because it was the religious center of Dan Fodio's movement with strict attitudes against the embellishment of clothes. But in other cities such as Kano, and in most emirates during the later periods, more embellished garments such as the _**rigan giwan**_, a robe embroidered with eight-knife imagery, became very important among the elites and wealthy.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-29-150446951)
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_**Cotton Robe with the 8-knife motif, and embroidered trousers with interlace patterns, early 20th cent,**_ British museum. These were worn together with a long-sleeved shirt.
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_**woman's cotton robe embroidered in purple, green, and yellow silk thread in geometric patterns. ca. 1920-1935**_, British Museum.
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**cotton robe with silk embroidery, made in Ilorin, Nigeria ca. 1875**, Art Institute of Chicago
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[Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share)
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**The textile trade in the 19th century Hausalands: proto-industries, merchants, and the state.**
The expansion of domestic demand and the emergence of new markets opened new avenues for the accumulation of wealth, especially among traders and artisans from the larger cities who moved to more peripheral regions to compensate for the increasing taxes, or to benefit from colluding with established authorities.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-30-150446951)
During the 19th century, Kano’s textile industry reached extraordinary production levels. In 1851 the city of sixty-thousand produced an estimated 300 million cowries worth of textiles ( which was £30,000 then or £5,2m today), with atleast 60 million cowries worth of textiles being exported to Timbuktu. At a time when Barth noted that a family in Kano could live off 50-60,000 cowries a year _**"with ease, including every expense, even that of their clothing"**_, he also mentions that one of the more popular dyed robes cost 2,500-3,000 cowries. He notes that Kano cloth was sold _**“as far as Murzuk, Ghat, and even Tripoli; to the west, not only to Timbucktu, but in some degree even as far as the shores of the Atlantic, the very inhabitants of Arguin (**in Mauritania**) dressing in the cloth woven and dyed in Kano”.**_[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-31-150446951)
Kano’s popularity as a market was due to a series of commercial incentives and the greater regulation of market transactions. As reported by Clapperton, the Kano market was regulated with great fairness; if a garment purchased in Kano was discovered to be of inferior quality it was sent back, and the seller was obliged to refund the purchase money.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-32-150446951)
The demand for Kano textiles throughout this vast region persisted after Barth’s visit. Writing in 1896, Charles Henry Robinson, who visited the city of Kano and estimated that its population had grown to about 100,000, mentions that, _**“it would be well within the mark to say that Kano clothes more than half the population of the central Sudan, and any European traveler who will take the trouble to ask for it, will find no difficulty in purchasing Kano-made cloth at towns on the coast as widely separated from one another as Alexandria, Tripoli, Tunis or Lagos.”**_[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-33-150446951) Similar contemporary accounts stress that consumers made fine distinctions between cloths on the basis of quality which contributed to the tremendous range in price for what appeared to be similar textiles.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-34-150446951)
Local and imported textiles became one of the main items used as a store of wealth in the empire’s public treasury at the city of Sokoto and constituted a considerable part of the annual tribute pouring in from the other emirates to the capital. Kano, for example, sent to Sokoto a tribute of 15,000 garments per year in the second half of the 19th century.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-35-150446951)
Many rich merchants (_**attajiraj**_) settled across the empire’s main cities and exported textiles to distant areas where they at times extended credit to smaller traders. Merchant managers were able to achieve economies of scale by storing undyed cloth in bulk and by establishing large indigo dyeing centers, some showing features of a factory system, with itinerant cloth dyers hired to work for wages. The capital for these enterprises came from the high-profit margins of long-distance trade, with large land and labor holdings acquired through political and military service[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-36-150446951).
The traders in the finished products and the landlords (_**fatoma**_) frequently accommodated visiting buyers and arranged sales. In the second half of the 19th century, these rich merchants began to acquire greater influence in Kano business circles. The power of these merchants was such that when the price of textiles fell, the merchants were able to buy most of them and wait for prices to rise again[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-37-150446951).
Some of the wealthiest merchants created complex manufacturing enterprises dealing with the import and export trade across long distances by controlling a significant proportion of the production process. They acquired large agricultural estates, expanded labour (which included kinsmen, 'free' workers, and clients as well as 'slaves'), and established agents in distant markets abroad.
One such trader in the 1850s was Tulu Babba, whose Kano-based enterprise operated across four emirates. It consisted of; a family estate and 15 private estates worked by kinsmen, clients, and ‘slaves’; several contracted dyers and master tailors in Kano; and a factor agent in Gonja. Medium-sized enterprises run by wealthy women merchants also utilized the same form or organization, with family estates where the entire household was involved in the manufacturing process, and their labour was supplemented by client relationships formed with '_female-husbands_' whose households were also involved in the spinning and weaving processes.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-38-150446951)
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_**Manufacturing of indigo in Kano. ca. 1938**_, Quai Branly. The entire household would have been involved in the production process.
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_**Man’s gown (riga), acquired in the Asante kingdom (modern Ghana)**_, ca. 1887-1891. British Museum. _The collector called it an “extremely handsome garment” and ‘the characteristic garment of the Mohammedan men”. Hausa traders were the main Muslim merchants in 19th-century Asante, from the town of Salaga in Gonja to the coastal regions._
Other merchants oversaw more modest operations that were nevertheless as significant to the textile economy as the larger enterprises, while also involving many other commodities according to circumstance.
One such trader was Madugu Mohamman Mai Gashin Baƙi, a carravan leader who was born in Kano in the late 1820s, and undertook his first trip to Ledde in the Nupe kingdom when he was 16, where they “sold horses to the king in exchange for Nupe cloth”, and returned to Kano after six months. The caravan then traveled to Adamawa region, where they purchased ivory on a second trip, while on a third trip, he went to the Bauchi area and then on to Kuka (the capital of Adamawa at that time), where he bought galena (a mineral used for eye makeup), which he took back to Kuka. He then returned to Bauchi with five large oxen that he had purchased and had loaded with natron, which he subsequently sold[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-39-150446951).
This level of trade likely represented the bulk of the textile trade across the empire, with small caravans of Hausa traders traveling in the dry season using donkeys to bring goods from Kano and other cities that they could trade along the way, exchanging cloth for other commodities in places as far as Fumban (capital of Bamum kingdom in Cameroon) and the Asante capital Kumasi in ghana.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-40-150446951)
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_**Cotton trousers embroidered with patterns of diamonds, stripes, knots, circles, and yellow in herringbone stitch. Hausa tailor, acquired in Cameron**_, ca. 1920, British Museum. _The Hausa and other groups associated with Sokoto expanded their activities to Cameroon during the second half of the 19th century, trading cloth and proselytizing as far as the Bamum kingdom._
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_**Hausa riga from modern Benin, collected in 1899**_, Quai Branly.
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_**Hausa musician in Fumban, Hausa teacher in Fumban**( c. 1911, 1943, Basel Mission Archives)_
Wealthy merchants benefited from the city authorities of Kano who facilitated the export of textiles from this city to distant areas like Adamawa. Unlike North African traders who were forced to pay taxes on their commercial transactions, the rich local merchants accumulated enough wealth and influence to monopolize most of the empire's long-distance trade alongside middlemen located in distant areas like Lagos, who increasingly demanded higher percentages of commercial transactions[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-41-150446951).
The monopoly on trade by these merchants and the increase in taxes on all commerce shows that the Empire's politics became more oligarchic in the late 19th century, with authorities drawing their legitimacy more from the wealthy elites and less from the common population. This collusion between rulers and traders likely contributed to the empire's political fragmentation, among other factors, as each emirate increasingly became autonomous and could thus offer no significant resistance before it fell to the British in 1903.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-42-150446951)
Despite the disruption of the early colonial period, the textile industry of the Hauslands continued to flourish well into the middle of the 20th century when a combination of competition from cheaper, machine-made imports, reorganisation of labour, and changes in policies, contributed to its gradual decline. Cloth dyeing and hand-woven textiles still represent a significant economic activity in the Hausalands in the modern day, with cities like Kano preserving the remnants of this old industry.
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_**A view of a section of the 500 years old Kofar Mata dye pits in Kano.**_
* * *
**The 19th century world explorer Muhammed Ali ben Said of Bornu, traveled across over twenty countries in the four continents from 1849 to 1860 before serving in the Union Army during the American civil war and settling in the US where he published his travel account.**
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Big Is Sometimes Best: The Sokoto Caliphate and Economic Advantages of Size in the Textile Industry by Philip J. Shea pg 13-14)
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Silent Violence: Food, Famine, and Peasantry in Northern Nigeria By Michael J. Watts pg 77-78)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-anchor-18-150446951)
Big Is Sometimes Best: The Sokoto Caliphate and Economic Advantages of Size in the Textile Industry by Philip J. Shea pg 15)
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Being and Becoming Hausa: Interdisciplinary Perspectives edited by Anne Haour, Benedetta Rossi pg 187)
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Cotton Growing and Textile Production in Northern Nigeria from Caliphate to Protectorate c. 1804-1914’ by Marisa Candotti pg 6, Textile Production and Gender in the Sokoto Caliphate by Colleen Kriger pg 375-376.)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-empire-of-cloth-the-textile-industry#footnote-anchor-21-150446951)
Textile Production and Gender in the Sokoto Caliphate by Colleen Kriger pg 368-372, Cotton Growing and Textile Production in Northern Nigeria from Caliphate to Protectorate c. 1804-1914’ by Marisa Candotti pg 5
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Being and Becoming Hausa: Interdisciplinary Perspectives edited by Anne Haour, Benedetta Rossi pg 195)
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Being and Becoming Hausa: Interdisciplinary Perspectives edited by Anne Haour, Benedetta Rossi pg 202)
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Published Time: 2022-11-06T15:51:55+00:00
An enigmatic west African Art tradition: The 9th century bronze-works of Igbo Ukwu.
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An enigmatic west African Art tradition: The 9th century bronze-works of Igbo Ukwu.
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### grave-goods of a priest-king
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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Over a period of less than a generation in the 9th century, a group of artists in a kingdom straddling the edge of the west African rainforest produced some of the world’s most sophisticated artworks in bronze, copper and terracotta, which they then interred in a rich burial of their priest-king.
This extraordinary art corpus, which was stumbled upon during construction work in the early 20th century, seemingly bursts into the archeological record without precedents, yet doubtlessly represented a full flowering of an old artistic tradition.
This article explores the history of Igbo Ukwu art traditions within the political and cultural context of the Nri-Igbo society, inorder to demystify the enigma of Igbo Ukwu.
_**Map showing Igbo-Ukwu and the Igbo-lands**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!024q!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F25c09d60-97de-4dd7-9717-80ac30cb119e_775x552.png)
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**A political history of Igbo Ukwu; the Nri political-religious organisation**
The history of political developments in Igbo-land (south-eastern Nigeria) before and during the emergence of the Igbo Ukwu tradition are rather obscure. Governance in the early small-scale polities of the forest region was associated with priests of the earth-goddess, agnatic heads of lineages, and a council of elders. The traditions of one particular Igbo subgroup; the Nri, posit them as reputed ritual specialists who developed a hegemonic state headed by hereditary sacred rulers who conferred titles on prominent individuals. The Nri's mythical founder, Eri, is said to have descended from the sky to the Anambra River prior to the domestication of the igbo staples; yams and coco-yams, and with the help of autochthonous cultivators, traders and blacksmiths, developed farming, iron technology, and controlled markets that enabled the establishment of a fairly centralized state between the 9th and 10th century.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-1-82733446)
The Igbo concept of political-religious power is structured by membership in associations based on an elaborate title-system and patrilineal lineages called _**umunna**_, and is thus highly diffused. Within the cultural area of the Nri subgroup, the most powerful title-holder is the Eze office, ie Eze-Nri a dignitary with religious and political authority, who was subordinated by other title-holders (Ozo) who were involved in the Nri governance system.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-2-82733446) Central to the Nri social organization is the Obu temple, which is kept for ritual and ceremonial purposes in connection to the title system, and is often located within the main compound of a title-holder's household for the collection of prestige items. Upon his death, the Eze was buried, often in a seated posture, with prestigious grave goods and his coronation clothes.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-3-82733446)
The institution of the Eze Nri, its title-taking system and many aspects of the Nri culture including the _Obu_ temples present us with the best evidence for explaining the objects discovered. By drawing parallels with their occurrence in extant traditions, it can be surmised that they represent a concentration of wealth accruing to the institution of the Eze Nri, and the objects could be regarded as material metaphors which symbolically represented the office's power[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-4-82733446)
Virtually all the artifacts buried at Igbo-Ukwu, with the probable exception of the beads, were manufactured locally. The artistic inspiration of the the metalwork, consisting of a wide variety of elaborately fashioned and profusely decorated bronze and copper pieces, was largely local, its motifs, casting techniques, and metal ores sources bearing no comparison with anything else outside the region.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-5-82733446)
The volume, complexity, and richness of the Igbo Ukwu art collection which included imported glass beads, suggest that the already established iron-age agricultural community of the Nri kingdom, received a further impetus of wealth accumulation and display in the late first millennium through its engagement in regional trade routes. This connection was marginal, and is unlikely to have been undertaken using a direct routes but was instead more likely to have been segmented, with imports circulating through various local markets, before being obtained by the wealthy figure(s) buried at Igbo Ukwu.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-6-82733446)
Demand for a variety of adornment that included imported glass beads was created by their use in the title-taking ceremony for Ozo title-holders which also involves their adornment with semi-precious carnelian stones and glass beads, that are also worn by wealthy individuals in igbo-land to symbolize their social status. [7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-7-82733446) The most likely trade item exchanged from Igbo Ukwu region was ivory. Igbo Ukwu is ideally situated for obtaining elephant ivory within the West African forest zone, which was funneled through the trading cities of the Sahel, such as Gao, which is the nearest of the major cities, and whose material culture included glass beads similar to Igbo Ukwu, albeit at at slightly later date in the 11th century.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-8-82733446) A number of elephant tusks were found among the grave goods as well as several representations of elephant heads, and this is likely related to the practice of Ozo title-holders presenting ivory horns upon initiation, that are later collected and kept in their respective temples.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-9-82733446)
* * *
**A brief description of the excavations at Igbo Ukwu and the casting process**
Excavations undertaken in the 1930s and 1960s uncovered a remarkable array of over 700 artworks primarily cast in bronze, copper and copper-alloys, along with works of terracotta, and over 165,000 glass and carnelian beads, that were all deliberately interred with the remains of at least six individuals in three sites that were named after the owners of the compounds on which the objects were found; Igbo-Richard, Igbo-Isaiah and Igbo-Jonah, all of which were dated to between 850-875AD. [10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-10-82733446)
Igbo-Isaiah appears to have been an _**Obu**_ temple which had decayed without trace save for four post-holes that constituted some form of roofing. Igbo-Richard represented the remains of a burial chamber once lined with wooden planks and floored with matting, and given its collection of grave goods, has been interpreted as the burial of the Eze-Nri. Igbo-Jonah, was as a pit used for the deliberate disposal of a collection of ritual and ceremonial objects following the razing of a shrine house.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-11-82733446)
The majority of the 700 objects found at Igbo Ukwu were made using a combination of lost wax casting for the leaded-bronze objects, while those of copper were made by smithing and chasing.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-12-82733446) The copper and lead ore was mined locally in the Abakaliki region, about 100km from Igbo Ukwu, while the tin that was alloyed to form bronze was derived from mines close to Igbo Ukwu, or from the jos plateau.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-13-82733446)
The cire-perdu casting involved modeling the desired object in wax (or in this case latex from the Euphorbia plant), the obtained model of which is then dipped in clay which is then heated to leave a fired clay model, into which molten bronze is poured and the clay broken off. The exact technique used for the Igbo Ukwu bronzes involved a slightly more complex process than this; with objects often cast in many pieces that were then joined together by separately poured in metal, but this process had been out of use across the rest of the old world for many centuries, which strongly suggests its independent invention by Igbo Ukwu artists working in isolation.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-14-82733446)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!JUAe!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc6e91a8e-112c-4ca3-8fff-4ebbe4a858db_871x394.png)
_**map of the excavated site**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!96fT!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff88b1f60-7484-46ed-a653-85a06eaedd45_753x854.png)
_**Illustration of the lost-latex casting process of Igbo-Ukwu bronzes according to T. Shaw, 1977**_
* * *
**The Igbo-Ukwu bronzes**
Among the most notable objects were ornaments with human figures whose faces are marked with scarifications radiating in all directions from the bridge of the nose. These are facial marks (ichi) found all over the igbolands and practiced almost exclusively on men being part of an initiation rite into the title-holding system by boys around the age of 11, but these scarifications aren't made on women save for the daughter of the Eze Nri.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-15-82733446)Similar depictions of facial scarifications also appear on cylindrical "altar-stands" made of panels of solid bronze decorated with patterns of hatched lozenges and triangles with stylized figures of spiders. Between the panels are walls of open-work with figures of a man and woman, both with face and body scarifications and wearing body ornaments.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-16-82733446)
The echi facial markings are often associated with the mythical origin story regarding the first Eze Nri and his introduction of cultivation in Igboland, their occurrence in twelve of fourteen representations of human heads underlies the important link between the buried figures and contemporary cultural traditions of the Nri lineages[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-17-82733446).
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!aKTV!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F03cf7177-ead1-46df-a17b-7a141c198100_1309x618.png)
_**bronze pendant of human head with a crown, bronze altar stand showing a female figure with facial markings, surrounded by motifs of snakes swallowing frogs and stylized spider figures, 9th century NCMM Nigeria**_
Igbo Ukwu artworks predominantly feature skeuomorphism; the rendering of the innate features of one material form in another. It was manifest in several ways and likely served a twofold purpose that; indicated the power of the object’s owners to transform the meaning and appearance of both every day and prestige items at will, and to produce the symbols of power and authority in more durable forms.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-18-82733446)
Skeuomorphism was evident in several items of bronze work. The most notable of these was the bronze roped vessel that was skeuomorphic of a pear-shaped clay waterpot on its stand with a rope net around it to help support and carry it. Other skeuomorphic works are the bronze calabashes and gourds, that were modeled after common calabashes, with intricate decorations and quatrefoil patterns on the surfaces to mimic the patterns of nets surrounding common calabashes, they also include wire handles and fittings that imitate copper handles and fittings of real calabashes.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-19-82733446)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!AzbU!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa4177eb4-8740-48df-ab77-86b79df7fd64_1034x649.png)
_**Bronze pot on a pedestal enclosed in a rope-work cage; Cylindrical Bronze bowl on an open-work pedestal decorated with alternating figures of grasshoppers, 9th century, NCMM Nigeria**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!HAS1!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7d64581a-dbcc-4676-869e-c94f2517b012_1032x594.png)
_**Leaded-bronze bowls**_, **9th century,**NCMM Nigeria, British museum Af1956,15.3
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!1D_W!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd64f4a09-6214-44c9-b394-fb0bff402fa9_719x973.png)
_**Leaded-bronze bowls, 9th century, NCMM Nigeria. the crescent-shaped bowl is in the form of a calabash**_
Among the Igbo Ukwu corpus were objects that symbolized political and religious authority. These objects include staff ornaments, that are some of the most richly decorated and off all the Igbo Ukwu castings; with granulated surfaces encrusted with glass beads, their sides have spirally twisted bosses, coils of quatrefoils, and geometric patterns of lozenges. Depicted on the staffs are figures of beetles or columns of mudfish and monkey-head figures, all of which are surmounted by a figure of a snake with an egg in its mouth, or figures of birds with grasshoppers/locusts in their mouth.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-20-82733446) Other objects of power were three types of bronze bells, and large fan-holders made of pure copper with a semi-circular plate decorated with puncate lines and interlace patterns resembling quatrefoils, the copper fan-holders were also punched with holes for fixing feathers.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-21-82733446)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!h9o3!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5cadfd7e-86eb-4562-8730-8ececc318703_1011x609.png)
_**Bronze staff ornaments, 9th century, NCMM Nigeria**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!YnRe!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fab71b841-23c6-4368-9e3a-fd29b50296b2_720x521.png)
_**Copper spiral snake ornament, 9th century, NCMM Nigeria, "the spike was probably driven into the end of a wooden staff**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Eh2k!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5696248e-6dde-4169-8cd3-7d9b4b020b2b_927x596.png)
_**Large bronze cylindrical staff ornament in the form of a coiled snake with a head at each end, Decorated bronze staff head with four snakes swallowing frogs, alternated by four beetles, 9th century, NCMM Nigeria**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!q2Ki!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1f29df8d-98b8-4f5f-ae4e-44413cf95e2b_835x619.png)
_**copper fan-holder whose base was originally attached to a staff, 9th century, NCMM Nigeria**_
The staff heads and their ornaments, as well as the fan-handles are indicative of the political-religious power held by highly ranked title-holders in igbo-land, where staffs called _**alo**_ are still carried, they serve as a badge of office and offered a form of "diplomatic immunity" for the title holders. The depictions of grasshoppers and beetles is suggestive of the belief that the Eze Nri’s ability to direct the forces of nature for the benefit of the society, he could thus control the activities of creatures such as grasshoppers, locusts, flies, birds, yam-beetles, all to the advantage of his people[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-22-82733446).
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!NVzc!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6e6f2f21-ef11-4a25-9e9e-d68212f66517_688x679.png)
_**Copper rod that supported a wood and leather scabbard in which an iron blade rested**_
* * *
**Animals in Igbo-Ukwu art**
The appearance of naturalistic and stylized depictions of animals in the Igbo Ukwu artworks is tied with their use in the iconography of power in which the symbolic representations of leadership took on attributes of elephants, horses, rams, leopards, snails, tortoises, flies, as recounted in the folktales that occur in igboland.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-23-82733446) Serpentine figures in particular are ubiquitous in Igbo Ukwu art with snake ornaments made of pure copper, were often used to decorate ceremonial staffs. The snake depicted maybe the python (_**eke**_), it is believed to be the messenger of the earth deity (_**ala**_), and of which they are taboos across igbobland against killing them. The depiction of coiled serpentine figures that is also featured prominently in more recent igbo art, attests to the pervasiveness of the motif in igbo traditions such as the widespread proverb _**okilikili bu ije agwo**_ (circular, circular is the snake's path).[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-24-82733446)
Another object indicating iconography of power was a remarkably preserved bronze hilt in the form of a horseman set on decorated pommel decorated in a grass-weave pattern surmounted by round bosses. The rider is depicted with exaggerated proportions relative to the horse, and with emphasis on the head in a style that would become ubiquitous for the region's art traditions especially in Ife and Benin. This is also one of the oldest equestrian figures in west Africa's forest region, where horses were mostly used for ceremonial display.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-25-82733446)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!V1sS!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6c68c05c-e4e2-4874-a310-bb13701229dc_194x550.png)
_**Equestrian figure on a bronze hilt, 9th century, NCMM Nigeria**_
Other depictions of animals in Igbo Ukwu art include; bronze pendants in the form of stylized elephant heads covered with a hatching of lines and lozenge patterns with a granulated surface encrusted with glass beads, all of which is surmounted by figures of grasshoppers;[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-26-82733446) Ornately decorated pendants in form of ram's heads whose horns curve to the back of the head, with a patterned surface and the head surmounted by a wristlet and grasshoppers[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-27-82733446); Ornaments in the form of a leopard's skull with a face looking upwards, attached to a long copper rod[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-28-82733446), And several bronze shells representing the triton snail-shell (found along the Atlantic coast) with granulated surfaces that are decorated with concentric circles, fly figures, snake swallowing frogs, that are inturn surmounted by a leopard, and coiled wires terminating into an ornamental sprinkler with spouts.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-29-82733446)
Leopards, elephants, rams and snakes are often used in a general way in west African art to symbolize power, In more recent depictions from the Igbo city of Onishta, the representation of the ram's head with curving horns is seen as a reference to the king as a warrior-figure whose strength is represented in the form of carved figures featuring upthrusting horned projections.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-30-82733446)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!S4kI!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7c324255-3482-49c5-bba9-379c2c82c2dc_702x1248.png)
_**Bronze pendant in the form of a leopard’s head, bronze pendants in form of rams heads, bronze ram’s head, 9th century NCMM Nigeria.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!LTIj!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0b5f4f81-e6c7-4f5a-aa6a-5a907addb5d4_1199x643.png)
_**Bronze pendants in form of stylized elephant heads, 9th century NCMM Nigeria.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!yGtH!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9a5d059e-b801-46b1-b74e-924892529a43_747x1087.png)
_**Bronze shell with four snakes swallowing frogs and a fly-covered patterned surface, Bronze shell surmounted by a leopard, 9th century, NCMM Nigeria**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!c-i5!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F38beb520-6730-4bd5-822c-6bf06ab17633_640x424.png)
_**Bronze ornament of two eggs surmounted by a bird, attached to it are black copper chains decorated with yellow beads and crotals, 9th century NCMM Nigeria**_
* * *
**Conclusion: interpreting the enigma of Igbo Ukwu**
The broader implications of the origin of Igbo Ukwu’s metal ores, their artists’ mastery of bronze casting in both naturalist and stylistic forms, and the interpretation of this voluminous art corpus within the cultural context of the Nri traditions; are profound. Igbo Ukwu represents an advanced bronze industry which had emerged in medieval west Africa using its own metals largely isolated from the regional and international artistic centers and technologies of the time.
The enigmatic emergence of the Igbo Ukwu art tradition in the 9th century was thus likely to have been tied to the formalization of social and political control by titled individuals associated with the Eze-Nri office during a time when wealth was used to produce durable expressions of power.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-31-82733446)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!z-P7!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F70fe5d57-73bb-4821-97eb-bde039912dc0_627x540.png)
_**Painting by Caroline Sassoon showing how the burial chamber with some of the grave goods of Igbo Ukwu could have been originally looked**_ (taken from T. Shaw, 1977 pg 59)
* * *
Just like Igbo-Ukwu, the ancient **kingdom of Kerma** (2500 BC -1492 BC) pioneered a social and political tradition that was influential in the history of north-east Africa (especially to **ancient Egypt**), read about the history of Kerma on Patreon
[Patreon](https://t.co/XxkFBNTNtU)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!e7XD!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa1850c73-e650-406f-80ba-0ab32cb5addd_680x501.png)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-1-82733446)
Political Organization in Nigeria since the Late Stone Age Pg 31, 42, 80, Nri Kingdom and Hegemony A.D. 994 to Present by A Onwuejeogwu pg 9-10
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-2-82733446)
Political Organization in Nigeria since the Late Stone Age pg 9
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-3-82733446)
Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 98-99)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-4-82733446)
Material Metaphor, Social Interaction, and Historical Reconstructions by Ray K pg 68, 74. Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 102)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-5-82733446)
Metal Sources and the Bronzes from Igbo-Ukwu, Nigeria by PT Craddock pg 427
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-6-82733446)
Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 106-107, Gao and Igbo-Ukwu by T Insoll pg 18
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-7-82733446)
Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 101)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-8-82733446)
Gao and Igbo-Ukwu by T Insoll pg 18)
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-9-82733446)
Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 101)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-10-82733446)
Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 91
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-11-82733446)
Igbo-Ukwu: An account of archaeological discoveries in eastern Nigeria by Thurstan Shaw pg 263, 264, 226
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-12-82733446)
Nigerian sources of copper, lead and tin for the igbo-ukwu bronzes by VE Chikwendu, pg 29)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-13-82733446)
Metal Sources and the Bronzes from Igbo-Ukwu, Nigeria by PT Craddock pg 426, nigerian sources of copper, lead and tin for the igbo-ukwu bronzes by VE Chikwendu pg 31)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-14-82733446)
Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 15-19, Nigerian sources of copper, lead and tin for the igbo-ukwu bronzes by VE Chikwendu pg 29-30)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-15-82733446)
Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 33, 100)
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-16-82733446)
Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 35)
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-17-82733446)
The Archaeology of Contextual Meanings by Ian Hodder pg 76
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-18-82733446)
Material Explorations in African Archaeology by Timothy Insoll pg 239, 242)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-19-82733446)
Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 21-22, 68
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-20-82733446)
Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 28-29)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-21-82733446)
Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 57)
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-22-82733446)
Nri Kingdom and Hegemony A.D. 994 to Present by A Onwuejeogwu pg 52-53
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-23-82733446)
Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 102)
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-24-82733446)
The Archaeology of Contextual Meanings by Ian Hodder pg 72
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-25-82733446)
Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 56)
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-26-82733446)
Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 32
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-27-82733446)
Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 33)
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-28-82733446)
Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 48
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-29-82733446)
Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 29)
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-30-82733446)
The Archaeology of Contextual Meanings by Ian Hodder pg 71
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition#footnote-anchor-31-82733446)
The Archaeology of Contextual Meanings by Ian Hodder pg 77
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[King Dauod](https://substack.com/profile/85958432-king-dauod?utm_source=substack-feed-item)
[Nov 7, 2022](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition/comment/10281363 "Nov 7, 2022, 12:55 AM")
Liked by isaac Samuel
Interesting I've always found the igbo ukwu culture to be so mysterious and fascinating there's so much about West Africa or Africa in general that we have to learn and discover, I read recently how they found evidence that there may be even earlier evidence of agriculture in the Sahara then previously believed I'd share the link if I can find it again.
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[Nov 6, 2022](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition/comment/10275963 "Nov 6, 2022, 8:28 PM")
Liked by isaac Samuel
What an extraordinary research paper!
Stunning images too.
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Published Time: 2023-01-22T13:15:08+00:00
An episode of Naval warfare on the East African coast: the Sakalava invasions of 1792-1817
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An episode of Naval warfare on the East African coast: the Sakalava invasions of 1792-1817
==========================================================================================
### Between Madagascar and the Swahili world.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Jan 22, 2023
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Beginning in 1792 and continuing on a regular basis for the next three decades, well-armed flotillas were launched from Madagascar to attack the East African coast. They sacked cities, carried off loot and captives, and forced many to flee to the countryside. Alerted to the new threat, the navies of the Swahili, Comorian and European settlements were assembled to meet the invaders at sea.
This episode of Naval warfare on the East African coast, commonly known as 'the Sakalava invasions', is one of the least studied chapters in the military history of pre-colonial Africa and the western Indian ocean. The motives behind the sudden surge in naval invasions and the wide geographic scope of the operations, remain a subject of debate among historians.
This article outlines the history of the Sakalava invasions within the political context of the East African coastal states, to explain the motives behind the region's brief episode of Naval warfare in the early 19th century
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!_nhr!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9297127e-72dd-4c0d-b82f-f7aaf8135761_495x630.png)
_**Map of the East African coast showing the range of the Sakalava invasions**_
* * *
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* * *
**A brief political history of Nzwani and the Sakalava kingdom of Boina in Madagascar**
The island of Nzwani was home to the most prosperous kingdom in the Comoros archipelago during the 18th century, having grown as a major port-of-call for European ships which were provisioned and taxed at its main port of Mutsamudu. But Nzwani's internal politics were attimes marked by disputes in which rivaling elite factions leveraged their regional and foreign alliances to strengthen/seize authority. These often involved alliances with nearby elites from Comoros and the Swahili cities, but at times involved visiting English, Portuguese and French ships and their colonial enclaves in Bombay, Mozambique island and Mauritius.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-1-98112873)
During the 1780s, the conflict between king Said Ahmed (based in the capital Domoni) and his cousin Abdallah (governor of Mutsamudu) reached a breaking point after the latter had refused to punish the assassins of one of Ahmed's sons. The king thus sent a force to attack Abdallah, but was defeated by the latter’s forces defeated who then proceeded to the king's palace where they deposed and killed him in 1792. Abdallah seized the throne, prompting the deceased King's son, Bwana Combo to seek the aid of Sakalava mercenaries from Madagascar. The Sakalava navies landed on Nzwani but were unable to take the walled town so they sacked and looted the surrounding countryside before leaving.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-2-98112873)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Igt2!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F88f1a620-c184-4830-bb4c-bd42c9378434_1335x598.png)
_**Map showing the location of Nzwani along the important shipping routes of the western Indian ocean**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!tBR8!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5d739179-73dd-47b3-9e33-5e6dd64ca8e1_960x576.png)
_**View of Mutsamudu**_
Prior to the emergence of the Sakalava, the north-western region of Madagascar in the 17th century was a honeycomb of small chiefdoms populated by both Africans and Austronesians while the coast was dotted with city-states established by the Swahili (Antalaotse). The island had been settled permanently in the 1st millennium by speakers of both; African languages (Swahili and its Bantu peers); and Austronesian languages (mostly Malay and Javanese) and Madagascar’s population was thoroughly admixed, but the elites and much of the population often spoke one of the main languages. As one external account in 1612 describes it; _**"The entire coast between Mazalagem and Sadia speaks a language analogous to those of the Cafres, that is to say the language of the countries of Mozambique and of Malindi, But, in the immediate hinterland of this coast, as well as in the interior and other coastal sections, only the Buque language is spoken, one quite special to local inhabitants and totally different from the African tongues and very similar to Malay"**_. Therefore most of the political elites who spoke African languages were in the Antalaotse coastal city-states, and there are a few mentions of African states in the interior, but the rest of the political elites on the Island spoke Malagasy dialects (eg Sakalava, Merina and Betsimisaraka). By the mid-16th century most of the small states and the coastal cities of north-western Madagascar were under the suzerainty of the Guinguimaro kingdom.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-3-98112873)
In south western Madagascar, the first Sakalava kingdom was established in the late 17th century by king Lahifotsy (c. 1614-83). A succession dispute after his death forced his son Tsimenata (c. 1660-c. 1710) to forge his own alliances and travel northwards where he established the kingdom of Boina, which conquered the much of the former Guinguimaro territories including the Antalaotse city of Mazalagem Nova in 1685. The rulers of Boina established their capital at Majunga in 1745 which became an important coastal city, and by 1790, travelers described Boina as a powerful kingdom ruled by Queen Ravahiny (1770-1808), she was surrounded by important chiefs, dispensed strict justice, and received from foreign countries silk fabrics and luxury goods. [4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-4-98112873)
The Boina elite also formed a loose alliance with their eastern neighbor, the Betsimisaraka kingdom that was early regarded as the nominal vassal of Boina.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-5-98112873) The Boina kingdom's largely subsistence domestic economy was based on rice cultivation and cattle rearing, the expansionist wars that characterized its creation —and the formation of many similar kingdoms across Madagascar— also produced captives, many of whom were retained locally but some were exported externally and met the demand from French plantations on Mauritius and reunion and across the western Indian ocean. Equally important in Boina's external commerce was the provisioning trade which supplied food (cattle, rice, poultry) as well as hides and water to visiting European ships. [6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-6-98112873)
The rulers of Boina thus maintained fairly cordial commercial relations with the authorities in the east African coast and islands where their products were purchased including the Portuguese at Mozambique. They were also regularly engaged diplomatic correspondence with the Portuguese of Mozambique island. Most of Boina’s external trade was handled by Antalaotse merchants (and later by Indian traders) as it had in the past, though now with different commodities.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-7-98112873)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!L7BF!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe5af197a-1c9c-47f9-8b5a-b1d292ad3521_914x670.png)
_**Map showing the Malagasy dialects of Madagascar. Maps showing the Sakalava kingdoms of western Madagascar including the kingdom of Boina/Boeny**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!7qFk!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1793f306-16e7-4337-bc22-7f28965de86a_823x573.png)
_**Mahajanga , landing port, ca. 1895**_
* * *
**The foreign military alliances of Nzwani: an example of the Antalaotse and the French**
Given their origin on the east African coast, the Antalaotse of Madagascar, whose primary trade was with the Swahili and Comoros initially involved the transshipment of Gold, and the export of soapstone, rice and livestock[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-8-98112873), maintained political and cultural ties to the elites in the Swahili and Comoros[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-9-98112873), as well as with the Malagasy kingdoms of Madagascar, They therefore constituted a dependable pool of allies for Nzwani's rivaling factions to draw from in recruiting Sakalava and Betsimisaraka mercenanies. And given the gradual expansion of both the provisioning and slave trades, allied armies/mercenaries were usually promised compensation in the form of greater political control, or payment in loot and captives.
One such notable request for military assistance from a Nzwani ruler to a foreign ally was sent by Ahmed, the king of Nzwani to the French in 1791, to help him re-impose his authority over Island of Mwali which challenged Nzwani's suzerainty by not paying tribute. But this combined French-Nzwani naval invasion was defeated by Mwali’s forces and many were killed, although the Nzwani king still compensated the French. Shortly after this battle, king Ahmed was defeated in 1792 by Abdallah of Mutsamudu, forcing king Ahmed's son Bwana Combo, to request assistance from the Betsimisaraka and Sakalava of Madagascar.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-10-98112873)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!zzE0!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe1382b97-f85d-4ff2-b163-a8ea84106988_820x599.png)
_**Map showing the east African coastal settlements including the Antalaotse cities of north western Madagascar**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!7jCs!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe196e27d-b8de-41f0-9015-98a0d027a50d_820x547.jpeg)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!TyYv!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2a403c8e-60e8-4047-b437-01f6f9a0fa4e_820x547.jpeg)
_**ruins of the Antalotse city of Mazalagem Nova in northwestern Madagascar**_
* * *
**The initial Sakalava invasions in the Comoros Archipelago**
While Bwana Combo and his Malagasy allies lost the first battle, more invasions would were launched against Abdallah’s capital of Mutsamudu in 1796, 1798, 1803 and 1808 during which time king Abdallah and his successor king Alawi (1796-1816) repeatedly requested British assistance to fight of the attackers. The British offered little help except a brief bombardment of Domoni in 1798 to send off Bwana combo's Sakalava allies, and a consignment of weapons that was sent in 1808.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-11-98112873)
Over the final decade of the 18th century, the Sakalava invasions were launched beyond Nzwani, especially against the polities on Mayotte in 1797, Grande Comore in 1798, with the invaders often taking loot and captives before sacking the towns. This prompted the construction of defensive walls and fortresses in the Comoros cities, and the expansion of preexisting defenses, particularly in Mutsamudu, Moroni, Mitsamiouli, Ntsaouéni and Iconi where populations took refuge by the time the invasions resumed in 1802.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-12-98112873)
Contemporary accounts suggest that flotillas were rather decentralized and frequently provide conflicting descriptions of the attackers’ identities. While these attacks initially predominantly involved Betsimisaraka forces, they were later known almost exclusively as Sakalava since all the naval forces departed from the northwestern capital of the Boina kingdom. The watercraft used were large outrigger canoes about 10 meters long that could carry over 30 men and together constituted fleets of as many as 500 vessels carrying anywhere between 8-10,000 Sakalava soldiers with a significant proportion often armed with rifles.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-13-98112873)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!gcDG!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F957ccc52-91e0-4b82-b3f3-25fec2e27896_800x600.jpeg)
_**Section of an old city-wall in Ntsaoueni on Grande Comore, built to defend the city against the Sakalava**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Qh_E!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd6a4863c-b399-49df-ac1a-7a94c80e5436_760x570.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!xfq8!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F53cbc362-9a68-4705-829c-972b3afbd970_715x677.png)
_**The fortress of Mutsamudu constructed in the late 18th century, the cannon were procured from the English at the height of the Sakalava invasions**_
* * *
**The Sakalava invade the east African coast**
While the motive of the Sakalava attacks beyond the internal conflicts of Nzwani is a subject of debate due to the limited documentation of the era, Its clear that there was a significant political factor driving the invasions. The internal politics of both Nzwani and the neighboring island of Mayotte was rife with de-thronings, assassinations and the extensive use of foreign alliances, with defeated rivals often being forced to flee to the Swahili cities along the East African coast, where they gathered more alliances to strike back. In 1800, the king of Mayotte arrived in the Portuguese-controlled Quirimbas Islands with a party of 150 armed Sakalava men in three boats, and stated that he intended to defeat a rival whose forces had fled to the Swahili town of Tungui near the islands. Its then that the first Sakalava attack on the east African coast is recorded, it consisted a small force that attacked the town of Tungui.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-14-98112873)
While the Sakalava navies were organized along the north-western coast of Boina kingdom, they were not controlled by its reigning Queen Ravahiny who infact warned the Portuguese governor of Mozambique in 1805 of an impeding Sakalava attack against the latter’s dependencies. In the same year, the Portuguese encountered a Sakalava fleet on Nzwani's coast and their ship was seized by the Sakalava. Shortly after this, the king of Nzwani at Mutsamudu sent an appeal for military assistance from the Portuguese against the Sakalava since the British offered little help. The Portuguese sent an expeditionary force in 1806 into Nzwani’s waters to punish the Sakalava, but they were defeated, killed and their ship’s components were sold off.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-15-98112873)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!WpSS!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F56f94ddc-e520-465f-beaa-f1b8585f27fe_926x730.png)
_**The three types of watercraft in the south-western corner of the Indian ocean; The Sakalava outrigger canoe, The Swahili Dau, and the Omani Sambuk, al photos from the early 19th century.**_
Its after the failed Portuguese punitive expedition that Sakalava navies launched a major invasion onto the East African coast in 1808, with 500 boats carrying 8,000 soldiers, and devastated the Portuguese dependencies on Mozambique coast and their neighboring communities but with a particular focus on the Swahili town of Tungui. Despite the ferocity of the attack, the invading forces suffered many causalities following a smallpox outbreak that forced them to retreat and destroy many of their boats that didn't have enough men to sail them back. Despite the loss, they carried off some captives and loot, but a number of the captives were ransomed back by the Swahili once the latter appealed to the Boina authorities at Majunga.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-16-98112873)
The Portuguese sent a letter in 1811 to the Sakalava queen Ravahiny requesting that she put a stop to the raids in the region and she responded that the Nzwani king had provoked the raids by demanding assistance in his attacks on Mwali. She added that while her subjects had been given permission to attack the Comoros, they were not acting under her command and hence she was powerless to stop them. Further attacks by Sakalava navies were launched in 1815 against the town of Tungui but were met with defeat by its Swahili governor Bwana Hassan, and a similar planned invasion against the Portuguese controlled town of Ibo was defeated in the same year when the Portuguese fleet sailed out and met them the Sakalava flotilla sea.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-17-98112873)
In October 1816, a massive Sakalava fleet led by a prince “Sicandar” from Nzwani sailed for the Mozambique coast ostensibly to apprehend the Swahili ruler of the Portuguese dependency of Sancul, who had detained Sicandar's wife and daughter[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-18-98112873), but it was defeated by the Portuguese after two days of battle. Another massive Sakalava force of 500 boats led by Nassiri (who was either Comorian or Antalotse) sailed up to Kilwa in the same year, but was also defeated by the forces of Kilwa's king Yusuf bin Hassan after three days of battle. Despite their losses, the Sakalava left with over 300 captives from Quirimbas and Kilwa including some Portuguese settlers, but a number of these captives were ransomed back by the Portuguese and Swahili following appeals to the Boina authorities.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-19-98112873)
The last Sakalava invasion occurred in 1816-7 with 18 boats being spotted heading for the coast of Kilwa and the Mafia islands where they were presumably more successful than their first battle with captives being carried off. In 1818, the sultan of Zanzibar sent an armada of 18 dhows that engaged the Sakalava navies in multiple battles at sea where many were defeated, their boats destroyed and their leader was forced to sue for peace and returned the captives taken earlier.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-20-98112873) Despite preparations for more Sakalava invasions, their dreaded navies were never to be seen again on the East African coast, largely due to the wars between the various Sakalava kingdoms and the rapidly expanding Merina empire which culminated with the conquest of the Boina capital of Majunga in 1824.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-21-98112873)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!sMGr!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fba6b712c-acfd-4004-8c8e-d50fbec066ac_600x400.jpeg)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!uu_w!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F54d2a4f8-c6cb-4753-8cea-9712471d4218_1200x800.jpeg)
_**Ruins of the Swahili town of Kua in the Mafia archipelago, Tanzania. Kua is said to have been abandoned after the Sakalava attacks**_
* * *
**Conclusion: explaining the episode of Naval warfare on the East African coast.**
The argument advanced by some scholars that the Sakalava attacks were driven by the demand for slaves in Madagascar and French islands due to the expansion of the Merina empire and the slave trade ban signed in 1820 by Merina king Radama I[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-22-98112873), contradicts the evidence. Madagascar remained throughout the first half of the 19th century, a net exporter of Malagasy slaves into the western Indian ocean as it had in the centuries prior, this was because despite the expansion of the Merina empire, it barely controlled 1/3 of the Island --mostly on the eastern half-- and the regional wars between the various kingdoms especially in the west continued to sustain the supply needed to export captives, with of upto 5,000 being sold annually in the 1850s.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-23-98112873)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!SVsz!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F06dd2e33-214c-400a-824b-b38cec785526_497x656.png)
_**Map of Madagascar showing the extent of Imperial Merina after 1824**_
More importantly, the well regulated trade maintained through peaceful relations between Boina and the Portuguese, that was carried out on Arab ships that had a much larger capacity than Sakalava canoes, that was conducted by Indian and Antalaotse merchants, and was supplied by many Malagasy caravans from the interior including the Sakalava,[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-24-98112873) was disrupted rather than increased by the wars, as shown by the frequent ransoming of the captives, and the correspondence between the Portuguese and Boina rulers urging the latter to restrain the mercenaries' activities. Therefore, the massive investment in assembling 10,000 well-armed soldiers over several months to capture a few hundred slaves in well-defended cities that routinely defeated and killed many of the invaders, appears counterintuitive to the commercial dynamics of slave trade.
A more likely explanation advanced by Edward Alpers, views the Sakalava naval wars as an outgrowth of the political conflicts that begun in the southern Comoros islands of Nzwani and Mayotte. In these political conflicts, deposed Comorian elites were often the initiators of the invasions (eg Bwana Combo) and were also the leaders of Sakalava fleets (eg Sicandar and Nassiri), and given the combination of the Comorian elites' trans-regional alliances and the pre-existing custom of compensating mercenaries with captives and loot, a spill-over of the conflict across the East African coast was inevitable. He thus concludes that the Sakalava invasions were rooted more in the political rivalries of the Comorian and Swahili coastal states than in the slave trade of the western Indian ocean[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-25-98112873). As one oral tradition recorded in Comoros states;
_**"People say that the invaders were Betsimisaraka and that they pushed their expeditions up to the East African coast, and that they were piloted by some people from Comoros, Zanzibar and the coast of Africa, who would only have been common law prisoners driven from their country."**_[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-26-98112873)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!C_I3!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7ded92ab-f923-49ad-a965-d47252ffa1b3_781x573.png)
_**Panorama of Majunga, showing outrigger canoes and foreign ships**_
* * *
More than 1,000 years ago, **settlers from the Swahili coast established dozens of cities on Madagascar's north-western coast**, constituting some of the earliest permanent settlement of Africans on the island
Read about it here;
[BUILDING STONE CITIES ON PARADISE ISLAND](https://www.patreon.com/posts/african-of-stone-77497948)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!6xos!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd9fcf581-10b7-4ec4-9c42-2768754c166a_549x1310.png)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-anchor-1-98112873)
The Comoro Islands in Indian Ocean Trade before the 19th Century by Malyn Newitt pg 156-157)
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-anchor-2-98112873)
Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea by Iain Walker pg 76)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-anchor-3-98112873)
The Worlds of the Indian Ocean by Philippe Beaujard pg 557-563, 584-589)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-anchor-4-98112873)
Tom and Toakafo: The Betsimisaraka Kingdom and State Formation in Madagascar, 1715-1750 by Stephen Ellis 444-445, The Cambridge History of Africa. Volume 5 pg 396
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-anchor-5-98112873)
Tom and Toakafo: The Betsimisaraka Kingdom and State Formation in Madagascar, 1715-1750 by Stephen Ellis pg 451-453)
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-anchor-6-98112873)
Yankees in the Indian Ocean by Jane Hooper, Feeding Globalization: Madagascar and the Provisioning Trade by Jane Hooper
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-anchor-7-98112873)
Madagascar and Mozambique in the nineteenth century by Edward A. Alpers pg 150)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-anchor-8-98112873)
Africa and the indian ocean world by G. Campbell pg 131
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-anchor-9-98112873)
The worlds of the Indian ocean Vol2 pg Philippe Beaujard pg 558-559, 612-615
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-anchor-10-98112873)
Feeding Globalization: Madagascar and the Provisioning Trade by Jane Hooper pg 161)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-anchor-11-98112873)
Domesticating the world by Jeremy Prestholdt pg 26, Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea by Iain Walker pg 76-78)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-anchor-12-98112873)
The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency in the Indian Ocean by M. D. D. Newitt pg 22)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-anchor-13-98112873)
Feeding Globalization: Madagascar and the Provisioning Trade by Jane Hooper pg 160-161
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-anchor-14-98112873)
Madagascar and Mozambique in the nineteenth century by Edward A. Alpers pg 38-39)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-anchor-15-98112873)
Madagascar and Mozambique in the nineteenth century by Edward A. Alpers pg 48-49, 40)
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-anchor-16-98112873)
Feeding Globalization: Madagascar and the Provisioning Trade by Jane Hooper pg 162-3, Madagascar and Mozambique in the nineteenth century by Edward A. Alpers pg 40-41
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-anchor-17-98112873)
Feeding Globalization: Madagascar and the Provisioning Trade by Jane Hooper pg 163, Madagascar and Mozambique in the nineteenth century by Edward A. Alpers pg 42)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-anchor-18-98112873)
Trade, Society, and Politics in Northern Mozambique, C. 1753-1913 by Nancy J. Hafkin pg 175
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-anchor-19-98112873)
Madagascar and Mozambique in the nineteenth century by Edward A. Alpers pg 43-44)
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-anchor-20-98112873)
Madagascar and Mozambique in the nineteenth century by Edward A. Alpers pg 45)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-anchor-21-98112873)
Africa and the indian ocean world by G. Campbell pg 215, Madagascar and Mozambique in the nineteenth century by Edward A. Alpers pg 46-47
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-anchor-22-98112873)
Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea by Iain Walker pg 76, The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency in the Indian Ocean by M. D. D. Newitt pg 21)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-anchor-23-98112873)
The Economics of the Indian Ocean Slave Trade in the Nineteenth Century By William Gervase Clarence-Smith pg 186).
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-anchor-24-98112873)
The Economics of the Indian Ocean Slave Trade in the Nineteenth Century By William Gervase Clarence-Smith pg 170-173, 183).
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-anchor-25-98112873)
Madagascar and Mozambique in the nineteenth century by Edward A. Alpers pg 50-53, also see Jane Hooper’s “An Empire in the Indian Ocean: the Sakalava Empire of Madagascar”
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the#footnote-anchor-26-98112873)
Madagascar and Mozambique in the nineteenth century by Edward A. Alpers pg 52
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[Gregor Gross](https://substack.com/profile/1621088-gregor-gross?utm_source=substack-feed-item)
[Jan 26, 2023](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the/comment/12234113 "Jan 26, 2023, 1:58 PM")
> The island of Nzwani was home to the most prosperous kingdom in the Comoros archipelago during the 18th century, having grown as a major port-of-call for European ships which were provisioned and taxed at its main port of Mutsamudu.
I really dig your African History blog for I know next to nothing about Africa at all. It had almost no part in history in school in the 80s in the German Democratic Republic where I came from. And with most later historical books I either focussed on mostly non-African topics like WWII or Africa wasn't even mentioned. One reason for that is Africa was presented as a backwater of Europe, but other continents, too.
So when I heard of an African king who went to Mecca and while he went there, made the gold price fluctuate wherever he came through because he carried so much gold with his travelling entourage, it dawned on me that Africa wasn't so much behind, but just different and later on, colonialized which often means one's own history is deleted. Here you mention now "the most prosperous kingdom": what does this mean? How does it compare to other places, or how does it stand out from its neighbours, exactly?
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Published Time: 2025-05-18T16:05:19+00:00
An island bridge in the Indian Ocean: The history of Mayotte in the French Comoros (ca. 800-1841)
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An island bridge in the Indian Ocean: The history of Mayotte in the French Comoros (ca. 800-1841)
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The Comoros archipelago, a natural stopover between the East African coast and Madagascar, was a crossroads for travelers and seafarers from across the African and Asian continents.
At the nexus of this diverse cultural exchange was the island of Mayotte, whose ethnically heterogeneous population attests to its role as an island bridge connecting the two worlds. On Mayotte, settlements of Shimaore speakers (a Bantu language related to Swahili) alternate with those of Kibushi speakers (an Austronesian language that's a dialect of Malagasy).
In the Middle Ages, urbanized communities on Mayotte participated in the maritime trading networks of the Indian Ocean. After the 15th century, the island was unified by an independent sultanate based at Tsingoni. The Sultanate of Mayotte lasted until the French colonial period in 1841, and the island is currently considered a French overseas department.
This article explores the pre-colonial history of the island of Mayotte from the late 1st millennium to the 19th century.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!8ocy!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbf3bd309-d175-4a80-b67b-661ca5933cd7_937x631.png)
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**The early history of Mayotte**
The territory of Mayotte, known locally as **Maore**, consists of a large island (Grande Terre) of 363 km² that is surrounded by about 30 small islands.
The island of Mayotte, like the rest of the Comoro Archipelago, likely served as a route for Holocene hunter-gatherers from Africa who traveled to Madagascar by island hopping from the East African mainland, as evidenced by finds of stone tools and bones with tool marks found at sites in Madagascar dated to 2288–2035 BC and 402–204 BC.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-1-163770474) Direct evidence from the known archaeological sites on Mayotte itself, however, suggests that the human settlement began during the 1st millennium of the common era, with successive waves of migration continuing into the modern period.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-2-163770474)
The first permanent settlement on Mayotte emerged at Dembeni, a 5ha site that was occupied from the 9th-11th century by a mixed farming and fishing community that lived in rectilinear daub and wattle houses. The material culture of the site consists mostly of local _‘TIW’_ (Triangular incised ware) pottery, which is the material signature of Swahili-speaking groups on the East African coast. There were also imported wares of Abbasid, Persian, and Chinese origin, as well as chlorite schist vases from Madagascar and glassware from Egypt.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-3-163770474)
Unlike some of the early Swahili sites, the island of Mayotte doesn't appear in external accounts before the late 15th century.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-4-163770474) This is despite the relatively high proportion of imported wares that would suggest the presence of seafarers from beyond the East African coast. Other archaeological finds of shell-impressed vessels and chlorite schist vases indicate that the inhabitants of Dembeni were in contact with communities in Madagascar. It has thus been argued that speakers of Austroneanian languages to which the Ki-bushi language belongs, were also present on the island during the Dembeni phase.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-5-163770474)
During the Dembeni period, the Comoros archipelago served as a warehouse for Malagasy products, especially rock crystal, which was described in external Arab accounts as one of the products exported from the ‘Zanj coast’ in the 11th century to be reworked in Fatimid Egypt. The abundance of this material at Dembeni compared to other East African coastal sites indicates that Mayotte was a major transshipment point in the trade circuits of the western Indian Ocean.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-6-163770474)
The Dembeni phase on Mayotte lasted until the 11th/13th century, with two main sites; Dembeni and Bagamoyo, the latter of which is a necropolis dating from the 9th century. This early phase was succeeded by several archaeological sites that are periodized based on the type of local pottery traditions. These sites, which flourished during the late Middle Ages, belong to the Hanyoundrou tradition (11th-13th century); the Acoua tradition (14th century), and the Chingoni tradition (15th century).[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-7-163770474)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ibHA!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5a58a366-2871-41be-8537-557d3d558943_971x616.png)
_**Sailboats near Mayotte, ca. 1924.**_ BNF, Paris.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!a7Wj!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F741a15e1-d6cd-4f8e-bd25-9491ae1ff062_646x427.png)
_**The necropolis of Bagamoyo on Petite Terre, Mayotte.**_ image by M. Pauly
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ib9G!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa4f95fb0-1f8d-4908-bfe4-0cbd44799bf6_886x768.jpeg)
_**Islands and archipelagos of the western Indian Ocean showing the main ocean currents**_. Map by Laurent Berger and Sophie Blanchy[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-8-163770474)
During the late Middle Ages, increased agricultural development resulted in the establishment of large settlements (villages and towns). Most of the structures at these sites were built with daub and wattle, save for elite residencies, a few mosques, and ramparts that were constructed with coral and basalt blocks.
Important settlements from this period include; the site of _**Acoua**_ whose ruins include a stone wall enclosing an area of 4ha dated to the 11th century, a 12th century mosque and several domestic structures; _**Mbwanatsa**_, a 13th century site with a ruined rampart and a mosque; _**Kangani**_, an 11th century site with ruins of stone houses; _**Mitseni**_, an 11th-15th century site with ruins of a rampart, three mosques and tombs; and _**Tsingoni**_, the later capital of the Mayotte Sultanate in the 16th -18th centuries.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-9-163770474)
Excavations at the sites of Bagamoyo (9th-15th century) and Antsiraka Boira (12th century) uncovered Muslim burials, pointing to Mayotte's links with the wider Muslim world. Material culture from the site of Acoua (11th-15th century) included pottery similar to the Swahili wares found at Kilwa, indicating an influx of populations from the latter, especially in the 14th-15th century. The site also contained imported Chinese and Yemeni pottery, and Indian glass beads, providing further evidence of Mayotte's integration into the trading networks of the Indian Ocean world.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-10-163770474)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!bN54!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdc73bce4-ac24-481d-87d9-42383c608baf_1262x405.png)
_**Ruins of Mitseni, Mayotte**_. images by M. Pauly
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!QVHZ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9ddb1e38-9014-40bf-a793-431dd567a737_1020x765.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!FA52!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F197eb59e-51ac-48b5-9744-423398ab9586_1020x765.png)
_**The Polé mosque on Petite-Terre, Mayotte**_. images by M. Pauly
* * *
**State and society on Mayotte during the late Middle Ages**
From the 11th to the 15th centuries, political power in Mayotte was fragmented into independent chiefdoms that local chronicles attribute to the _**Fani**_, a title for local rulers. The _Fani_ first appeared in written documents in the 1614 account of English captain Walter Peyton, who mentions that the father of the king of the island was called _**Fani Moheli**_. A few years earlier, in 1611, another account noted that this king was called Sariffo booboocarree [Sharifu Aboubacari], indicating links to the Sharifian groups of the Hejaz.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-11-163770474)
Traditional King-lists, oral accounts, and later chronicles for this period refer to a complex history of dynastic intermarriages between local elite families and immigrant families from the Swahili coast who called themselves _**shirazis**_. There were also intermarriages with the Sakalava of Madagascar and Sharifian families from Pate/Yemen. Given the matrilineal character of Comorian society, historical traditions regarding these elite intermarriages contain references to women as founders of important lineages, and at times mention intermarriages with foreign princesses —instead of princes— since power was often transmitted through the female line.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-12-163770474)
The Oral accounts indicate that the _Fani_ dynasty ended with the establishment of the _Shirazi_ dynasty in the late 15th century at the height of the Kilwa sultanate. Historians suggest that these _shirazi_ traditions were a result of the migration of elite families from Kilwa to the Comoros archipelago in the 15th century[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-13-163770474) (where they are attested at [Ngazidja](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja#footnote-anchor-6-140646735) and Nzwani) and the southern Swahili coast at [Tungi in Mozambique](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal#footnote-anchor-37-157684668). In Comoros, the _shirazi_ dynasty's founder, Hassan, is said to have lived in Nzwani from where he sent his son Mohammed to Mayotte, where the latter married the daughter of the _fani_ of Mtsamboro.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-14-163770474)
Mohammed's son Issa then claimed the title of sultan of Mayotte—through his mother’s lineage, and moved to Tsingoni where he built a mosque that bears an inscription with his name and is dated 994 AH (1538 CE). Recent excavations in and around the mosque show that it was preceded by a smaller mosque constructed in the 13th-14th century during the time of the _Fani_ rulers.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-15-163770474)
Between the 15th and 16th centuries, centralized political institutions emerged on the island, with kings called _wafaume_ (Swahili word for king), who unified earlier chiefdoms within the context of growing social hierarchization. In Mayotte's hierarchical society, the aristocracy resided in urban areas like Tsingoni and Mtsamboro which were characterized by coral-stone mosques and palaces, while the countryside was populated by free peasants and slaves living in small hamlets.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-16-163770474)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!gdUl!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fabfcfd0d-4b04-4380-a77f-38db28e28940_778x513.png)
_**3D photogrammetric survey of the Tsingoni mosque and the surveys**_. image by A. Daussy, Inrap
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!19MR!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F21784132-8f05-4fd2-9d52-73eed11263b0_1020x765.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!zUwk!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff292d9b1-0839-467a-84c7-02e322044931_1286x365.png)
_**Tsingoni mosque and mihrab inscription**_. images by M. Pauly
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!iVKD!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6b3008a9-3306-415a-9462-7721b3c8f45b_699x446.png)
_**Old tombs of Tsingoni, Mayotte. ca. 1973**_, Quai Branly.
* * *
**Mayotte as a trade hub during the 16th and 17th centuries.**
The European irruption on the East African coast during the 16th century wasn’t felt on Mayotte, as the islands remained on the periphery of the [Portuguese maritime empire that subsumed parts of the Swahili coast](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-portuguese-and-the-swahili-from?utm_source=publication-search).
Around 1506, a Portuguese captain at Kilwa mentioned the island of ‘_Maotoe’_ (Mayotte) among the six islands in the Comoro archipelago whose Muslim rulers supplied the Swahili cities of Kilwa and Mombasa with _**“cattle, great mil (sorghum), rice, ginger, fruit, and sugar”.**_ By the mid-16th century, the Portuguese captain Balthazar Lobo de Sousa mentioned that Mayotte was ruled by a single king and had _**“30 ‘cities’ of 300 to 400 inhabitants,”**_ suggesting that the island’s population exceeded 10,000.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-17-163770474)
According to the account of the Turkish admiral Piri Re’is, written in 1521-1526, Portuguese ships attacked the capital Tsingoni in the early 16th century but the fleet had been wrecked on the surrounding reefs and the crew was marooned on the island. He mentions that the island was ruled by a sultan/king (unlike Mwali and Ngazidja which were ruled by _sheikhs_) The sultan of Mayotte ruled from Chin Kuni (Tsingoni) over a population that was ‘black and white’ comprised of Shafi'i Muslims: _**“Among them there is no hypocrisy.”**_[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-18-163770474)
Mayotte and the Comoros archipelago remained important stopovers on maritime trade routes, carrying gold, ivory, iron, and captives, as well as supplying provisions for European ships.
In 1620 the French trader Beaulieu met two ships off Ngazidja coming from Mayotte and heading for Lamu, their port of registry: they were loaded with a great quantity of rice, smoked meat, and “many slaves.” The captives exported from Mayotte and the Comoros archipelago were most likely purchased from Madagascar, where ‘Buki’ (Malagasy) slaves appear in multiple accounts from the 16th-17th century.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-19-163770474)
Piri Re’is early 16th-century description of the islands as ‘warehouses’ for these captives suggests that the trade had a demographic effect on the islands.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-20-163770474) The name ‘Ki-Bushi’ for the Malagasy dialect of Mayotte is itself an exonymous term derived from the Comorian word for Malagasy people as _‘Bushi’_ similar to the Swahili’s _‘Buki’._[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-21-163770474)
In the first half of the 17th century, prior to their establishment of the Cape colony in 1652, the Dutch briefly used the island of Mayotte as a supply point, much like [Nzwani was to the English](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-island-at-the-nexus-of?utm_source=publication-search), albeit to a lesser extent.
In 1601 a Dutch fleet purchased a wide range of provisions, reporting that there were large numbers of cattle and fruit; in 1607 another Dutch ship was able to take on board 366 head of cattle, 276 goats, and ‘an extraordinary quantity of fruit’. In 1613, a Dutch fleet stayed five weeks at Mayotte while mustering strength to attack the Portuguese on Mozambique island. And in I6I5 Mayotte was still the island most frequented by the Dutch in the Comoros. However, the reefs that provided shelter in the lagoon were ultimately too great a hazard forcing the Dutch to abandon the island in favour of the Cape.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-22-163770474)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!XbMm!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8b62ac52-8a1e-4a9d-8582-f6ea4da0a13d_1131x551.png)
_**Outrigger canoe, Basalt rocks, and stone houses. ca. 1955.**_ Mayotte or Ngazidja, Quai Branly.
* * *
**Mayotte’s politics from the period of Inter-Island warfare to the early colonial era (1700-1841)**
The rulers of Mayotte were kin to the rulers of Nzwani who claimed seniority and thus suzerainty over Mayotte and the neighboring island of Mwali. However, these links weakened with time as the two islands descended into a protracted period of dynastic rivalry and inter-island war as early as 1614. Tradition attributes this hostility to dynastic factors primarily concerned with the legitimacy of, and hierarchy among, the ruling lineages. These internal processes were exacerbated by the demand for provisions for European ships and the supply of mercenaries from the latter.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-23-163770474)
After a lull in hostilities, succession crises in Mayotte resulted in Nzwani reportedly establishing its suzerainty over Mayotte in the mid-18th century, but in 1781 Mayotte's king refused to pay tribute to Nzwani. The ruler of Nzwani thus invaded Mayotte forcing the latter to pay the tribute, after which Nzwani’s forces withdrew from the island, taking some as captives. In 1791, the ruler of Nzwani invaded Mayotte again with a fleet of 35 boats accompanied by 300 French mercenaries, presumably to obtain tribute and slaves, but the Nzwani army was defeated and the island reverted to the local authority.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-24-163770474)
In the last decade of the 18th century, succession struggles in Nzwani resulted in one of the claimants allying with the Sakalava of Madagascar who were then employed as mercenaries against his rival and neighboring rulers including Mayotte. The capital Tsingoni and the town of Mtsamboro were sacked and the island's population collapsed during [the Sakalava invasion of the East African coast that lasted until 1817](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-episode-of-naval-warfare-on-the?utm_source=publication-search). The ruling dynasty of Mayotte was forced to move to the small island at Dzaoudzi from where they forged alliances with the Sakalava kingdom of Boina.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-25-163770474)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!WvhM!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb151b639-a818-49a5-9702-5289a5bfe9a6_1040x467.png)
_**View of Dzaoudzi, Mayotte. ca. 1845, by M. Varney and A. Roussi.**_
In 1826, the Sakalava prince Andriantsoli fled from Madagascar to Mayotte, after his kingdom was conquered by the Merina king Radama I. After the latter's death, Andriantsoli returned to reclaim the throne of Boina but was overthrown in a succession conflict, forcing him to flee to Mayotte again in 1832. However, unlike his first exile, the Sakalava prince was not generously received by its ruler Bwana Combo, who attempted to expel the large group of Malagasy that had arrived with him.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-26-163770474)
After a series of wars and shifting alliances involving the three islands of Mayotte, Nzwani, and Mwali, the ruling dynasty of Mayotte briefly ceded the island to the ruler Nzwani, Abdallah II in 1835. Bwana Combo remained the ruler of Mayotte while Andriantsoli became the governor. Bwana Combo then joined forces with Abdallah II to invade the island of Mwali, but their forces were shipwrecked and the two were executed by the ruler of Mwali.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-27-163770474)
Andriantsoli thus became the sultan of Mayotte but was considered an unpopular ruler. Therefore in 1841, well aware that his hold over the island was tenuous, Andriantsoli ceded sovereignty of Mayotte to France but the latter were fiercely resisted by many Maorians in a series of colonial rebellions in 1849, 1854, and 1856. After pacifying the islanders, the French began importing enslaved and forced labor from the East African coast to the island for their sugar plantations. However, the island remained neglected and under-administered, a situation which prevails to the present day.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-28-163770474)
The depopulation of the late 18th century and the import of plantation labor in the colonial period had a significant demographic effect on the island. In 1851, just 17% of the population were native Maorians while 23% were from the rest of Comoros; 26% were Malagasy; and 32% were from Mozambique. By 1866 however, nearly 40% of the population were Maorians, many of whom had doubtlessly been acculturated into the local society through intermarriage. The great majority of Maorais today are thus descended from immigrants who arrived on the island in the 19th century.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-29-163770474)
These processes of acculturation and migration would continue to figure prominently in the political and social identity of Mayotte during the colonial period and would play a significant role in the controversial referenda of 1974 and 1976 when the islanders chose to remain a French overseas territory.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!lZ63!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F10022360-58f6-457d-b0c8-b53b45aa1a9e_850x573.jpeg)
_**Dhow off the coast of Dzaoudzi, Mayotte. ca. 1955**_. Quai Branly.
* * *
* * *
Like the Seafarers of the Swahili coast, societies in the interior regions of East Africa traveled across the Great Lakes and established lake ports whose significance to regional trade would be retained well into the modern era.
**The history of Navigation on the African Great Lakes is the subject of my latest Patreon article,**
**Please subscribe to read more about it here:**
[NAVIGATING THE AFRICAN GREAT LAKES](https://www.patreon.com/posts/navigating-great-128629739)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!FlQB!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0d2b1df1-867a-4bc2-9116-e241bda184d4_827x654.png)
* * *
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!-vBe!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5c67c20d-ac5e-457b-bdc7-636dc97ce201_756x474.png)
_**Maorian women at the maulida shengy festival, ca. 1985**_. image by J.S. Solway.
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-anchor-1-163770474)
Stone tools and foraging in northern Madagascar challenge Holocene extinction models by Robert E. Dewar, Chantal Radimilahy, Henry T. Wright
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-anchor-2-163770474)
The Swahili World edited by Stephanie Wynne-Jones, Adria LaViolette pg 268-271
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-anchor-3-163770474)
Early Seafarers of the Comoro Islands: the Dembeni Phase of the IXth-Xth Centuries AD by Henry T. Wright et al. Dembéni, Mayotte (976) Archéologie swahilie dans un département français by Stéphane Pradines
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-anchor-4-163770474)
Acoua, archéologie d’une communauté villageoise de Mayotte (archipel des Comores) by Martial Pauly pg 23
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-anchor-5-163770474)
Early Seafarers of the Comoro Islands: the Dembeni Phase of the IXth-Xth Centuries AD by Henry T. Wright et al. pg 55-57, Dembéni (Mayotte) – rapport de mission archéologique 1999 by Bruno Desachy et al. pg 14-17, Acoua, archéologie d’une communauté villageoise de Mayotte (archipel des Comores) by Martial Pauly pg 26-30, 74-79.
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-anchor-6-163770474)
Acoua, archéologie d’une communauté villageoise de Mayotte (archipel des Comores) by Martial Pauly pg 115-116
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-anchor-7-163770474)
Développement de l'architecture domestique en pierre à Mayotte (XIIIe-XVIIe siècle), by Martial Pauly pg 8-20, Société et culture à Mayotte aux XIe-XVe siècles: la période des chefferies by Martial Pauly pg 90-91
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-anchor-8-163770474)
La fabrique des mondes insulaires Altérités, inégalités et mobilités au sud-ouest de l’océan Indien by Laurent Berger et Sophie Blanchy
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-anchor-9-163770474)
Société et culture à Mayotte aux XIe-XVe siècles: la période des chefferies by Martial Pauly pg 92-97
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-anchor-10-163770474)
La diffusion de l’islam à Mayotte à l’époque médiévale by Martial Pauly pg 70-86, Acoua-Agnala M'kiri, Mayotte (976), archéologie d'une localité médiévale (XIe-XVe siècles), entre Afrique et Madagascar by Martial Pauly pg 73-88
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-anchor-11-163770474)
Société et culture à Mayotte aux XIe-XVe siècles: la période des chefferies by Martial Pauly pg 69-83, 104-108)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-anchor-12-163770474)
Société et culture à Mayotte aux XIe-XVe siècles: la période des chefferies by Martial Pauly pg 84-85, Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea: A History of the Comoros By Iain Bruce Walker pg 39, _On sharifian families_: Les cités - Etats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu , 1585- 1810 by T. Vernet pg 179-180
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-anchor-13-163770474)
Acoua, archéologie d’une communauté villageoise de Mayotte (archipel des Comores) by Martial Pauly pg 121-123
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-anchor-14-163770474)
Dembéni, Mayotte (976) Archéologie swahilie dans un département français by Stéphane Pradines pg 69-70, Société et culture à Mayotte aux XIe-XVe siècles: la période des chefferies by Martial Pauly pg 85-88
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-anchor-15-163770474)
La mosquée de Tsingoni (Mayotte) Premières investigations archéologiques by Anne Jégouzo
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-anchor-16-163770474)
Société et culture à Mayotte aux XIe-XVe siècles: la période des chefferies by Martial Pauly pg 104-105
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-anchor-17-163770474)
Worlds of the Indian Ocean Vol. 2 by Philippe Beaujard pg 553-554, Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea: A History of the Comoros By Iain Bruce Walker pg 52-53
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-anchor-18-163770474)
L’archipel des Comores et son histoire ancienne. by Claude Allibert prg 34
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-anchor-19-163770474)
Slave Trade and Slavery on the Swahili Coast, 1500–1750 by Thomas Vernet pg 44. The Worlds of the Indian Ocean Vol. 2 by Philippe Beaujard pg 560-561,615,
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-anchor-20-163770474)
Société et culture à Mayotte aux XIe-XVe siècles: la période des chefferies by Martial Pauly pg 85
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-anchor-21-163770474)
L’archipel des Comores et son histoire ancienne. by Claude Allibert prg 20,
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-anchor-22-163770474)
The Comoro Islands in Indian Ocean Trade before the 19th century by M. Newitt pg 151-152, Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea: A History of the Comoros By Iain Bruce Walker pg 70
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-anchor-23-163770474)
The Comoro Islands in Indian Ocean Trade before the 19th century by M. Newitt pg 156-157
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-anchor-24-163770474)
Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea: A History of the Comoros By Iain Bruce Walker pg 70-71, also read a summary of this period on M. Pauly’s blogpost: [Les causes de l'effondrement de la civilisation classique à Mayotte, 1680-1820](http://archeologiemayotte.over-blog.com/article-les-causes-de-l-effondrement-de-la-civilisation-classique-a-mayotte-1680-1820-65820605.html)
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-anchor-25-163770474)
Dzaoudzi (Mayotte, Petite Terre), Parc de la Résidence des Gouverneurs : Fouille archéologique d’office (2019), Rapport final d’opération. By Michaël Tournadre pg 39-41
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-anchor-26-163770474)
Note sur le shungu sha wamaore à Mohéli. Un élément de l’histoire politique et sociale de l’archipel des Comores by Sophie Blanchy, Madi Laguera pg 5-7
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-anchor-27-163770474)
Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea: A History of the Comoros By Iain Bruce Walker pg 84
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-anchor-28-163770474)
The Comoro islands: Struggle against dependency in the Indian Ocean. by M. D. D. Newitt pg 27, Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea: A History of the Comoros By Iain Bruce Walker pg 85-89
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean#footnote-anchor-29-163770474)
Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea: A History of the Comoros By Iain Bruce Walker pg 89)
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Published Time: 2025-09-28T15:22:31+00:00
Ancient cities and the development of urbanism in pre-colonial Africa: the view from Bonduku.
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Ancient cities and the development of urbanism in pre-colonial Africa: the view from Bonduku.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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Historical and archaeological research on the origins of urbanism and ancient cities has long held a prominent position in the study of the rise of early states and civilizations.
Urbanism was an essential aspect of many pre-colonial African societies. Cities were arenas around which societies organized themselves: as centres of trade, as foci of political authority, and as sites of ritual power.
The vastness of Africa and its cultural pluralism defy a typology of urban settlements. African urban forms took on a dazzling array of expressions, confounding traditional expectations of normative Old World archetypes of what defines ‘urban.’
There is now a broader consensus that the emergence of urbanism in Africa has deep indigenous rather than extraneous roots, and that the earliest phases of that process preceded the emergence of states.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-cities-and-the-development#footnote-1-174755172)
Research in the Middle Nile valley cities of [Kerma and Doukki Gel (Sudan)](https://www.patreon.com/posts/ancient-state-of-59674298), the [pre-Aksumite towns of Yeha and Sembel (Ethiopia, Eritrea)](https://www.patreon.com/posts/112946798), and the Tichitt urban settlement of [Dhaklet el-Atrous (Mauritania)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-building-in-ancient-west-africa) has provided evidence for early settlement nucleation and hierarchies dating back to the 3rd-1st millennium BC.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!x9Nj!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe1e25732-ee5e-4957-9140-272d026e78a2_1171x777.jpeg)
_**Ruins of Doukki Gel in Sudan**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!J_pI!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd70dacda-d749-451d-a3e3-a7dfd941fa01_799x533.jpeg)
_**Interior of the temple at Yeha, Ethiopia.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!dhX1!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff84368f3-a3f4-43f2-8550-ccd1b6048a65_820x505.jpeg)
_**Palace of Grat Be’al Gebri at Yeha, Ethiopia.**_
Many instances of African urbanisation during the Middle Ages and the early modern period were linked to the processes of state formation and long-distance exchanges. The degrees of hierarchy across early urban sites were often historically and politically contingent.
Metropolises like [Meroe (Sudan)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital?utm_source=publication-search), [Aksum (Ethiopia)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-aksum-an?utm_source=publication-search), [Gao (Mali)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city?utm_source=publication-search), Katsina (Nigeria), and [Kilwa (Tanzania)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/kilwa-the-complete-chronological?utm_source=publication-search) linked the web of regional trade routes between satellite towns and neighbouring cities, with longer-range contacts extending beyond the continent.
These interlinked cities and towns included Sedeinga and Hamdab (for Meroe), Adulis and Matara (for Aksum), Djenne and [Timbuktu](https://www.patreon.com/posts/timbuktu-history-71077233) (for Gao), [Kano](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-kano-999?utm_source=publication-search) and Zaria (for Katsina), [Sofala](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal?utm_source=publication-search)and [Tsingoni](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-island-bridge-in-the-indian-ocean?utm_source=publication-search)(for Kilwa), among others.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!dMGG!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F91e94817-657f-4ed9-8ec7-c11ea9ca9e5d_1018x537.png)
_**Kano, Nigeria. ca. 1931**_, ETH Zurich.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!XApS!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbd5ef2ec-cab3-4513-994a-b28f36e8b0b4_873x656.png)
_**Djenne, Mali.**_ ca. 1946, Quai Branly.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!GNIZ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F99419a93-06e2-4f10-8ca4-6f735427af7c_1024x765.png)
_**The ‘audience court’ at Husuni Kubwa, Kilwa Kisiwani, Tanzania**_. Image by S. Wynne-Jones
The earliest written histories of states such as medieval Ghana (at Kumbi Saleh), [Kanem (at Njimi)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-forgotten-african-empire-the-history?utm_source=publication-search), Kongo (at Mbanza Kongo), and Ethiopia (at Gondar) attest the presence of large capitals, which contained the royal courts, churches/mosques, and garrisons surrounded by permanent settlements of titleholders, officials, and subjects.
The numerous ruins of stone settlements found across southern Africa in [Zimbabwe](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/stone-palaces-in-the-mountains-great?utm_source=publication-search), [Botswana](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone?utm_source=publication-search), and [South Africa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a?utm_source=publication-search), such as Great Zimbabwe, Domboshaba, Thulamela, and the [Tswana capitals](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/stone-towns-on-the-highveld-of-south?utm_source=publication-search), were also urban centres of polities that combined inter-polity heterarchies and intra-polity hierarchies.
In most of Central Africa, the Atlantic coast of West Africa, and the Great Lakes region of East Africa, historical cities and towns developed as capitals of hierarchical societies, where large settlements grew around the royal courts at [Abomey (Benin)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-abomey-capital?utm_source=publication-search), Mbanza Kongo (Congo), Rubaga/Kampala (Uganda), and Kasongo (D.R. Congo). A few mercantile towns also emerged at Tabora and Ujiji (Tanzania).
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!yrEr!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1bc8c51f-28e2-44a0-8721-02031389a022_1080x957.jpeg)
_**Iyasu’s palace at Gondar, Ethiopia.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!uqoB!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F889625f9-8858-4478-861a-126a01b8a09b_1600x1067.jpeg)
_**Valley ruins, Great Zimbabwe.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!6Fxm!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe7d28453-2714-41a6-b8e0-803cb4c6c4f5_1962x1407.jpeg)
_**illustration of Olfert Dapper’s drawing of the Loango Capital, ca. 1686**_
Urbanism allowed ranges of specialists in metallurgy, clothmaking, glassworking, and other industries to flourish in centres like Ife (Nigeria), Harar (Ethiopia), Mogadishu (Somalia), and Pate (Kenya). Historical accounts often distinguish between these centres of production and mercantile cities like [Zeila](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-zeila-zayla?utm_source=publication-search), [Zanzibar](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-zanzibar-before-the?utm_source=publication-search), and the _[ksars](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan?utm\_source=publication-search)_[of southern Mauritania](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan?utm_source=publication-search), which developed as entrepots at the terminus of long-distance routes.
While many of these cities and towns formed elements of larger territorial states, others developed as city-states that consisted of multiple, competing, peer-polities with a shared cultural identity.
These African city-state societies include [the Swahili](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-political-history-of-the-swahili?utm_source=publication-search) of East Africa (eg; [Lamu](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-social-history-of-the-lamu-city?utm_source=publication-search), [Mombasa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca?utm_source=publication-search), and [Brava](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-brava-ca?utm_source=publication-search)); the [Hausa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-history-of-the-hausa-city-states?utm_source=publication-search) of northern Nigeria (eg; Kano, Zaria and Katsina); [the Kotoko](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko?utm_source=publication-search) of northern Cameroon (eg; Gulfey, Logone-Birni, and Kusseri), [the Yoruba](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-city-states-of-the-yoruba-a-history) of southern Nigeria (eg; Ijebu, Abeokuta, Ibadan), among others.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-cities-and-the-development#footnote-2-174755172)
Other cities and towns developed as Oases, such as the _[ksars](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart?utm\_source=publication-search)_[of Kawar](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-african-civilization-in-the-heart?utm_source=publication-search) in northern Niger (eg, Bilma and Djado), while some urban settlements were created as religious/intellectual centres like [Lalibela](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in?utm_source=publication-search), and Ksar el-Barka.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!-R9G!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1e5e8100-0178-47a1-b35d-b040e94e6e10_848x583.png)
_**Brava (Barawa), Somalia.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!wo-N!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F156e8f2f-fdc2-4488-91e5-56896553220c_819x577.png)
_**Gulfey, Cameroon.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!zWZO!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F86c3055d-952e-42a2-9974-12e7b65f730a_680x466.jpeg)
_**Palm grove and ksar of Djado, Niger.**_
Despite the diversity of African urban trajectories and the profound structural differences that existed between the societies served by these cities, there is clear evidence for extensive contact between Africa’s ancient cities, which influenced the spread of urbanism across the continent.
One such example is the city of Bonduku (also called Bondoukou/Bontuku), which was founded along the northern edge of the Forests of Côte d’Ivoire at the terminus of medieval trade routes.
Established at the end of the 16th century by Dyula/Wangara merchants from medieval Mali, the city of Bonduku became a major hub whose distinctive cultural tradition and architecture presented a stark contrast to its rural hinterland.
As one visitor in 1889 remarked:
_**“So different was Bontuku from anything we had hitherto encountered, and so flattering was the effect of the distance that separated us from it, that we felt as if we had suddenly emerged from our barbarous surroundings into an unlooked-for centre of culture and civilization.**_
_**Bontuku presented a great aggregation of long, regularly built, flat-topped houses, rising tier behind tier on the slope of a low hill, like the benches of an amphitheatre. The horizontal lines of the long level walls were broken by ranges of slender pinnacles, while out of the mass of buildings rose the spires and pointed turrets of the mosques, which at first sight had the appearance of small Gothic cathedrals.”**_
The history of Bonduku city is the subject of my latest Patreon article
**Please subscribe to read more about it here and support this newsletter:**
[A CITY AT THE FOREST EDGE: BONDUKU](https://www.patreon.com/posts/139889930)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-cities-and-the-development#footnote-anchor-1-174755172)
Precolonial African cities, size and density by C. Kusimba et al. In ‘Urbanism in the Preindustrial World: Cross-Cultural Approaches edited by Glenn R. Storey. ‘Africa’ by David Mattingly and Kevin MacDonald in ‘The Oxford Handbook of Cities in World History’ edited by Peter Clark. Urbanisation and State Formation in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond by Martin Sterry, David J. Mattingly. Ancient Middle Niger: Urbanism and the Self-organizing Landscape By Roderick J. McIntosh.
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-cities-and-the-development#footnote-anchor-2-174755172)
A Comparative Study of Thirty City-state Cultures: An Investigation edited by Mogens Herman Hansen
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Published Time: 2022-01-16T13:57:08+00:00
Ancient Ife and its masterpieces of African art: transforming glass, copper and terracotta into sculptural symbols of power and ritual
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Ancient Ife and its masterpieces of African art: transforming glass, copper and terracotta into sculptural symbols of power and ritual
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### Towards an understanding of naturalist (realistic) art in the African context
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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The art of the ancient city of Ife has since its "discovery" in the 19th century, occupied a special position in the corpus of African and global artworks; the sublime beauty, remarkable expressiveness, elegant portraiture, life-size proportions, sheer volume and sophistication of the Ife collection which included many naturalist (realistic) works was especially appealing to western observers who immediately drew parallels to some of their best art traditions particularly the ancient Greek sculptures, and ascribed mythical origins to Ife’s artists claiming their works as accomplishments beyond the capacity of an African artist, and clouding our understanding of Ife's history and its art tradition.
The sculptures of Ife are one of the legacies of the kingdom of Ife, whole capital city, _**ile-ife**_, is the center of a tradition in which its primacy and reverence is nearly unparalleled among the old world's cultures and religions: _**ile-ife**_, as the tradition goes, is the genesis of all humanity, deities and the world itself, it was the site of creation of civilization and social institutions, and its from ife that kingship, religion and the arts spread to other places. When english traders visited ile-ife, they were informed that their kings originated from ife, when missionaries went to covert the city's inhabitants, the latter said christianity was one of several religions from ife; in all contexts and in all iterations of this tradition, the city of ife was where all roads of humanity led and from where they originated[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-1-47161822). Despite its location deep in the heart of the “forest region” of west Africa and at the periphery of the medieval world's trading theatre, Ife was the innermost west-African kingdom known to external sources of the medieval era, from the 14th century accounts of Ibn Battuta and of al-Umari (based on correspondence received from Mansa Musa), to the 15th century Portuguese accounts of an interior kingdom of great importance whose ruler was revered by many of the west-African coastal kingdoms, Ife's position in west Africa's political landscape was lofty and unequalled, much like its art.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-2-47161822)
Beneath these grandiose traditions about Ife was a real kingdom whose wealth, based on its vibrant glass-making industry, allowed it to project its commercial power over much of the Yoruba-land (a region of south-western Nigeria with Yoruba-speakers); whose trade networks extended to the famed cities of Timbuktu and Kumbi-saleh; and whose ritual primacy as the center of the _**Ifa**_ religion and philosophical school turned its’s rulers into the ultimate source of legitimation for the ruling dynasties of yorubaland, enabling Ife to establish itself as the “ritual suzerain” of the region and prompted external writers to compare the Ife ruler's position as similar to that of the Pope in medieval Europe. The distinctive sculptures of Ife, which include both naturalist and stylized works, were mostly part of ancestral shrines and mortuary assemblages, and were a product of ancestral veneration in Ife's religion, these copper-alloy and terracotta sculptures represent real personalities; both royal and non-royal, who were active in the “_**classical period”**_ of Ife especially between the late 13th and early 14th century; many whom played an important role in the growth of the kingdom, as well as heads of important "_houses_" in the kingdom who were venerated by their descendants[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-3-47161822). Ife's artworks were commissioned by Ife’s patrons, they were sculpted by Ife artists who employed styles and motifs common in Yoruba art using materials derived from Ife's immediate surroundings and from their inventive glass and metallurgical crafts-industries; its these artists of Ife that invented glass manufacture, making this African kingdom one of the few places in the world where glass was independently invented.
Ife's artists conveyed the visual forms and power of their patrons into sculpture in a process that was independent of the rest of the world’s art traditions which Ife's art is often compared to, the aesthetics and visual systems of Ife’s art that produced the naturalist sculptures which awed western observers (and by extension modern art observers), wasn't a natural consequence of ife's "exceptionalism" relative to the rest of the African art traditions (which would be incorrect since naturalist sculptures are present in Nubian, Asante, Benin and Kuba art among others) nor was it a “natural progression” of artistic sophistication from the abstract/stylized figures to the naturalist figures (this theory in Art history is eurocentric[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-4-47161822) and pervades art criticism, but even in Europe its validity is debated among classical art historians who question the presumption that the naturalist Greco-roman sculpture and the medieval renaissance art it influenced, corresponded to peaks in cultural accomplishments[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-5-47161822)). Ife's naturalism, as well as its stylized art was instead a product of the political and religious concepts of expressing power and ritual that were prevalent in the kingdom at the time these sculptures were made, these highly sophisticated artworks are best interpreted within the political and religious context of the kingdom of Ife in which they were produced and not through the myopic lens of “naturalist progression” which invites superficial comparisons and misconstrues the intent behind the visual messages that Ife’s artists communicated and the rest of African artists with whom they are often unfairly juxtaposed against.
This article provides an overview of the history of the ife kingdom and the copper-alloy and terracotta sculptures made by its artists, covering the political and religious circumstances in which they were produced and the visual and ritual power they were intended to convey.
_**Map of the ife kingdom at its height in the 14th century and some of the cities mentioned in this article**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ehfK!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2c0a94c6-b1c5-48ab-8927-9c32a3997b3d_488x615.png)
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**Origins of ife and the emergence of social complexity in Yorubaland**
The emergence of the ife kingdom is related in a Yoruba epic that tells a story of confrontation between two personalities of _**Obàtálá**and **Odùduwà**_ who were a representation of several personalities and factions in classical Ife that stood for the dominant opposing camps identified with the _**Old order**_ (Obàtálá) against the _**New order**_ (Odùduwà). This tradition spans the period of consolidation of several small polities in the Ife heartland around the capital city _**ile-ife**_ in the early 2nd millennium to the end of the classical ife in the 15th century and includes the appearance of a several real personalities such as King **Obalufun II** who reigned in the early 14th century. Archeological evidence indicates that the early small polities in the Yorubaland during the mid 1st millennium were an advanced form of the "_house society_" ; these were forms of social organizations comprised of multiple households that clustered for the purposes of reciprocity, security and self-preservation, and from which emerged rulers who managed conflicts and priestly functions, these rulers later leveraged the prosperity of their "houses" to expand their influence over other "houses" and through this process, created the earliest centralized polities. The most notable among the early yoruba states was the Oba Kingdom that arose in the last quarter of the 1st millennium. By the 9th century, the Oba kingdom had grown into a sizeable polity, wealthy enough to produce an astonishing corpus of sandstone sculptures numbering more than 800 that depicted various male and female figures as rulers, warriors, blacksmiths and musicians most of whom are shown seated, some of whom are crowned, some wear long articles of clothing and are adorned with elaborate jewellery including gemstone beads, the statues depict adult individuals rendered in stylized naturalism with figures shown in the prime of their life with unblemished bodies;[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-6-47161822) This “_**Esie**_” soapstone art tradition of the Oba kingdom lasted well into the 14th and 15th century where it overlapped with Ife's art tradition . Another early Yoruba state was the _Idoko_ kingdom southwest of ife which was likely inplace at the turn of the 2nd millennium and was later part of the _Ijebu_ kingdom by the 15th century, whose capital Ijebu-Ode was enclosed within a defensive system of ramparts and walls called Sùngbo’s Erédò which enclosed an area of 1400sqkm. These early states developed a new form of political institution where a leader took on more executive roles on top of being the ceremonial role of being the mediator of conflict and the ritual head, such rulers adopted forms of regalia such as the headgear and jasper-stone beads[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-7-47161822), and undertook public works that required a high level of organization of labor to build monuments such as the city walls and ramparts as well as palace complexes. Ife was therefore not the earliest Yoruba state but rather adopted and innovated traditions developed by its older peers to greatly enhance its political and ritual primary relative to them to create the ife-centered orientation of Yoruba world views.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!MSIg!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0ec69ea4-3edd-4f37-9808-605686e8ed2b_1257x567.png)
_**Soapstone sculptures from Esie, depicting men and women with crowns and jasper beads (esie museum, nigeria)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!yJN3!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe84f095e-e251-4599-8216-bc014b41e324_1298x504.png)
_**The rampart and ditch system of ijebu-ode measures around 10 meters from the floor in its best preserved sections, the height totaling over 20 meters when the wall at its crest is included, the width of the ditches is around 5 meters and the walls were originally perfectly vertical made of hardend laterite; this “walls” system extends over 170 km and would have been one of many similar fortification systems in the yorubaland including at ile-ife and the more famous Benin “walls”**_
The formal period of consolidation and emergence of the centralised kingdom of Ife is dated to the 11th century when the first city wall was constructed and the earliest potsherd pavements were laid[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-8-47161822), these constructions are the the most visible remnants of the earliest processes of political re-alignments that occurred in ife's classical era that were associated with the upheavals brought about by the confrontation between the Obàtálá and Odùduwà groups in which the former were deposed by the latter by employing the services of O̩ranmıyan, a mounted warrior associated with the Odùduwà group, after a civil war had weakened the rule of the Obàtálá[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-9-47161822).
The deeply allegorical nature of the tradition has spawned several interpretations most of which agree with the identification of atleast three figures in the epic as real personalities: **Obalufon I** (a ruler from the Obàtálá group that reigned before the civil war), **Obalufon II** (also called Alaiyemore; he was the successor of Obalufon I and is associated with both groups), **Moremi** (queen consort of Obalufon II, she is also associated with both groups), and attimes the figure **O̩ranmıyan** who may represent ife's military expansionism or was a real figure who ruled just before Obalufon II, the latter of whom is credited as the patron of ife's arts especially the copper-alloy masks and remembered as the pacifier and peace-maker of the warring partiers along with his consort **Moremi**, heralding a period of peace and wealth in the kingdom[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-10-47161822).
Other groups that feature prominently include autochthonous _**Igbo**_ groups as well as the _**Edo**_ of Benin kingdom; the former were a allied with the Obàtálá group and had their influence diminished by queen Moremi, this group is postulated to be related to the ancient _**Igbo-Ukwu**_ bronze casters of the _Nri_ _kingdom_ in south-eastern Nigeria that also had a similar but older concept of divine kingship as Ife as well as an equally older naturalist bronze-casting art tradition from which Ife derived some of its motifs for displaying royal regalia.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-11-47161822)
On the other hand, the Edo of Benin came under the orbit of Ife during the late phase of Ife's classical era and continued to regard Ife’s ruler as their spiritual senior by the time the Portuguese accounts of the kingdom were being written[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-12-47161822), added to this melting pot of ethnicities are the Songhai-speakers (_**Djerma**_) who linked Ife to the west African emporiums of Gao and Timbuktu[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-13-47161822)the latter had since fallen under the Mali empire’s orbit during the reign of its famed emperor Mansa Musa (r. 1280 –1337AD); the presence of all these non-Yoruba speaking groups in Ife is a testament to its cosmopolitanism and augments the claim in its traditions as the origin of mankind.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!7886!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbe8656a6-5bf2-4674-bb96-4d95ecc97e20_1348x554.png)
_**Bronze roped pot, wine bowl, and vessel shaped in form of a triton snail-shell; from Igbo Ukwu, dated to the 9th century AD, (Nigeria National Museum)**_
* * *
**Classical Ife: Art, religion, conquest and wealth**
Archeologically, the tumultuous nature of the Ife epic isn't immediately apparent, _**ile-ife**_ was consistently flourishing from the 12th to the early 15th century[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-14-47161822), as indicated by the extensive _**potsherd pavements**_ laid virtually everywhere within its inner walls as well as many parts of the settlements between the inner and outer walls which had a circumference of over 15km, these potsherd pavements consisted of broken pottery that was laid in neat herringbone patterns inside a fairly deep surface-section of the street that had been prepared with residual palm oil, the street was then partially backed by lighting dry wood above it, the end result was a fairly smooth smooth street whose surface integrity could last centuries without the need for extensive repair, the potsherd pavements were also used in house floors and temples floors as well as compounds surrounding them with more elaborate patterns reserved for temples and other prestigious buildings[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-15-47161822).
The tradition of potsherd pavements seems to have been widely adopted in the westafrican cities of the early 2nd millennium in both the “sudanic” regions controlled by Mali such as the ancient city of jenne-jenno as well as the “forest regions” under Ife’s orbit although its unclear whether ife was the origin of this technology[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-16-47161822). Added to this was the material culture of ife specifically its pottery and terracotta sculptures which span a fairly wide range of production from the 10th to 16th century.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-17-47161822)
The peak in production of these artworks was in the 13th and 14th century when most of the copper alloy and similar terracotta sculptures were made majority of which have been found in Ife itself such as in the _**Wunmonije compound**_ and the _**Ita Yemoo**_ site as well as the sites of _**Tada**_ and **Jebba** which are considerably distant from Ife[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-18-47161822), attesting to the level of political control of Ife, whose densely settled city had an estimated population of 75-100,000 at the its peak in the 14th century[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-19-47161822), making it one of Africa's largest cities at the time.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!27q-!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb6b82305-e8b2-4531-8af2-15f2e8a30236_1172x366.png)
_**Potsherd pavements near Igbo-Olokun grove in ile-ife, potsherd and quartz pavements in a section of ile-ife**_
Ife's prosperity was derived from its monopoly on the production of glass beads that were sold across the Yoruba land and in much of “sudanic” west Africa as far as Gao, Timbuktu, Kumbi-saleh and Takedda (the old commercial capitals of the region’s empires). Ife's glass has a unique signature of high lime and high alumina content (_**HLHA**_) derived from the local materials which were used in its manufacture, a process that begun during the 11th century, the beads were made by drawing a long tube of glass and cutting it into smaller pieces, the controlled heating colored them with blue and red pigments derived from the cobalt, manganese and iron in the materials used in glas-making process such as pegmatitic rock, limestone and snail shells.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-20-47161822)
Initially, the Yorubaland used jasper-stone beads such as those depicted on the _Esie_ sculptures of the Oba kingdom, the jasper beads were symbols of power and worn by high ranking personalities in the region such as priests and rulers, but Ife soon challenged this by producing glass beads on industrial scale around the _**Olókun Grove site,**_ the new Ife glass beads now shared the status symbolism of the jasper beads, and with the rise of centralized states in the region and the growing number of elites, their demand by elites across the region allowed Ife to create a regional order in which social hierarchy and legitimation of power was controlled and defined according to Ife's traditions. Ife’s glass beads were soon used extensively across all segments of society in the kingdom as they became central to festivities, gift giving and trade associated with various milestones in life such as marriage, conception, puberty and motherhood.
The production process of Ife’s glass was a secret that was jealously guarded by the elites of Ife (in a manner similar to the chinese’s close guarded secret of silk production), Ife’s elites invented mythical stories about its origins of the glass claiming that it came from the ground in _**ile-ife**_ where it was supposedly dug, this was the story that was related to an explorer who bought a lump of raw glass from a market at a nearby city of Oyo-ile in 1830[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-21-47161822) (and was similar to the stories west African emperors such as Mansa Musa told inquisitive rulers in mamluk Egypt about Mali’s gold supposedly sprouting from the ground and being harvested like plants[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-22-47161822)) The success in guarding the manufacturing process at Ife was such that only the 268 ha. _**Olókun Grove**_ site in _**ile-ife**_ remained the only primary glass manufacturing site in west Africa during ife’s classical era[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-23-47161822), with glass manufacture only reappearing at a nearby site of _**Osogbo**_ in the 17th/18th centuries.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!yrXF!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa3091492-f72c-478a-9e6d-474109dec981_971x311.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!hjIn!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F13934308-2700-4773-895e-a6c301e32ace_1089x471.png)
_**Glass studs in metal surround from Iwinrin Grove in ile-ife, glass sculpture of a snail**_[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-24-47161822)_**(Nigeria National Museums); Glass beads from Igbo Olokun site in ile-ife**_[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-25-47161822)
The spread of ife-centric traditions In Yorubaland was connected to its cosmopolitanism and crafts industry that attracted communities from across the region enabling the ife elite to craft the "_**idea of the Yorùbá community of practice and promote itself as the head of that community**_" through a program of theogonical invention and revision, Ife’s elites integrated various yoruba belief systems and intellectual schools into interacting and intersecting pantheons from which the Ooni (king) of ife, derived his divine power to rule.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-26-47161822)
Ife’s elite also elevated the _**ifa**_ divination system above all others, “**Ifa**” refers to the system of divination in yoruba cosmology associated with the tradition of knowledge and performance of various rites and practices that are derived from 256-chapter books; each with lengthy verses, and whose vast orature and bodies of knowledge include proverbs, songs, stories, wisdom, and philosophical meditations all of which are central to Yoruba metaphysical concepts.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-27-47161822) These “books” constitute Ifa’s “unwritten scripture”, whose students spend decades learning and memorizing them from teachers and master diviners[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-28-47161822).
The rulers of ife patronized the _**ifa**_ school and it became the focus of rigorous learning and membership centered in the kingdom, with its most prestigious school established at _**Òkè-Ìtasè**_ within _**ile-ife**_'s environs; attracting students, apprentices, master diviners, and pilgrims from far in search of knowledge[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-29-47161822) One of the most notable _**ifa**_ practitioners from _**ile-ife**_ was Orunmila who was born in the city ,where he became a priest of ifa, he then embarked on a journey across yorubalands, teaching students the best ifa divinations and "esoteric sciences", later returning to _**ile-ife**_ where he was given an ifa scared crown and was later venerated as a deity after his passing, the career of Orunmila was was typical of men and women in a growing movement of the ifa school based in _**ile-Ife**_, dedicated to the search for and dissemination of knowledge and enlightenment[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-30-47161822).
This movement of students and pilgrims to ifa schools in _**ile-ife**_ made it the intellectual/scholarly capital of the yorubaland just like Timbuktu was the intellectual capital of “sudanic” west africa. Its within this context of Ife's intellectual prominence that Ife's form of ritualized suzerainty was imposed over the emerging polities of the yorubaland which weren't essentially united under a single government but were instead a system of hierarchically linked polities where ife was at the top, hence the creation of the Òrànmíyàn legend that is common among the Yoruba kingdoms including Oyo, Adó-Èkìtì, Àkúré, Òkò (ie:Egbá) as well as the Edo kingdom of Benin, and in all these polities, the mounted warrior prince Òrànmíyàn from Ife is claimed to have founded their dynasties through conquest and intermarriage and is often represented in the mounted-warrior sculptures found in the region’s art traditions.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-31-47161822)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!I6yj!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4e27627c-8522-4f12-8d3b-24cd11cb7336_988x705.png)
_**Ifa divination wooden trays from ile-ife, photos taken in 1910 (Frobenius Institute)**_
The wealth which the kingdom of ife generated from its glass trade enabled its rulers to import copper from the sahel region of west Africa especially from the Takedda region of Mali, as well as from the various trading routes within the region, and its within this context that Ife appears in external sources where Mansa musa mentions to al-Umari that his empire's most lucrative trade is derived from the copper they sell to Mali's southerly neighbors that they exchange for for 2/3rds its weight in gold[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-32-47161822), one of Mali’s southern neighbors was Ife, and the kingdom was arguably the only significant independent power of the region in the 14th century following the Mali empire’s conquest of the Gao kingdom located to Ife’s northwest and the heartland of the Djerma-songhai traders active in Ife’s northern trade routes.
This northerly trade was central to ife's economy and its importance is depicted in the extension of ife's control on the strategic trading posts of _**Jebba**_ and _**Tada**_ which are about 200 km north of ile-ife and were acquired through military conquest during Ife’s northern campaigns which are traditionally attributed to both Òrànmíyàn and Obalùfon II. The conquest and pacification of ife's northern regions was attained by allying with the emerging Yoruba kingdom of Oyo where the Djerma traders were most active.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-33-47161822)
Inside the Ife temples at Jebba and Tada, the Ife rulers placed sculptures associated with the _**Ogboni fraternity**_, a body of powerful political and religious leaders from Ife's old order whose position was retained throughout the classical era under the new order[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-34-47161822), the fraternity served as a unifying regional means in the kingdom for overseeing trade, collecting debts, judging and punishing associated crime, and supervising an orderly market and road system.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-35-47161822)
_**Location of ife’s glass beads in west-Africa**_
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The more than two hundred terracotta sculptures and over two dozen copper-alloy heads in the Ife corpus are directly related to the kingdom’s religious practice of ancestral veneration which emphasized each ancestor’s individuality and a preference for idealized prime adulthood with portrait-like postures, various hairstyles, headgear, facial markings, clothing styles, religious symbols and markers of office testifying to the diversity and cosmopolitanism of _**ile-ife**_'s inhabitants.
The use of sculptures to venerate ancestors was a continuation of an older practice in the Yorubaland that first occurred on a vast scale at _Esie_ in the Oba kingdom, and it involved public and private commemoration ceremonies of the heads of "houses" of individual "house-societies" (mentioned in the introduction), the actual remains of these ancestors were interred in a central area of their respective “house compound” and the place was venerated often with a shrine built over it and attimes the remains were exhumed and reburied in different locations connected to the "house" associated with them, in a process that transformed the ancestor into a deity; but only few of the very elite families of each "house" could ascend to the status of a deity and their prominence as deities was inturn elevated by the prominence of their living descendants.
While the _Esie_ form of ancestral veneration was less individualized and their representation on sculpture focused on communal/social identify of the personalities depicted, the Ife sculptures were individualized and emphasized each ancestor's/house's distinctiveness in such a way that it represented the very person being venerated hence the "transition" from stylized figures of Esie to the naturalism of ife. For the majority of Ife's population and royalty, these sculptures were made using fired clay (terracotta), but in the 13th and 14th centuries, the sculptures of royals were also made using copper-alloys and pure copper, and represented past kings and queen consorts as well as important figures who played a role in the truce between the Obatala and Oduduwa factions, and these 25 copper-alloy figures were commissioned in a short period by one or two rulers who included **Obalufon II**.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-36-47161822)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!RtlT!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe904ec3b-9e0b-473a-ad4a-1b296572ad61_1348x642.png)
_**Copper-alloy figures of a King, from the Ita Yemoo site at ile-ife, dated 1295–1435AD (National Commission for Museum and Monuments, Nigeria)**_[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-37-47161822)
* * *
**The corpus of Ife’s art: its production, naturalist style and visual symbolism**
Ife's copper-alloy sculptures were cast using a combination of the lost-wax process (especially for the life-size figures) while the rest were sculptured by hand including the majority of the terracotta figures, although both copper-alloy and terracotta sculptures exhibit the same level of sophistication particularly those commissioned for the royals which indicate a similar school of artists worked all of them, the lost-wax method used wax prints made on the face of the deceased not long after their passing, and then hand sculpting was used to even out the blemishes of old age and the already-disfigured face of the cadaver which would within a few minutes have started to show sagging skin and uneven facial muscles, this hand sculpting of the wax was done inorder to produce a plump face typical of ife’s sculptures, the waxprint was then applied to clay to sculpt the rest of the head on which uniform modeled ears were added, the eyes, lips and neck were hand-sculpted also following a uniform model and the clay fired to make the terracotta sculptures or used in the process of making the copper-alloy sculptures in a mold.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-38-47161822) The sculpture was later painted, its holes fixed with various adornments during the veneration ceremonies and placed in a shrine or displayed in the temple (for the case of the royal sculptures) or buried for later exhumation.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-39-47161822)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!y8kc!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe00ce9c6-c1f9-4b37-81ef-0e06af7e4a14_1336x600.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!HMvc!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd9cf2dd7-5733-4602-a712-e14e43d30064_1266x598.png)
_**Life-size copper-alloy heads from the Wunmonije site at ile-ife, dated 1221–1369**_[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-40-47161822)_**(Nigeria National Museum ife)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!VrcX!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F720a1ed8-c855-47d0-8eb5-c293b7fee0c0_1342x632.png)
_**Terracotta heads from ife dated between 12th and 15th century; heads of ife dignitaries at the met museum and Minneapolis museum and the “Lajua head” of an ife court official at the Nigeria National Museum, lagos**_[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-41-47161822)
The naturalism of ife's heads, particularly the copper-alloys and terracotta associated with the royalty depicts real personalities in the prime of their lives; all were adults between their 30s and 40s, the heads are life size, none have blemished skin or deformities, their features are perfectly symmetrical with horizontal neck lines "beauty lines", almond-shaped eyes, full lips, well molded ears, nose and facial muscles (the last five facial features appearing to be fairly uniform across the corpus), as yoruba historian Akinwumi writes: "_**the sculptors generally ignored the emotional aspects and physical blemishes of these ancestors, idealizing only those features that facilitate identity and conveying a sense of perfection so that the whole composition lies between the states of “absolute abstraction and absolute likeness**_"[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-42-47161822) in line with the Yoruba proverb :"_**It is death that turns an individual into a beautiful sculpture; a living person has blemishes**_"[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-43-47161822).
The posture and expression of the portraits also conveys the power of the people they represent, as Art historian Suzane Blier writes: "_**the sense of calm, agelessness, beauty, and character evinced in these remarkable life-size metal heads, seems to be important in suggesting ideals of chieftaincy and governance**_", many of the full-body sculptures also emphasized the larger than life proportions of the head relative to the body (roughly 1:4) the primacy of the head in Ife (and Yoruba sculpture) is in line with the importance of the head in Yoruba metaphysics as well as social political factors wherein the wealth and poverty of the nation was equal to the head of its ruler, as such, Ife’s rulers and deities are portrayed in a 1:4 ratio, the diversity of ife's facial markings also represents its cosmopolitanism with the plain faced figures representing the Odùduwà linked groups while the ones with facial markings representing the Obàtálá group, and other markings represent non yoruba-speakers present at ile-ife such as the _**igbo**_ and _**edo**_.[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-44-47161822)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ecm0!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1a86ee6b-16ce-4318-a4b0-5f1fcef1185d_1351x639.png)
_**Pure-copper mask of King Obalufon Alaiyemore at the Nigeria National Museums, Lagos; crowned heads from the Wunmonije site at the british museum and the Nigeria National museums, Lagos: all are dated to the early 14th century.**_[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-45-47161822)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!BnRz!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa09a9260-a548-49ec-81ad-0974c97e56b0_1349x601.png)
_**Crowned terracotta heads from ife; head of a queen (Nigeria National museum, Lagos), crowned head of an ife royal (kimberly art museum, Crowned head of an ife royal (met museum) dated between 12th and 15th century**_
The corpus of ife's sculpture also includes depictions of animals linked with religious and royal power . The importance of zoomorphic metaphors in ife's political context is represented in portrayals of animals with royal regalia such as the concentric circle diadems present on the crowned heads of ife’s royal portraits and worn on the crown of present-day Ife royals, these animal sculptures were found in sites linked to themes of healing, enthronement, and royal renewal and the animals depicted include mudfish, chameleons, snakes, elephants, leopards, hippos, rams and horses.[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-46-47161822)
Included in the corpus of sculptures of exceptional beauty are works that deliberately depict deformities, unusual physical conditions and disease that are signifiers of deity anger at the breaking of taboos[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-47-47161822), equally present are motifs such as one that depicts birds with snake wings and a head with snakes emerging from the nostrils; both of which were powerful visual symbols for death and transformation and are associated with the O̩batala pantheon; these motifs are found on the medallions of many ife and Yoruba artworks as well as in Benin's artworks.[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-48-47161822) other sculptures include staffs of office, decorated pottery and thrones, the last of which includes a life-size throne group depicting a ruler seated on a large throne whose top was partially broken.[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-49-47161822)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!51CU!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F27d7b598-e80b-411c-960f-5d3682b56b5b_1351x564.png)
_**Terracotta heads of animals from ife of a hippo, elephant and a ram, decorated with regalia, found at the Lafogido site in ile-ife, dated to the early 14th century (Nigeria National Museums, Lagos)**_[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-50-47161822)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!5vdG!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3dfcce15-06fa-4888-8040-9843dc3624c4_1348x596.png)
_**Copper-alloy cast of a ruler wearing an embroidered robe and medallions with snake-winged bird and head with snake-nostrils, from Tada, dated to 1310–1420; Copper-alloy cast of a archer figure wearing a leather tunic and a medallion with a snake-winged bird, from Jebba, dated to the early 14th century; copper cast of a seated figure making an Ogboni gesture, dated to the early 14th century (Nigeria National Museums, Lagos)**_[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-51-47161822)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!rM3V!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffa24fb57-cabc-4fd8-b5b9-c0424e4c7ff5_1077x615.png)
_**Life-size broken terracotta sculpture of an Ife ruler on a throne with his foot resting on a four-legged footstool, top right is one of the broken pieces from this sculpture, its of a life-size hand holding a child’s foot; both were found in the Iwinrin Grove site. at ile-Ife, bottom right is a miniature sculpture of an ife throne made from pure quartz (the throne group is in the Nigeria national museum, ife, while the side sculptures are at the British museum BM Af1959,20.1 and Af1896,1122.1)**_
* * *
**Ife’s collapse and legacy**
Ife's art tradition ended almost abruptly in the 15th century, tradition associates the end of **Obalufun II**'s reign with various troubles including an epidemic of small pox which had been recurring in ife's history but was particularly devastating at the close of his reign in the late 14th century which, coupled with a drought, led to the decline of urban population in Ife in the early 15th century, the economic and demographic devastation wrought by this combined calamity was felt across all sections of the kingdom including the elite and greatly affected the veneration rituals as well as the sculptural arts associated with them as the surviving great sculptors of Ife lost their patronage and ife's population was dispersed.[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-52-47161822)
A similar tradition also holds that a successor of Obalufon II named King **Aworolokın** ordered the killing of the entire lineage of Ife artists after one of them had deceived the monarch by wearing the realistic face mask of his predecessor (most likely the copper mask shown above)[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-53-47161822) Archeologically, this end of Ife is indicated by the end of the potsherd pavement laying, abandonment of many sections within the city walls and the recent evidence for the **bubonic plague** (black death) that reached the region in the 14th century may have recurrently infected large sections of the population in later centuries.[54](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-54-47161822)
The legacy of Ife's artworks, intellectual traditions and glorious past was carried on by many of the surrounding kingdoms in south-western Nigeria most notably the Yoruba kingdom of Oyo to its north and the Edo kingdom of Benin to its south which draws much of its artistic influences from ife and its from Benin that we encounter the least ambiguous reference to Ife among the earliest external accounts on the kingdom: writing in the 1550s, the Portuguese historian João de Barros reproduced an account related to him by a Benin kingdom ambassador to Portugal that was in Lisbon around 1540 : "_Two hundred and fifty leagues from Beny, there lived the most powerful monarch of these parts, who was called Ogané. . . . He was held in as great veneration as is the Supreme Pontif with us. In accordance with a very ancient custom, the king of Beny, on ascending the throne, sends ambassadors to him with rich gifts to announce that by the decease of his predecessor he has succeeded to the kingdom of Beny, and to request confrmation. To signify his assent, the prince Ogané sends the king a staff and a headpiece of shining brass, fashioned like a Spanish helmet, in place of a crown and sceptre. He also sends a cross, likewise of brass, to be worn round the neck, a holy and religious emblem similar to that worn by the Knights of the Order of Saint John. Without these emblems the people do not recognize him as lawful ruler, nor can he call himself truly king_"[55](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-55-47161822).
_**ile-ife**_ was re-occupied in the late 16th century and partially recovered in the 17th and 18th century but the city only retained its religious significance but lost its political prestige as well as its surrounding territories[56](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-56-47161822) to the Oyo kingdom and its commercial power to the Benin kingdom, in the 19th century, the region was engulfed in civil wars following the collapse of the Oyo empire and order was only reestablished in the last decades of the century just prior to the region's colonization by the British. Nevertheless, the ritual primacy of ife continued and its lofty position in the Yoruba world system was retained even in the colonial era and to this day it remains the ancestral birthplace of the Yoruba, and the for millions of them; it is the sacred center of humanity’s creation.
* * *
**Conclusion: Ife and African art**
The picture that emerges from ife's art tradition in the context of its religious and political history dispels the misconceptions about its production as well as its significance; Ife's naturalism was a product of its individualized form of ancestor veneration that emerged during the classical era and was opposed to the more communal form of veneration in the older _Esie_ art tradition as well as the later traditions in Yoruba land after the 15th century, the proportions of Ife’s sculptural figures was intended solely to convey ideals of ritual and power of the personality depicted, and the peak of production in the early 14th century was due to the actions of few patrons in the short period of Ife's height hence the fairly similar level of sophistication of the sculptures associated with royal figures/deities.
Ife’s art tradition and its fairly short fluorescence period was unlike Benin’s whose commemorative heads were produced over a virtually unbroken period from the 16th to the 19th century, but it was instead similar to the Benin brass plaques that were mostly carved almost entirely in the 16th century. The above overview of Ife's art reveals the flaw in interpretations of naturalism in African (and world art in general), the artists sculpting these works were communicating visual symbols that could be understood by observers familiar with them, this is contrary to the modern eurocentric ideals of what constitutes sophisticated art which, through the lens of universalism, sees art as a progression from abstract forms (which they term “primitive”) to naturalist forms (which they term “sophisticated”), but the vast majority of artists weren't primarily making artworks to reproduce nature but were conveying symbols of power, ritual, as well as their society’s form of aesthetics through visual mediums such as sculpture and painting, in a way that was relevant to the communities in which they were produced.
The sophistication of Ife’s art is derived from the visual power of the figures they represent, men and women who once walked the sacred ground of _**ile-ife**_, and ascended to become gods, to be forever venerated by their descendants.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!AKVw!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc71f614b-fe2c-417c-afe4-762a27cb3e88_1348x541.jpeg)
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* * *
[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-1-47161822)
A history of the yoruba people by Stephen Adebanji Akintoye pg 18-19
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-2-47161822)
Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 6)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-3-47161822)
The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 75-81
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-4-47161822)
Thinking with Things: Toward a New Vision of Art by Esther Pasztory pg 192
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-5-47161822)
The Invention of Art History in Ancient Greece by Jeremy Tanner pg 67-70, Rethinking Revolutions Through Ancient Greece by Simon Goldhill pg 68-71
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-6-47161822)
The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 57-59)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-7-47161822)
The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 60)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-8-47161822)
The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 65)
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-9-47161822)
Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 37-39)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-10-47161822)
Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 39,41)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-11-47161822)
Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 40, 223
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-12-47161822)
Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier 40,87, The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 160
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-13-47161822)
The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 27)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-14-47161822)
A dictionary of archaeology by ian shaw pg 296
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-15-47161822)
Material Explorations in African Archaeology by Timothy Insoll pg 246
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-16-47161822)
Mobilité et archéologie le long de l’arc oriental du Niger by Anne Haour
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-17-47161822)
Heroic Africans: Legendary Leaders, Iconic Sculptures by Alisa LaGamma pg 62)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-18-47161822)
Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 252-254, 42-58)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-19-47161822)
The Yoruba: a new history by pg 68)
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-20-47161822)
Chemical analysis of glass beads from Igbo Olokun by by AB Babalola
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-21-47161822)
The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 93
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-22-47161822)
African Dominion by Michael Gomez pg 121
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-23-47161822)
The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 97-105)
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-24-47161822)
Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 494,299
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-25-47161822)
Chemical analysis of glass beads from Igbo Olokun by by AB Babalola
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-26-47161822)
The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 128-129, 135
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-27-47161822)
Deep knowledge : Ways of Knowing in Sufism and Ifa by Oludamini Ogunnaike pg 196
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-28-47161822)
The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 130-131
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-29-47161822)
The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi pg 134-135)
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-30-47161822)
A history of the yoruba people by Stephen Adebanji Akintoye pg 83-84)
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-31-47161822)
The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 110-111)
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-32-47161822)
The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi pg 145)
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-33-47161822)
The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi pg 124-125)
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-34-47161822)
A history of the yoruba people by Stephen Adebanji Akintoye pg 75)
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-35-47161822)
Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 58)
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-36-47161822)
The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 75-79)
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-37-47161822)
Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 204-205
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-38-47161822)
Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 283-287)
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-39-47161822)
Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 83, 249, 260-1
[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-40-47161822)
Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 251-259
[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-41-47161822)
Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier 69,83
[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-42-47161822)
The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 76)
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Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 159
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Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 159-160, 271-275, 254, 162-166, 203-241)
[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-45-47161822)
Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg pg 14, 234, 68,
[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-46-47161822)
Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 288-335)
[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-47-47161822)
Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 124, 184-187
[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-48-47161822)
Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 193-188,
[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-49-47161822)
Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 427-438)
[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-50-47161822)
Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 297
[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-51-47161822)
Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 57,58,15 )
[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-52-47161822)
The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 154-159)
[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-53-47161822)
Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 65)
[54](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-54-47161822)
Reflections on plague in African history (14th–19th c.) Gérard L. Chouin
[55](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-55-47161822)
The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 94)
[56](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/ancient-ife-and-its-masterpieces#footnote-anchor-56-47161822)
The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 201-2)
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"
Other groups that feature prominently include autochthonous Igbo groups as well as the Edo of Benin kingdom; the former were a allied with the Obàtálá group and had their influence diminished by queen Moremi, this group is postulated to be related to the ancient Igbo-Ukwu bronze casters of the Nri kingdom in south-eastern Nigeria that also had a similar but older concept of divine kingship as Ife as well as an equally older naturalist bronze-casting art tradition from which Ife derived some of its motifs for displaying royal regalia.
"
I don't think the "Igbo" people here are in any way related to the current day Igbo people. Your source is not a Nigerian and it's very very easy for outsiders to mix them up.
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Anti-slavery laws and Abolitionist thought in pre-colonial Africa
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### the view from Benin, Kongo, Songhai and Ethiopia.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Mar 31, 2024
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In 1516, the King of Benin imposed a ban on the exportation of slaves from his kingdom. While little is known about the original purpose of this embargo, its continued enforcement for over two centuries during the height of the Atlantic slave trade reveals the extent of anti-slavery laws in Africa.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-1-143128851)
A lot has been written about the European abolitionist movement in the 19th century, but there's relatively less literature outlining the gradual process in which anti-slavery laws evolved in response to new forms of slavery between the Middle Ages and the early modern period.
For example, while many European states had anti-slavery laws during the Middle Ages[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-2-143128851), the use and trade in slaves (mostly non-Christian slaves but also Orthodox Christian slaves[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-3-143128851)) continued to flourish, and the later influx of enslaved Africans in Europe after the 1500s[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-4-143128851) reveals that the protections provided under such laws didn't extend to all groups of people.
The first modern philosopher to argue for the complete abolition of slavery in Europe was Wilheim Amo —born in the Gold Coast (Ghana)— who in 1729 defended his law thesis _**‘On the Rights of Moors in Europe’**_ using pre-existing Roman anti-slavery laws to argue that protections against enslavement also extended to Africans[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-5-143128851). Amo's thesis, which can be considered the first of its kind in modern abolitionist thought, would be followed up by better-known abolitionist writers such as Ignatius Sancho, Olaudah Equiano, and William Wilberforce.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-6-143128851)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!8WuY!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F91e16cd3-8ad6-429e-8caa-05f75231c81b_504x602.png)
**Portrait of Sancho, ca. 1768.**The fact that the first and most prominent abolitionist thinkers in Europe were Africans should not be surprising given that it was they who were excluded from the anti-slavery laws of the time.
However, such abolitionist thought would largely remain on paper unless enforced by the state. Official abolition of all forms of slavery that was begun by Haiti in 1807, followed by Britain in 1833 and other states decades later, often didn't mark the end of the institution's existence. Despite abolition serving as a powerful pretext to justify the colonial invasion of Africa, slavery continued in many colonies well into the 20th century.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-7-143128851)
Abolition should therefore be seen as a gradual process in which anti-slavery laws that were initially confined to the subjects/citizens of a society/state were extended to everyone. Additionally, the efficacy of the anti-slavery laws was dependent on the capacity of the state to enforce them. And just as anti-slavery laws in European states were mostly concerned with their citizens, the anti-slavery laws in African states were made to protect their citizens.
In the well-documented case of the kingdom of Kongo, [the enslavement of Kongo's citizens was strictly forbidden and the kings of Kongo went to great lengths to enforce the law even during periods of conflict](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-kongo-and-the-portuguese). During the 1580s and the 1620s, thousands of illegally enslaved Kongo citizens were carefully tracked down and repatriated from Brazil in response to demands by the Kongo King Alvaro I (r. 1568-1587) and King Pedro II (r. 1622-1624). Kongo's anti-slavery laws were well-known by most citizens, in one case, a Kongo envoy who had stopped by Brazil on his way to Rome managed to free a person from Kongo who had been illegally enslaved.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-8-143128851)
Anti-slavery laws at times extended beyond states to include co-religionists. In Europe, anti-slavery laws protected Christians from enslavement by co-religionists and export to non-Christians, despite such laws not always being followed in practice.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-9-143128851) Similarly in Africa, Muslim states often instituted anti-slavery laws against the enslavement of Muslims. [10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-10-143128851) (again, despite such laws not always being followed in practice.)
The protection of African Muslims against enslavement was best articulated in the 17th-century treatise of the Timbuktu scholar Ahmad Baba titled _Miraj al-Suud ila nayl Majlub al-Sudan_ (The Ladder of Ascent in Obtaining the Procurements of the Sudan). Court records from Ottoman Egypt during the 19th century include accounts of several illegally enslaved African Muslims who successfully sued for their freedom, often with the help of other African Muslims who were visiting Cairo.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-11-143128851)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!jQcp!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fde1a5bd3-00ff-4cb6-87b3-6b619884476c_668x454.png)
Copy of _**Ahmad Baba’s treatise on slavery**_, Library of Congress[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-12-143128851)
African Muslim sovereigns such as the kings of Bornu not only went to great lengths to ensure that their citizens were not illegally enslaved, but also demanded that their neighbors repatriate any enslaved citizens of Bornu[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-13-143128851). Additionally, the political revolutions that swept 19th-century West Africa justified their overthrow of the pre-existing authorities based on the pretext that the latter sold freeborn Muslims to (European) Christians. After the ‘revolutionaries’ seized power, there was a marked decrease in slave exports from the regions they controlled.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-14-143128851)
The evolution of anti-slavery laws and abolitionist thought in Africa was therefore determined by the state and the religion, just like in pre-19th century Europe before such protections were later extended to all.
In Ethiopia, anti-slavery laws and abolitionist thought followed a similar trajectory, especially during the 16th and 17th centuries. Pre-existing laws banning the enslavement and trade of Ethiopian citizens were expanded, and philosophers called for the recognition of all people as equal regardless of their origin.
The anti-slavery laws and abolitionist philosophy of Ethiopia during the 16th and 17th centuries are the subject of my latest Patreon article;
Please **subscribe to read more about it here**:
[ANTI-SLAVERY LAWS IN ETHIOPIA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/101416410?pr=true)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-anchor-1-143128851)
Benin and the Europeans, 1485-1897 by A. F. C. Ryde pg 45, 65, 67, The Slave Trade, Depopulation and Human Sacrifice in Benin History by James D. Graham, A Critique Of The Contributions Of Old Benin Empire To The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade by Ebiuwa Aisien pg 10-12
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-anchor-2-143128851)
The Cambridge World History of Slavery: Volume 2 pg 30-35)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-anchor-3-143128851)
That Most Precious Merchandise: The Mediterranean Trade in Black Sea Slaves, 1260-1500 by Hannah Barker pg 12-38, The Cambridge World History of Slavery: Volume 2 pg 433-438, 466-470, 482-506)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-anchor-4-143128851)
A Social History of Black Slaves and Freedmen in Portugal, 1441-1555 By A. Saunders pg 35-45
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-anchor-5-143128851)
Belonging in Europe - The African Diaspora and Work edited by Caroline Bressey, Hakim Adi pg 40-41, Anton Wilhelm Amo's Philosophical Dissertations on Mind and Body pg 10-12
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-anchor-6-143128851)
The Slave's Cause: A History of Abolition By Manisha Sinha pg 25-26, 123-126, Slavery and Race: Philosophical Debates in the Eighteenth Century By Julia Jorati 187-192, 267.
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-anchor-7-143128851)
The End of Slavery in Africa By Suzanne Miers 7-25
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-anchor-8-143128851)
Abolitionism and Imperialism in Britain, Africa, and the Atlantic edited by Derek R. Peterson pg 38-53, Slavery and its transformation in the kingdom of kongo by L.M.Heywood, pg 7, A reinterpretation of the kongo-potuguese war of 1622 according to new documentary evidence by J.K.Thornton, pg 241-243
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-anchor-9-143128851)
That Most Precious Merchandise: The Mediterranean Trade in Black Sea Slaves, 1260-1500 by Hannah Barker pg 39-55
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-anchor-10-143128851)
Slaves and Slavery in Africa Volume 1 edited by John Ralph Willis pg 3-7)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-anchor-11-143128851)
Slaves and Slavery in Africa Volume 1 edited by John Ralph Willis pg 125-137, Slaves and Slavery in Africa: Volume Two: The Servile Estate By John Ralph Willis pg 146-149)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-anchor-12-143128851)
[Link to Ms](https://www.loc.gov/resource/gdcwdl.wdl_09661/?sp=1&st=image)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-anchor-13-143128851)
The Cambridge World History of Slavery: Volume 3 pg 66-67)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist#footnote-anchor-14-143128851)
Jihād in West Africa During the Age of Revolutions by Paul E. Lovejoy
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[Mar 31, 2024](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/anti-slavery-laws-and-abolitionist/comment/52883151 "Mar 31, 2024, 6:38 PM")
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The Kurukan Fuga undertaken by Sundiata Keita deserved a shout out, keep up the good work love what you are doing.
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The destruction and rejection of the previously accepted sovereignty of Africa’s kingdoms was a sad turning point.
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Published Time: 2022-02-27T13:11:47+00:00
Between Africa and India: Trade, Population movements and cultural exchanges in the Indian ocean world
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Between Africa and India: Trade, Population movements and cultural exchanges in the Indian ocean world
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### African and Indian interactions during the medieval era of globalization
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Feb 27, 2022
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The Indian ocean world was a dynamic zone of cultural, economic and political exchanges between several disparate polities, cities and societies on the Afro-Eurasian world whose exchanges were characterized by complex, multi-tired and shifting interactions conducted along maritime and overland routes; communities of artisans, merchants, pilgrims and other travelers moved between the cosmopolitan cities along the ocean rim, hauling trade goods, ideas and cultural practices and contributing to the diverse “Indian ocean littoral society”. Despite this their long history of connections, contacts between Africa and the Indian subcontinent have often been overlooked in favor of the better known interactions between Africa and the Arabian peninsular, ignoring the plentiful documentary and archeological evidence for the movement of traders, goods and populations between either continents as early as the 1st millennium AD; in this reciprocal exchange, Africans in India and Indians in Africa established communities of artisans, soldiers, merchants and craftsmen and contributed to both region’s art and architecture, and played an important role in the politics and economies of the societies where they settled.
Studies of the “Indian ocean history” have revealed the complex web of interactions predating the era of European contact as well as highlighting connections between India and Africa that had been overlooked, but these studies have also shown the limitations of some of their theoretical borrowings from the studies of other maritime cultures (especially the Atlantic and Mediterranean worlds), such as the application of the world systems theory in the Afro-Indian exchanges, that positions India as the “core”, African coastal cities as the “semi-periphery”, and the African interior as the “periphery”; recent studies however have challenged this rigid “core–periphery” framework, highlighting the shared values, aesthetics, and social practices between the two regions and revealing the extensive bi-directional nature of the trade, population movements and cultural influences between Africa and India [1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-1-49409736)
This article explores the history of interactions between eastern Africa and the Indian subcontinent focusing on trade, population movements, architectural influences and other cultural exchanges between the two regions from late antiquity to the modern era.
_**Map of the western Indian ocean showing some of the cities mentioned in the article**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!PaxA!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd8b122f4-e0b8-4231-941c-9b6386840116_454x704.png)
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**The movement of merchants, ships and trade goods between Africa and the indian subcontinent from antiquity to the early modern era**
**African trade to the Indian subcontinent**
The earliest direct contacts between the Indian subcontinent and Africa seem to have been initiated from the African side[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-2-49409736); the Ethiopian empire of _**Aksum**_ with its extensive maritime trading interests and its conquests of southern and western Arabia sought to dominate the important red sea conduit of trade between India and the Roman empire at the turn of the 3rd century AD, while little documentary evidence has come to light on direct travel of Aksumite or Indian ships to either's ports at this early stage, the existence of a late 2nd century stupa from Amravati in India, depicting the _**Satavahana**_ king Bandhuma receiving presents from Aksumite merchants[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-3-49409736) attests to early contacts to india from Aksum.
By the early 6th century, the chronicler Cosmas Indicopleustes describes at length the operation of the Indo-Roman trade in silk and spices in which Aksum was the main middleman, with Aksumite ships and merchants sailing from the Aksumite port of Adulis to the island of Sri lanka, paying for Indian (and Chinese) silk and spices with Aksum’s gold coinage as well as exchanging these for roman items such as amphorae, the Aksumite merchants then shipped this cargo to the Roman controlled port cities such as the Jordanian port of Aila (Aqaba) where 6th century writer Antoninus of Piacenza wrote that all the "_**shipping from Aksum and Yemen comes into the port at Aila, bringing a variety of spices**_" as well as to the Romano-egyptian port of Berenike where a significant Aksumite community resided[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-4-49409736).
There is however, plenty of evidence that direct trade from Aksum to Sri lanka and the rest of the Indian subcontinent was already well established before the time of Cosmas’ writing, besides the direct request by emperor Justianian to the Aksumite emperor Kaleb for the latter to instruct his merchants to purchase more Indian cargo for the roman market[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-5-49409736); evidence of Aksum-India trade includes; the presence of Aksumite coins in the India particularly at Mangalore and Madurai dated to the 4th and 5th century, as well as at Karur in Tamil Nadu, and the 3rd century Kushan coins recovered from Debre Damo in Ethiopia[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-6-49409736); the substitution of the direct route between Rome and India by the 2nd century in favor of a multi-stage route from Sri-Lanka to the Aksumite port of Adulis to the Mediterranean[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-7-49409736); this multi-stage route via Adulis can be seen in the travels of Scholasticus of Thebes (d. 360), Palladius (d. 420) and Cosmas Indicopleustes (d. 550)[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-8-49409736), showing that that the Aksumite trade with India was well established by the 4th century and likely earlier.
The decline of Aksum after the 7th century and its withdraw from the maritime trade, saw the rise of the Dahlak island polity in the late 10th century, this Dahlak sultanate was essentially an Aksumite offshoot dominated by Ethiopian slave soldiers, its political activities were mainly concentrated in Yemen where it eventually conquered the city of Zabid and ruled the country for a little over a century as the Najahid dynasty (1022-1158), evidence that the Najahid commercial interests extended to India can be gleaned from the escape of prince Jayyash (one of the Najahid royals) to India where he lived as a Islamic scholar before his return to Zabid in 1089[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-9-49409736).
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!nn9A!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3e7723dc-1a8d-465a-9a68-7e5430a4cd72_1080x1698.jpeg)
_**Foreign merchants (including Aksumites in the bottom half) giving presents to the Satavahana king Bandhuma, depicted on a sculpture from Amaravati, India**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Lo0e!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fef558f3f-fe14-427f-98fd-bd422e5a40f7_1299x507.png)
_**the ruins of Aksum in ethiopia**_
In the medieval and early modern era, indirect and direct trade contact between India and the horn of Africa was maintained through the sea ports of Zeila, Berbera and Massawa as well as the islands of Dahlak and Sorkota, while direct references to Indian imports to Ethiopia and Ethiopian exports to India are scant before the 16th century they include a mention of Indian silks bought by ethiopian King Zara Yacob (r. 1434-1468), trade between the two regions increased by the early 16th century when King lebna Dengel (r. 1508-1540) is mentioned to have been receiving silk and cotton cloths from India as tribute from his coastal governors on the red sea coast.
Several portuguese writers such as Tome Pires, Miguel de Castanhoso and Alvares also mentioned that Ethiopia exported gold to India in exchange for cotton from Cambay (both raw and finished) and that ethiopian churches were decorated in Indian silks, in the 17th and 18th century (during the _**Gondarine**_ era), the import of Indian textiles grew significantly and Ethiopian nobles are known to have decorate the interiors of their churches with Indian cloths eg empress Mentewab's qweqwam church that was lavishly covered with curtains from surat, Indian clothing styles also became influential in the Gondarine art of the era complementing its cosmopolitan style that incorporated designs from a diverse range of visual cultures .[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-10-49409736)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!iwet!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0aa463d8-6ff4-44fb-b374-8f6356e34f8f_533x679.png)
_**Narga Selassie monastery wall paintings in the second gondarine style , an 18th century painting of Mary and child with empress mentewab (at the bottom) all wearing richly colored silk and brocade robes from india.**_[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-11-49409736)
In the 19th and early 20th century, a significant amount of trade passing through the red sea area, the gulf of Aden and the horn of Africa was dominated by Indian merchants especially in the importation of gold and ivory from Ethiopia that were exchanged for spices and textiles. Most of these traders supplied goods from Bombay and Malabar in the western half of the Indian subcontinent as well as from Bengal, many settled in the eastern African ports such as; the Somali city of Berbera, that is said to have been visited by about 10-12 indian ships from Bombaby which supplied over 300 tonnes of rice, 50 tonnes of tobacco, as well as about 200 bales of cloth annually, exchanging it for African ivory amounting to 3 tonnes, and while the Horn of Africa's domestic cloth production was significant, many of the people also wore cloth from India that was reworked locally to supplement the domestically produced textiles.
The Somali cities of Mogadishu, Merca and Kismayo were home to several itinerant Indian merchants active in the cities’ trade with similar trade goods ast in Berbera, especially rice and textiles, a number of the Indian traders in these ports were agents of the Zanzibar-based sultans of Oman. The eritrean city of Massawa was home to a few dozen indian merchants, and on top of the usual trade items such as the 500 kg of gold a year exported from ethiopia and around 108,000 pounds of cotton, these indian merchants were also engaged in money lending, some were also craftsmen involved in shipbuilding, but their population remained small with no more than 80 resident in the city in the late 19th century.
By 1902, imports to the italian colony of eritera from india still totaled over 3.1 million lire about 40% of all imports before falling to 20% by the end of the decade. In the ethiopian interior, significant quantities of raw cotton from india were imported which was then spun locally for domestic markets, indian spices and indian furniture were also imported, the indian community numbered a few dozen in Harar and Addis in the late 19th century but were nevertheless an important group in the domestic market's foreign trade (although much of the domestic trade was in local hands) by the 1930s, the indian community in ethiopia had grown from round 149 in 1909 to about 1,700 in 1935 and there were atleast 100 trading houses in the capital owned by indian merchants[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-12-49409736)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Mtdm!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2f40b0c1-a0f7-49e1-be1e-0b1ac21a502a_780x524.png)
_**Indian house in Addis Ababa likely belonging to a merchant (mid 20th century photo)**_
**Trade between the Swahili city-states and the Indian subcontinent**
The _**Swahili city-states**_ of eastern Africa were in contact, either directly or indirectly, with the Indian subcontinent from the 7th century AD, this stretch of coast whose urban settlements emerged in the mid 1st millennium from bantu-speaking Swahili communities, had long been incorporated into Indian Ocean networks of trade and was widely known as an exporter of luxuries to the Arabian Peninsula and the Persian Gulf, and onward to markets in India and China. In the 10th century, Al-Mas’udi reports that the people of East Africa were exporting ambergris and resins, leopard skins, tortoise-shell, and ivory, the last of which were highly prized in the workshops of India and China as it was easier to carve that the local alternatives, al-Biruni (d. 1030) mentions that the port of Somanatha in Gujarat, India became famous "_**because it lay between Zanj (swahili coast) and China**_" as the main trading port for east African commodities especially ivory, Al-idrisi (d. 1166) also mentions that east African iron was exported to India in significant quantities from the region of sofala (a catch-all term for the southern Swahili coast in Tanzania and northern Mozambique).[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-13-49409736)
Swahili traditions also preserve early connections with merchants from the kingdom of sindh (in southern-Pakistan, northen-India), they mention the waDebuli (or waDiba) which were ethnonyms associated with a range of historical events and periods in different parts of the Swahili coast in the city-states of Pemba, Zanzibar, Kilwa, and Mafia and refer to a direction of cultural contanct between the Swahili and the port of Debal/Daybul in pakistan (perhaps the site of Banbhore), or Dabhol in india. The dubious nature of this tradition however, which involves the typical telescoping and conflation of once separate histories that is commonly found in swahili acounts makes it difficult to interpret the Sindh-Swahili relationship with certainty, and while Daybul features prominently in Arab and Persian texts as one of the important cities in the Sindh kingdom between the 9th and the 13th centuries, its yet to be identified on ground conclusively.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-14-49409736)
In the city state of Kilwa, there is mention of a Haj Muhammad Rukn al-Dabuli and his brother Faqih Ayyub who were in charge of the city’s treasury when the Portuguese had arrived in 1502, al-Dabuli was installed by the Portuguese but later killed by rival claimants, his nisba (al-Dabuli) suggests that both him and his brother traced their ancestry to Daybuli, but it may as well be a pretentious connection similar to the usual al-Shirazi nisba in most indigenous Swahili names.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-15-49409736)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!GJnJ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2dea70a7-7cdc-43af-b299-8caf08566395_500x750.png)
_**Representation of an Indian prince eating in the land of the Ethiopians or East Africans (Zangis). Mughal, Akhbar period, c. 1590. Museum Rietberg Zurich**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Kyxj!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6810f9d5-4600-4af7-bccc-513802e4eb8c_1017x662.png)
_**Ruins of the Swahili cities of Kilwa and Songo Mnara in Tanzania**_
Indian artisans may have also been present on the early Swahili coast, the bronze lion figurine dating from the 11th century found at shanga, while modeled on an African lion was stylistically similar to the range of lion figurines in the deccan region of western India, a few of the early kufic inscriptions on the coast may have also been carved by these Muslim Indian artisans; at least one architectural feature from Kilwa was most certainly taken from Hindu temple[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-16-49409736) although Swahili architecture displays little, if any, Indian influences, and there seems to have been little direct contact or settlement between India and the Swahili coast before the late 15th century.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-17-49409736)
A significant trade in glass beads made in India is attested at various Swahili cities although these are most likely derived from trade with the Arabian peninsular, and the Swahili also engaged in secondary manufacture of raw Indian glass especially at the site of Mkokotoni on Zanzibar where large quantities of glass waste, molten glass and several million glass beads were found, the site was a huge depot for finishing off sorting and distribution of Indian trade beads.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-18-49409736) A small but salient influence of sidh coinage can be seen in Swahili coins especially the silver coinage from Shanga which shares a few characteristics similar to coinage excavated at the site of Banbhore indicating some sort of contact between the two regions albeit minor[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-19-49409736).
A substantial trade in grain was noted from the Swahili cities that supplied parts of India and Arabia, in particular; the cities of Mombasa and Malindi are known to have grown wealthy supplying Indian, Hadrami-Arab, and other Red Sea ships with millet, rice, and vegetables produced on their mainland, as well as fruits grown on the island itself.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-20-49409736)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!VzwN!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2630906f-0a50-4a57-a12f-35c6d7906b96_201x251.png)
_**Bronze lion from the city of Shanga**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!DZfu!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F79f948b9-6305-41b7-ba8d-e33c93e443d8_867x539.png)
_**architectural element from the Kilwa sultan’s Mausoleum (Berlin museum)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!0i9K!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F12522cb5-5a7a-4914-ada7-9874c92c7e3a_791x542.png)
_**Mombasa beachfront in the 1890s**_
While the vast majority of cloth along the Swahili coast was manufactured locally especially in the cities of Pate and Mogadishu, a significant trade in Indian cloth developed by the 15th century, especially with imports from Gujarat. In 1498, Vaso Dagama located Gujarat indians resident in the cities of Malindi and Mombasa and used the services of one of them, Ibn Majid (a confidant of the Swahili sultan of Malindi) to guide his fleet to western india from Malindi to Calicut, Tom Pires (1512-1515) also described trade between Khambhat in the gujarat region and the swahili cities of Kilwa, Malindi and Mogadishu that included rice, wheat, soap, indigo, butter, oils and cloth, in 1517-18, Duarte Barbosa noted great profits made by these Khambhat merchants especially in cloth, he also recorded Gujarat ships at Malindi and Mombasa, mentioning that the “presence of Gujaratis in East Africa was neither unusual nor new”[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-21-49409736) however, no significant Indian community is attested locally whether in recorded history or archeology and most writers note that the itinerant Indian traders "_**were only temporary residents, and held much in subjection**_”.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-22-49409736)
Gujarati ships are said to have bought "_**much ivory, copper and cairo (rope manufactured on the coast)**_" as well as gold and silver, from the swahili merchants from the cities of Malindi, Mombasa. These Swahili cities also sent ships to Gujarat, the most notable being Pate as was ecorded in the pate chronicle, when the ruler of Pate Mwana Mkuu is mentioned to have sent several swahili ships to Gujarati for cloth[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-23-49409736), by 1505, Tome Pires noted the presence of several eastern African merchants from ethiopia, Mogadishu, Kilwa, Mombasa and Malindi in Malacca in Indonesia, its likely that many would have been trading directly with India by that time as they are mentioned to have used Gujarat as a transit point.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-24-49409736)
The Swahili were re-exporting much of the Gujarati cloth and the Cambay cloth into the African interior where it supplemented the existing cloth industries in the Zambezi and Zimbabwe plateau.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-25-49409736) In the early 16th century, a Swahili merchant bough 100,000 Indian cloths from Malindi to Angoche where they was traded throughout the Zambezi valley, between 1507 and 1513, 83,000 Gujarati cloths were imported into Mozambique island from India, by the mid 17th century, an estimated 250 tonns of Gujarati cloth was entering the eastern african region annually including the swahili coast, the Comoro islands and Madagascar with annual imports exceeding 500,000 pieces most of these textiles were exchanged for ivory and gold[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-26-49409736), despite this large volume of trade, east African cloth manufacture continued virtually unabated in most regions and flourished in the 19th century Zanzibar as a result of it.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-27-49409736)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!53WK!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F781bcdaf-6580-4753-babd-dd03ca9d1d63_862x590.png)
_**the Comorian city of Moroni in the early 20th century**_
* * *
**Population movements between the Indian subcontinent and Africa**
**African population movements to India**
While a significant number of Africans in the Indian subcontinent came as merchants and travelers, and as already mentioned itinerant east African traders were active in most of the western Indian ocean and temporarily resided in some regions such as Gujarat and like their Indian counterparts in Africa, the numbers of these African traders were small and are effectively archeologically invisible, save for the exceptional case of southern Arabia where a large African community of (free) artisans is distinctively archeologically visible in the city of Sharma, an important transshipment point between the 10th and 12th century[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-28-49409736) , the bulk of the population of African descent arrived as enslaved soldiers seemingly via overland routes through arabia but also some came directly from overseas trade.
African slaves were however, outnumbered in India for long periods by Turkic slaves originating from Central Asia and never made up a significant share of the enslaved population in (islamic) India which also include Persians, Georgians and other Indian groups.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-29-49409736)The majority of the african slave soldiers were also male and many were assimilated into the broader Indian society, marrying local women (often those from Muslim families) to the extent that, as one historian observed and geneticists have recently confirmed "its rare to find a pure siddi"[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-30-49409736), a number of enslaved women also arrived near the close of the trade in the early 19th century[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-31-49409736)
The vast majority of the siddis served as soldiers and some rose to prominent positions in the courts of the Deccan sultanate with some ruling independently as kings, the figures often given in Indian texts, of these enslaved Africans should be treated with caution considering the comparably small numbers of slaves that were traded in the 18th and 19th century at the height of the slave trade. The various names given to the African-descended populations on the Indian subcontinent is most likely related to their places of origin, initially they were called _**Habashi or Abyssinian**_ which is an endonym commonly used in the horn of Africa (Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti and Somalia), this was probably in use in the first half of the 2nd millennium, by the late 16th century, they were referred to in external texts as _**Cafire**_, a word used by the Portuguese and derived from the Swahili (and also Arabic word) Kaffir (non-believer) used to refer to the non-Muslim inhabitants of the interior of south-east Africa, the term Siddi was popularized during the British colonial era in the 19th century and remains in general use today, it was originally a term of honor given in western Indian sultanates to African Muslims holding high positions of power and is said to have been derived from syd (meaning master/king in Arabic).[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-32-49409736)
While they are commonly referred to as “Abyssinian”, “Habashi” or even “Ethiopian” in various texts, studies on their genetic ancestry reveals that the siddi were almost entirely of south-east African origin, with some Indian and Portuguese genetic admixture but hardly any from the horn of africa[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-33-49409736), and because of this, I'll use the generic term Siddi rather than Habshi/Abyssinian unless the ancestry of the person is well known.
The earliest among these prominent siddi was Jamal-ud-Din Yaqut who lived between 1200-1240, serving as a soldier of high rank in the Delhi sultanate then under the reign of Iltutmish (r. 1211-1236), the latter was a turkic slave who became the first ruler of the Delhi sultanate, his daughter Raziya succeeded him in 1236 and ruled until 1240, throughout her short ruler, Yaqut was her closest confidant and the second most powerful person in the kingdom, but his status as a slave and an African close to the queen was resented by the turkic slave nobility who claimed the queen was in love with Yaqut and feared Yaqut's intent to seize the kingdom himself, they therefore overthrew the queen and ambushed Yaqut's forces, killing him in 1240 and killing Razia herself a few weeks after.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-34-49409736)
In the Bengal sultanate, the Indian ruler Rukh-ud-Din Barbak (r. 1459-1474) sought to strengthen his army with slave soldiers of various origins (as was the norm in the Islamic world where European, African, Turkic, Persian and Indian, who were used to centralize the army more firmly under the king's rule), he is said to have purchased a bout 8,000 african slaves, these slaves occupied very privileged positions and soon became king makers and kings themselves, As Tome Pires wrote
“_**The people who govern the kingdom [Bengal] are Abyssinians. These are looked upon as knights ; they are greatly esteemed; they wait on the kings in their apartments. The chief among them are eunuchs and these come to be kings and great lords in the kingdom. Those who are not eunuchs are fighting men. After the king, it is to this people that the kingdom is obedient from fear.**_”[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-35-49409736)
The first siddi to rule the Bengal sultanate was Shahzada Barbak who ruled in 1487 who was originally a eunuch, he was after a few months overthrown by another siddi, Saifuddin Firuz Shah (Indil Khan) who was formerly the head of the army but was supported by the elites of the sultanate, he ruled until 1489 and is credited with a number of construction works including the Firuz Minar in west Bengal, he was succeeded by Shams ud -din Muzaffar Shah in 1490 shortly after the latter had killed the rightful heir who had assumed the throne after Firuz Shah’s death, he ruled until 1493 and is said to have possessed an army of 30,000 with atleast 5,000 siddis, but his reign wasn't secure and he was overthrown by local forces, the rebellious but powerful siddi army was disbanded by later sultans of Bengal and it dispersed to the neighboring kingdoms of Bijapur and Ahmadnagar in the 15th and 16th centuries.
In Bijapur, the various slave officials and soldiers from across many regions jockeyed for power and at one point a Georgian slave official who served as governor threatened other siddi slave governors with a decree prohibiting Deccanis and Habashis from holding office in 1490 but by 1537, this was policy was later reversed and the siddis were active again in Bijapur’s court politics one of these was Siddi Raihan who formed a siddi party and served as chief advisor of ibrahim Adil shah II (r. 1580-1627) and as regent of his son, who later assumed power as Muhammad Adil Shah (r. 1627-1656), the latter was then served by Siddi Raihan as prime minister and he was given the name Ikhlas Khan.
Throughout this time Ikhlas Khan was in charge of the state's finances and adminsitration until 1686 when Bijapur fell to the mughals. There were several other outstanding generals and govenors of African descent active in Bijapur during this time including Kamil Khan, Kishwar Khan, Dilawar Khan, Hamid Khan, Daulat Khan (known as Khawas Khan), Mohammad Amin (known as Mustafa Khan), Masud Khan, Farhad Khan, Khairiyat Khan and Randaula Khan (known as Rustam -i Zaman), the last one in particular, oversaw the the silk producing southwestern provinces of Bijapur bordering the Portuguese colony of Goa, another was Siddi Masud who served as regent of the last sultan of Bijapur Sikandar Adil Shah (r. 1672 -1686) and is credited with patronizing arts, as well as undertaking several constructions such as Jami Masjid in 1660 and establishing the townships of Imatiazgadh and Adilabad, he retired in 1683 and ruled in Adoni province until surrendering to the mughals in 1689.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-36-49409736)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!dOxx!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F04c18982-32ba-459e-af9f-983ff1669eb6_900x591.png)
_**Sultan Muhammad Adil Shah of Bijapur and African courtiers, ca, 1640.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!5rzP!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4869875b-6d2a-46e0-bfd2-28f3103269a5_865x930.png)
_**Ikhlas Khan with a Petition ca. 1650 (San Diego Museum of Art)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!NV6y!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F61fb9a1a-30f2-4be7-b6de-8339f9c26cb3_500x709.png)
_**Ikhlas Khan and his son and successor, Muhammad Adil Shah. (San Diego Museum of Art)**_
In the sultanate of Ahmadnagar, several Siddis rose to prominence but the most famous was the Abyssinian general Malik Amber who was born in Harar in 1550, and passed through several slave owners in africa and arabia where he was educated in administration and finance, he was then purchased by a minister in the Ahmadnagar sultanate, he was later freed and briefly served in Bijapur before returning in 1595 serving under the Siddi prime minister Abhangar Khan, he fought in the succession disputes of the Ahmadnagar sultanate and installed Murtaza Nizam Shah II as a boy-King in 1602 and reigned as his regent effectively with full power, he also defeated several Mughal incursions directed against Ahmadnagar, he later replaced Murtaza II with a lesser rebellious puppet Nizam Shah Burhan III (r. 1610-1631) allowing him to attain even more control as the most powerful figure in the sultanate as well as the entire western india region, with an army of 60,000 that included persians, arabs, siddis, deccani Muslims and Hindus. Upon his death in 1626, one chronicler wrote;
"_**In warfare, in command, in sound judgment, and in administration, he had no rival or equal. He kept down the turbulent spirits of that country, and maintained his exalted position to the end of his life, and closed his career in honour. History records no other instance of an Abyssinian slave arriving at such eminence**_".
Ambar was succeeded by his son Fath Khan who reigned until 1633 when he surrended to the Mughals along with his puppet sultan Husain III ending the state's independence. Shortly after its fall however, the emerging Maratha chieftains had crowned another sultan Murtaza III on the Ahmadnagar throne hoping to preserve the state but his reign was shortlived, the primary force during Ambar's rule, besides an alliance with the siddis of Janjira fortress, seems to have been an alliance with the emerging Maratha state, and the actions of Malik Ambar helped maintain the independence of Amadnagar making the state "_**the nursery in which Maratha power could grow, creating the political preconditions for the eventual emergence of an independent Maratha state**_".[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-37-49409736)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!jUu1!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F75e568bd-b00f-4983-8cb5-2b2f52e87a03_774x1156.png)
_**Portrait of Malik 'Ambar early 17th century (Victoria and Albert Museum)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!DnGR!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F44bb0601-3423-47b7-8394-d9b40e5ed6c9_339x431.png)
_**The tomb of Malik Ambar, Khuldabad, ca. 1625**_
The institution of diverse slave contingents wasn't continued by the Mughals and the presence of the Africans in India was diminished although some imports continued to trickle in some semi-independent regions as well as those controlled by the Portuguese, The last stronghold of the siddis remained the janjira fort, built by the siddis in the 15th century as the home of an independent Siddi state whose rulers were initially appointed as commanders of the fortress by Malik Ambar, the state lasted until the 20th century, it resisted several Mughal, Maratha and British sieges throughout the 16th-18th century and was ruled by a Siddi dynasty who also extended their power to parts of the mainland where they constructed a necropolis complex for their rulers.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-38-49409736)
In Wanaparthy Samsthanam (a vassal of the Hyderabad kingdom), the Raja Rameshwar Rao II (1880-1922) is said to have constituted a cavalry and bodyguard force of siddis, because of their mastery in training horses and trustworthiness, they later became part of the regular forces of the Nizam of Hyderabad in the early 20th century, only being disbanded by colonial authorities in 1948. [39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-39-49409736) In the kingdom of Awadh, the last king Wajid Ali Shah had several soldiers of African decsent in his guard including women, his second wife queen Yasmin was a siddi, his siddi soldiers were part of the armies that faced off with the British in 1856 [40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-40-49409736). Other prominent siddis include Yaqut Dabuli, a prominent siddi architect of Sultan Muhammad Adil Shah (r. 1627 -1656), who was responsible for elaborate color decoration of the great mihrab in the Bijapur Jami Masjid.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-41-49409736)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!gLC2!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7d70be1b-2311-4021-bc1f-8e5a3f952e36_500x704.png)
_**Yasmin Mahal wife of wajid ali shah 1822-1827 the last king of Oudh in uttar Paradesh**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!fubT!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9fe0dca9-7033-460c-8c86-2f1495ff4318_745x566.png)
_**Tombs of; Siddi Surur Khān (d. 1734), Siddi Khairiyāt Khān (d. 1696) and Siddi Yāqut (born Qāsim Khān, d. 1706) in Khokri on the mainland near the Janjira fortress**_[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-42-49409736)
In the Portuguese era between the late 16th and early 19th century, a small but visible level of slave trade existed between their southern Indian and eastern African colonies, the Portuguese presence in India was established at Goa in 1510, Diu in 1535, Daman in 1559 and Nagar Haveli in 1789, but it was the first three where most African trade was directed primarily involving ivory, gold and slaves the last of whom were mostly from south-east Africa but also from the horn of africa where the Adal-Abbysinia wars and the Portuguese predations along the Somali coast had resulted in a significant number of slaves being sold into the Indian ocean market in the 16th century, but from the 17th-the early 19th century, the bulk of slaves came from the Mozambique coast.[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-43-49409736) while the vast majority (over 90%) of the Mozambique slaves were shipped to brazil, a few dozen a year (an average of around 25) also went to the cities of Diu, and Daman, while around 100 a year were sold to Goa, the lowest figure being 3 slaves in 1805 and the highest were 128 slaves in 1828 for the entire region.[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-44-49409736)
**Population movement from the Indian subcontinent to Africa.**
While many Indians arrived in east Africa as merchants and travelers as already mentioned, their numbers were relatively small in most parts well into the 19th century, compared to these pockets of settlements in east african cities, the bulk of Indians on the east African coast arrived as slaves during the 18th and early 19th century, almost all were confined to the islands of Mauritius and Reunion, their populations were latter swelled by Indian workers (both free and forced labour) that arrived during the colonial era in the late 19th century.
By the 18th century, a large number of enslaved Indians were present in some of the Portuguese and French controlled east african coastal islands especially the Mascarene islands such as the islands of Reunion and Mauritius where roughly 12% of the 126,000 slaves in 1810 were of Indian descent, (with Malagasy slaves making up about 45% and south-east African slaves making up about 40% and the rest drawn from elsewhere)[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-45-49409736) in 1806, the over 6,000 Indian slaves on Mauritius constituted around 10% of the island’s population and by 1810, enslaved Indians in Mauritius numbered around 24,000.[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-46-49409736)
Unlike the African slave soldiers of the Deccan, these enslaved Indians (as well as their Malagasy and African peers) couldn’t rise to prominent positions in the plantation societies; a pattern which was characteristic of European slave plantations elsewhere in the Atlantic world. This Indian slave trade ended in the mid 19th century when all slave exports above the equator were banned, despite the ban however, a significant trade in slaves from the Indian subcontinent continued especially from balochitsan region; one that lasted well into the early 20th century to an extent that it replaced the east African slave trade entirely, meeting the slave demand of the Omani sultanate whose capital was Zanzibar[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-47-49409736), these Balochi slaves were almost exclusively employed as soldiers for the Omani sultans of Zanzibar and numbered several hundred in the 19th century.[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-48-49409736) but a significant number of the Balochi slaves also included women who served various household tasks, as well as other slaves from other parts of the Indian subcontinent that were also used in the Zanzibar clove plantations.[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-49-49409736)
By the 19th century, a significant proportion of Indian merchants that included Banyans and Khojas begun to settle in Zanzibar following the Omani sultans' conquests along the Swahili coast, the movement of these Indian merchants was based on the long-standing relationships that the Omani sultans had with them while in southern arabia,[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-50-49409736) their population is estimated to have been around 1,000 in 1840 and between 2,000-6,000 in 1860 (although scholars think these figures are likely exaggerated even if they represented the entire east African domain of the Zanzibar sultanate)[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-51-49409736) The Indian merchants’ importance in local trade was such that upto 50% of imports to Zanzibar consisted of Surat clothes, as well as 50 tonnes of iron bars, sugar, rice and chinaware imported annually from Bombay, Surat and Muscat.[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-52-49409736)
The Zanzibar-based Banyans also provided credit as money lenders to the handicraft industries, to merchants travelling into the interior for ivory as well as those active in the city’s markets, but they didn't engage much in the plantation agriculture of zanzibar[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-53-49409736), The indian merchants became particularly skilled in this field of finance such that in the late 19th century, the Zanzibar sultan Majid was heavily indebted to several Indian merchant houses, eg the _**Kutchi House**_ demanding about $250,000 while the _**Shivji Topan House**_ demanded upto $540,000, these debts had been previously paid in kind by the sultans in the form of reciprocal commercial and protection rights in the Omani ruler’s territories but as the Zanzibar sultanate increasingly came under British rule, the latter forced the Omani sultan to quantify the figure however arbitrary[54](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-54-49409736)
By 1913, the number of Indians in colonial Tanganyika was around 9,500 although the vast majority of them were contractual laborers brought in by the colonial government rather than descendants of the older populations, a similar trend was observed in Kenya where the vast majority came in the late 19th century and early 20th century as contractual laborers for the Uganda railway.[55](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-55-49409736)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!gc-r!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4943a677-88c4-4927-aaf1-1c33d82a23d5_1024x768.jpeg)
_**The Ithna sheri Dispensary in zanzibar built in the late 19th century by Tharia thopan, an Indian Muslim trader from Gujarat, its construction combines Indian styles with swahili and European designs**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!TpN6!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fffddd9b4-cff9-4614-99f1-7811562b6465_794x553.png)
_**Zanzibar beachfront in the early 20th century**_
* * *
**Cultural exchanges between the Indian subcontinent and Africa**
**Indian architecture in Eastern Africa and Other cultural influences**
As mentioned earlier, there was a small presence of Indian craftsmen in the eastern Africa since the early second millennium, in ethiopia beginning in the 17th century, a hybridized form of Ethiopian, indo-Islamic (Mughal) architecture developed in the capital of Gondar with increased contacts between the two regions, one notable Indian architect named Abdalkadir (also called Manoel Magro) is credited in local texts with making a new form of lime in the early 1620s and is said to have designed the castle of king Susenyos (r. 1606-1632) along with the Ethiopian master builder Gäbrä Krǝstos, this castle was the first among several dozen castles of the gondarine design[56](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-56-49409736), emperor Fasilides (r. 1632-1667) is also said to have employed several Indian craftsmen after his expulsion of the Portuguese Jesuits, these craftsmen are said to have constructed his palace "_**according to the style of his country**_”[57](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-57-49409736)
A number of gondarine constructions incorporated Mughal styles, a noted example was the bath of Fasilides that in execution is similar to an Indian _**jal mahal**_ (water palace), a common form of elite construction in northern India, this bath is traditionally credited to Fasilides but was likely built by emperor Iyasu II in the late 17th century.[58](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-58-49409736)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!3bGk!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5af85125-8d01-4f04-b895-23d6e49669b3_1440x960.jpeg)
_**Fasilides’ bath in Gondar built in the 17th century**_
In the 19th and early 20th century, an influx of Indian craftsmen into ethiopia was encouraged by emperor Menelik (r. 1880-1913), most of them stayed in the capital Addis Ababa but some went to the city of Harar. The number of skilled craftsmen among these Indian immigrants was quite small numbering less than two dozen, with the vast majority of the estimated 150 indians in Ethiopia in 1909 being involved in foreign trade for which they are said to have successfully displaced the French and the Greeks who had been the leading foreign traders in the capital. Despite their small numbers, the Indian artisans of Menelik are nevertheless credited with some unique construction designs that fused Ethiopian and Indian architecture such as the works of the indian architects _**Hajji Khwas Khan**_ and _**Wali Mohammed**_ which include, the church of Ragu'el at Entoto built in 1883, the church of Elfen Gabriel in Addis Ababa, the church of Maryam at Addis Alam built in 1902, the palace at Holoto built in the 1900s, and the House of the cross at Dabra Libanos[59](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-59-49409736).
Indian influence on the architecture of Ethiopia was however limited in extent not just by the small numbers of craftsmen but also the fact that few buildings display Indian styles, the general architecture of Ethiopia conforms to the broader domestic styles present in the region since the Aksumite and Zagwe era.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!tEbs!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F46f7aa01-9cc0-4a1a-895c-e9c94c74daa7_1024x768.jpeg)
_**church of Ragu'el at Entoto**_
Other Indian architectural influences can be observed in some of the Indian-style constructions in the city of Zanzibar (most are occupied by people of Indian descent) as well as several of the elite house doors in a number of Swahili cities such as Lamu and Mombasa that incorporate Gujarat designs[60](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-60-49409736)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!RFSt!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F738519b4-f6a3-4c08-a37d-07d71513aa60_600x800.png)
_**gujarati style door in Lamu**_
Other faint Indian influences in east Africa can be gleaned from the manuscript illumination styles of the eastern African coast especially in the cities of Harar and Zanzibar in the 18th and 19th century[61](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-61-49409736), as well as the study of some Buddhist texts in Ethiopia.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!jw2k!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F207e67c1-20f7-4a49-a4b9-db2ae1e7155e_444x504.png)
_**Ethiopic Version of a Christianized story of the Buddha, from an 18th century Munscript Or. 699 (british library)**_[62](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-62-49409736)
**African architecture in the Indian subcontinent****and other African cultural influences in India**
Architectural connections between siddi and African constructions can be drawn in the Siddi Sayed Mosque, built by the Ethiopian Siddi Sayed in 1570-71 in Gujarat which compares well with the numerous rock-hewn churches in northern Ethiopia, and the intricate lattice work in the arches of the Mosque that has parallels in the processional crosses of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. Despite a few african parallels, siddi architecture in general and siddi funerary architecture in particular largely conforms to the indo-Muslim styles present in the Deccan region[63](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-63-49409736)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!rYo2!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6145ed8d-243a-4de6-bfe9-9ef721354cdd_1500x999.jpeg)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!caxi!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F63dcb383-3e97-4afc-98b3-eed85bee8478_1500x999.jpeg)
_**The Siddi Sayed Mosque in Ahmedabad, Gujarat; showing its intricate latticework**_
In the Khandesh sultanate (1382-1601), the practice of confining all possible successors of the reigning dynasty away from the royal court may have been a practice brought by the Habshi slaves in India, as it was already a well established royal custom in Christian Ethiopia in the early 14th century, although there were a few later Indian parallels to this custom making it difficult to determine its origin.[64](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-64-49409736) The use of Amulets among the siddis is also a practice likely derived from the African mainland where they were ubiquitous among Muslim and non-Muslim and Christian (Ethiopian) communities, these talismans are believed to protect the individual from disease and misfortune.[65](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-65-49409736)
* * *
(**SIDE-NOTE**: the writings of the 18th century west African scholar Salih al-Fullani were very influential in India’s Ahl al-Ḥadīth school in the 18th and 19th centuries and his Indian students published a number of his books in India during the early 20th century, you can read more about him on my [Patreon post](https://www.patreon.com/posts/from-guinea-to-b-61683129))
* * *
**Conclusion: Afro-Indian cultural exchanges beyond “cores” and “peripheries”**
The history of contacts between Africa and the Indian subcontinent reveals the dynamic and complex nature of the cultural exchanges between the two regions, African goods, merchants, ideas and people moved to India as often as Indian goods, merchants, ideas and people moved to Africa, in an exchange quite unlike the unidirectional movement of people from Africa and goods from India as its often misconceived in Indian ocean historiography. The reciprocal nature of the trade also meant that far from the exploitative nature of exchange that characterizes the core-periphery hypothesis, manufactures from the Indian “core” such as textiles supplemented rather than displaced manufactures from the African “periphery” and there is indication that in some parts of the Swahili coast, Indian textile trade begun almost simultaneously with domestic manufacture in a pattern that continued well into the 19th century when Zanzibar was importing large amounts of yarn from india for local cloth industries.[66](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-66-49409736)
The influences of Indian and African immigrants on either continent has at times been overlooked especially in Indian historiography and other times been overstated especially in east African historiography in a pattern largely influenced by the current status of the African or Indian communities in either regions which is mostly a product of the colonial era as i’ve demonstrated with the population movements that after the late 19th century became rather asymmetrical with an influx of Indian laborers and merchants not matched by a movement of Africans of similar status into India while those populations of African descent were stripped of the relatively privileged status that they had in the pre-colonial kingdoms.
Indians of African descent certainly played a prominent role in western India especially between the 15th and 17th century but also in other parts well into the early 20th century despite the marginalized status of siddis in modern India, and Africans of Indian descent were also important in the foreign merchant communities of Africa and some craftsmen are credited with introducing Indian architectural styles in eastern Africa, although their influence has been attimes overstated in African historiography which is unmatched by their fairly small communities whose residents were itinerant in nature, and their confinement to foreign trade that made up a small proportion of the largely rural domestic economy, as the historian Randall Pouwels writes of both Arab and Indian immigrants on the swahili coast : “_**evidence overwhelmingly suggests that immigrants came to these societies almost always as minorities, and there are few indications prior to the late eighteenth century that immigrants succeeded in forcing the direction of change, which generally tended to be gradual and subtle and definitely given effect within the frame work of existing structures, values, and Institutions**_”[67](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-67-49409736)
A deeper study of the Indian ocean world that is free of reductive theoretical models and the hangover of colonial historiography is required to uncover the more nuanced and robust connections between Africa and the Indian subcontinent, inorder to understand the salient role Africans and Indians played in pre-modern era of globalization.
* * *
**Download some of the books on India African relations and read more on Salih Al-Fullani’s influence in India on my patreon**
[patreon](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64?fan_landing=true)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!RuH5!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5f45c145-071b-4b8a-b6b5-4f6895f67f56_1348x639.png)
[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-1-49409736)
see “India in Africa: Trade goods and connections of the late first millennium by Jason D. Hawkes and Stephanie Wynne-Jones” for a more detailed discussion of this
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-2-49409736)
Aksumite Overseas Interests by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 138-139
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-3-49409736)
Trade And Trade Routes In Ancient India By Moti Chandra pg 235)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-4-49409736)
The Red Sea region during the 'long' Late Antiquity by Timothy Power pg 45-47
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-5-49409736)
The Indo-Roman Pepper Trade and the Muziris Papyrus by Federico De Romanis pgs 68
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-6-49409736)
Cultural Interaction between Ancient Abyssinia and India by Dibishada B. Garnayak et al. pg 139-140
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-7-49409736)
The Indo-Roman Pepper Trade and the Muziris Papyrus by Federico De Romanis pgs 67-70
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-8-49409736)
The Red Sea region during the 'long' Late Antiquity by Timothy Power pg 84-85
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-9-49409736)
A History of Chess: The Original 1913 Edition By H. J. R. Murray pg v
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-10-49409736)
New Aspects of India's Influence on the Art and culture of Ethiopia pg 5-9, African Zion pg 194
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-11-49409736)
“ Major themes in Ethiopian painting" by Stanisław Chojnacki pg 241-243
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-12-49409736)
Indian Trade with Ethiopia, the Gulf of Aden and the Horn of Africa in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries pg 453-497
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-13-49409736)
art orientalis 34, the arts of islam pg 66-67)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-14-49409736)
Deep memories or symbolic statements? The Diba, Debuli and related traditions of the East African coast by Martin walsh, Art orientalis the arts of islam pg 68
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-15-49409736)
Indian relations with east africa before the arrival of the portuguese by Neville Chittick pg 119)
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-16-49409736)
Indian relations with east africa before the arrival of the portuguese by Neville Chittick pg 122
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-17-49409736)
Art orientalis 34, the arts of islam pg 66, 68)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-18-49409736)
Art orientalis 34, the arts of islam pg pg 72)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-19-49409736)
India in Africa: Trade goods and connections of the late first millennium, The Indian Ocean and Swahili Coast coins, international networks and local developments
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-20-49409736)
Eastern africa and the indian ocean to 1800 by Randall L. Pouwels pg 399)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-21-49409736)
Art orientalis 34, the arts of islam pg 67)
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-22-49409736)
Indian relations with east africa before the arrival of the portuguese by Neville Chittick pg pg 120)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-23-49409736)
As artistry permits and custom may ordain by Jeremy G. Prestholdt pg 11)
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-24-49409736)
Indian relations with east africa before the arrival of the portuguese by Neville Chittick pg 121)
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-25-49409736)
As artistry permits and custom may ordain by Jeremy G. Prestholdt pg 26-27)
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-26-49409736)
the spinning world byPrasannan Parthasarathi pg 167)
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-27-49409736)
Ocean of Trade by Pedro Machado pg 136-9, Twilight of Industry by Katharine Fredrick
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-28-49409736)
Art orientalis 34, the arts of islam pg 77)
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-29-49409736)
Between Eastern Africa and Western India by Sanjay Subrahmanyam pg 816)
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-30-49409736)
The African Dispersal in the Deccan by Shanti Sadiq Ali pg 199-200)
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-31-49409736)
Structure of Slavery in Indian Ocean Africa and Asia by Gwyn Campbell pg 25)
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-32-49409736)
From Africans in India to African Indians by R Czekalska pg 193)
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-33-49409736)
Unraveling the Population History of Indian Siddis by R Das
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-34-49409736)
From Africans in India to African Indians by R Czekalska 196-198)
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-35-49409736)
Between Eastern Africa and Western India by Sanjay Subrahmanyam pg pg 817)
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-36-49409736)
From Africans in India to African Indians by R Czekalska pg 197-205)
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-37-49409736)
A social history of the deccan by Richard M. Eaton pg 128)
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-38-49409736)
The african dispersal in the deccan by Shanti Sadiq Ali pg 157-189)
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-39-49409736)
The african dispersal in the deccan by Shanti Sadiq Ali pg 193-198)
[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-40-49409736)
From Africans in India to African Indians by Renata Czekalska pg 195
[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-41-49409736)
The african dispersal in the deccan by Shanti Sadiq Ali pg 137)
[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-42-49409736)
Memorials of Sovereignty: Funerary Architecture of the Siddis of Janjira at Khokri (Maharashtra) by Pushkar Sohoni
[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-43-49409736)
The african dispersal in the deccan by Shanti Sadiq Ali pg 202-219)
[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-44-49409736)
structure of slavery in indian ocean africa pg 19-20)
[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-45-49409736)
structure of slavery in indian ocean africa pg 35-37)
[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-46-49409736)
structure of slavery in indian ocean africa pg pg 41-43)
[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-47-49409736)
slaves of one master by by Matthew S. Hopper pg 183)
[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-48-49409736)
Makran, Oman, and Zanzibar by Beatrice Nicolini
[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-49-49409736)
The Swahili Coast by Christine Stephanie Nicholls pg 288
[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-50-49409736)
Trade and Empire in Muscat and Zanzibar by M. Reda Bhacker pg 12-13)
[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-51-49409736)
Indian Africa: Minorities of Indian-Pakistani Origin in Eastern Africa edited by Adam, Michel pg 103
[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-52-49409736)
Trade and Empire in Muscat and Zanzibar by M. Reda Bhacker pg 67)
[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-53-49409736)
Trade and Empire in Muscat and Zanzibar by M. Reda Bhacker pg 132-133)
[54](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-54-49409736)
Trade and Empire in Muscat and Zanzibar by M. Reda Bhacker pg 176-178)
[55](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-55-49409736)
Indian Africa: Minorities of Indian-Pakistani Origin in Eastern Africa edited by Adam, Michel pg 104,118)
[56](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-56-49409736)
The Archaeology of the Jesuit Missions in Ethiopia (1557–1632) by Víctor Manuel Fernández pg 30-34
[57](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-57-49409736)
The Indian Door of Täfäri Mäkonnen's House at Harar by Richard Pankhurst pg 381,
[58](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-58-49409736)
New Aspects of India's Influence on the Art and culture of ethiopia pg 11-12
[59](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-59-49409736)
The Role of Indian Craftsmen in Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth-Century Ethiopian Palace, Church and Other Building Richard Pankhurst pg 11-20), The Indian Door of Täfäri Mäkonnen's House at Harar by Richard Pankhurst pg 389-391
[60](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-60-49409736)
The Nineteenth-century Carved Wooden Doors of the East-African Coast by Judith Aldrick
[61](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-61-49409736)
The visual resonances of a Harari Qur’ān by Sana Mirza
[62](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-62-49409736)
[Or 699](http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/FullDisplay.aspx?ref=Or_699)
[63](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-63-49409736)
Memorials of Sovereignty: Funerary Architecture of the Siddis of Janjira at Khokri (Maharashtra) by Pushkar Sohoni
[64](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-64-49409736)
The African Dispersal in the Deccan by Shanti Sadiq Ali pg 153)
[65](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-65-49409736)
An African Indian Community in Hyderabad by Ababu Minda Yimene pg 191-103)
[66](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-66-49409736)
see “Rise of the Coastal Consumer: Coast-Side Drivers of East Africa’s Cotton Cloth Imports, 1830–1900” in Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick
[67](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/between-africa-and-india-a-millennia#footnote-anchor-67-49409736)
Eastern Africa and the Indian Ocean to 1800 by Randall L. Pouwels pg 412-413)
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Published Time: 2022-07-17T12:47:28+00:00
Centralizing power in an African pastoral society: The Ajuran Empire of Somalia (16th-17th century)
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Centralizing power in an African pastoral society: The Ajuran Empire of Somalia (16th-17th century)
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### A political watershed in the southern Horn of Africa.
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The southern Horn of Africa is home to some of the world's oldest pastoral societies and studies of these societies have generated a wealth of literature about their expressions of power. The Historiography of Somalia is often set against the background of such studies as well as the modern region’s politics, resulting in a cocktail of theories which often presume that the contemporary proclivity towards decentralization was a historical constant.
In the 16th century, most of Southern Somalia was united under the Ajuran state, an extensive polity whose rulers skillfully combined multiple forms of legitimacy that were current in the region and created a network of alliances which supported an elaborate administrative system above the labyrinthine kinship groups.
This article sketches the History of the Ajuran empire from the emergence of early state systems in the southern Somalia during the late 1st millennium, to Ajuran's decline in the 17th century.
_**Map of Southern Somalia showing the approximate extent of Ajuran in the 16th century.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!NWYW!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1a200c8c-3f3a-47dd-9732-5cd7c934ab55_595x656.png)
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**The early southern Horn of Africa:**
In the era preceding the emergence of Ajuran polity in southern Somalia, the coastal region and its immediate hinterland in the Shebelle river basin was primarily settled by a diverse group of agro-pastoral people who spoke languages belonging to the _cushitic-_ language subgoup (mostly the Somali[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-1-64336484) language) and the _bantu-_ language subgroup(mostly the Sabaki languages), in a region which constituted the northern-most reaches of the _**Shungwaya**_ proto-state, which in the late 1st millennium, extended from the mouth of the Shebelle river, then south to the Tana river in Kenya.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-2-64336484)
_**Map showing shungwaya and the city-states that succeeded it**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!MvOC!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0c164bab-ea3d-4212-a2fd-cb0bcbb3178d_1052x607.png)
In this varied social and physical environment, defensive alliances, patron-client ties, cultural exchanges and intermarriages were used to mediate the shared economic interests of the sedentary agriculturalists and the pastoralist groups, the former of whom primarily constituted the Sabaki language groups while the latter primarily constituted the Somali-speakers (although both groups had semi-sedentary sections).[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-3-64336484)
These client relations often involved one group establishing a level of political hegemony over another. In the **Shebelle basin**, these forms of political structures were primarily headed by the pastoralists (such as the Somali, and later the Oromo) who were numerically stronger, while along the coast from southern Somalia to central Tanzania, the sedentary agriculturalists (such as the Swahili, Comorians and Majikenda —of the Sabaki language groups) were numerically stronger, and thus predominant in the East African coast’s political structures.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-4-64336484)
Its because of this dynamic that while the early history and establishment of southern Somalia’s coastal settlements of Brava[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-5-64336484), Mogadishu[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-6-64336484), Merka[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-7-64336484), Kismayu[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-8-64336484), are associated with the Swahili speakers (of the _Chimini_ and _Bajuni_ dialects), who are still present in the cities as autochthonous groups[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-9-64336484), The political power in these cities quickly came to include Somali-speaking clan groups, and the cities were sustained primarily through the initiative of the pastoral groups, who'd later establish other cities along the central coast of Somalia.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-10-64336484)
As such, by the 13th century, we're given one of the earliest explicit mentions of a southern Somali-speaking clan group in an external source written by the Arab writers; Yakut (d. 1229) and Ibn Sa'id (d. 1274), both of whom mentioned the **Hawiye**clan family along the southern coast of Somalia, and considered the city of Merca as the Hawiye’s capital[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-11-64336484), And by 1331, Mogadishu was governed by a sheikh of Somali-speaking extract.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-12-64336484)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!xZ7i!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7e27313a-d5b3-4354-9f2d-27ef78515f2f_1440x945.jpeg)
_**Merca in the early 20th century.**_
Political identity among Somali-speakers rested on membership in a discrete kinship group based on descent often referred to as "clan-families", which are comprised of vast confederations (subdivided into clans) whose members claim descent from a common ancestor[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-13-64336484). Focusing on the predominantly **pastoral clans** among the Somali speakers[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-14-64336484), leadership was often fluid and authority was based on a prominent individual's successful performance of power rather than from inherited right. Principles of; clan solidarity, religious/ritual power (which was inheritable), strategic political alliance through intermarriage and the control of natural resources, were the major forms of political legitmation.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-15-64336484)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!WYOu!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3d070ba7-1918-4a58-a0f9-e82b38e83d74_606x556.png)
_**Genealogical relationships among Somali clan-families and clans, those mentioned in this article are highlighted (chart taken from Cassanelli)**_
* * *
**The Ajuran empire.**
Around the 16th century, a section of clans led by the **Gareen lineage** (within the Hawiye clan family), established the state of Ajuran (named after their own clan). The Gareen’s legitimacy came from its possession of religious power (baraka) and a sound genealogical pedigree, it drew its military strength predominantly from the pastoral Hawiye clans and supplemented it with the ideology of an expanding Islam to establish a series of administrative centers in and around the strategic well complexes that formed central nodes within irrigated riverbanks of southern Somalia.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-16-64336484)
The Gareen rulers set up an elaborate administrative system which oversaw the collection of tribute from cultivators , herdsmen, and traders and undertook an extensive program of construction of fortifications and wells. They ruled according to a theocratic (Islamic) model and most accounts refer to the Ajuran leaders as **imams**, and refer to administrators of the Ajuran government as emirs, wazir, and naa'ibs.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-17-64336484)
Central power was exercised through an elaborate alliance system that was constructed above the labyrinth of subordinate Hawiye clans, which enabled the Ajuran imams to control an extensive territory that extended from the coastal town of Mareeg, down to the mouth of the Jubba river, and northwards into Qallafo near the Ethiopia-Somalia border.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-18-64336484)
In the Shebelle basin interior there were interior trading towns such as Afgooye and Qallafo, where an economic exchange primarily based on pastoral and agricultural products took place between the herders and the cultivators. This exchange depended on the mutual relationships between the various clans and ethnic groups. Herders obtained farm products in exchange for livestock, which were then sent to Mogadishu and Merca, where the main markets were located , for consumption by the townsfolk and for export.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-19-64336484)
Military expeditions were also undertaken by the Ajuran rulers to expand their control into the interior as well as in response to incursions arising from a counter-expansion by a sub-groups of other Somali-speaking and Oromo-speaking groups in the region.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-20-64336484) In connection with the establishment of interior trading towns and military expansion, The Ajuran period witnessed considerable construction in stone deep in the Somali hinterland where many ruins have been discovered attributed to the Ajuran era (many of these ruins are now overgrown after centuries of abandon and remain undated).[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-21-64336484)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!zj0m!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd28acd6e-bf19-4c21-bc91-dc3929acc1b7_569x976.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!TjG4!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F68f261ae-8abc-48c6-ad5f-a794ff5b2aea_734x506.png)
_**Remains of ancient buildings in the interior of southern Somalia**_, (photos from the early 20th century at Somali Studies Center -Somalia Archive)
* * *
**Sustaining a pastoral aristocracy:**
Prior to the Ajuran ascendance, the occupation of strategic well sites and thus grazing areas had enabled disparate Hawiye clans to establish a level of political hegemony over the populations of the Shebelle basin. This control of key pastoral resources provided the economic foundations for the extensive Ajuran polity whose political structure was in its origin a pastoral aristocracy.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-22-64336484)
Ajuran’s Gareen rulers were closely associated with the **Madinle** (also spelt; Madale/Madanle ) either as allies or as directly related to the ruling elite. The Madinle are a semi-legendary group of well-diggers in Somali traditions who were claimed to possess the uncanny ability to identify aquifers for well construction[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-23-64336484); a tradition that points to their role —along with the Ajuran— in monopolizing the region’s pastoral resources.
Many of the deep, stone-lined wells and elaborate systems of dikes and dams which irrigated the Lower Shebelle region, as well as ruined settlements in the region are traditionally dated to the Ajuran era.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-24-64336484) Although not all of the construction works would have been commissioned by the Ajuran rulers themselves.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-25-64336484)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Pv7p!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F22366e52-220d-4829-bf40-e921e04946b8_1555x956.png)
_**a traditional stone well in Somalia, early 20th century photo.**_
* * *
**On Ajuran’s coast-to-hinterland interface: Mogadishu in the 16th century.**
Alliances between the Ajuran rulers and the ruling dynasties of **Mogadishu, Merca and Brava**, enhanced the former’s power by providing an outlet for surplus grain and livestock which were exchanged the luxury goods that constituted the iconography of Ajuran's ostentatious royal courts[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-26-64336484). Ajuran rulers were primarily concerned with domestic developments than with international politics, but were nevertheless intimately involved with coastal trade.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-27-64336484)
While the coastal cities were not governed wholly by Ajuran officials; as their authority was typically exercised by councils of elders representing the leading mercantile, religious, and property-owning families, these cities were part of the Ajuran-controlled regional exchange system, and their social histories invariably reflected the vicissitudes of the hinterland.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-28-64336484)
The Ajuran’s position in the Shebelle basin put them in the position of the middleman, by controlling the interior trade routes and meeting points, the state was able to yield considerable amounts of agricultural and pastoral wealth such that Mogadishu —then under its local Muzaffar dynasty in the 16th and 17th century— was essentially transformed into an outpost of the Ajuran.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-29-64336484)
The existence of an agricultural surplus in the Ajuran controlled hinterland and extensive trade with the coastal cities is confirmed by a 16th-century Portuguese account which mentions interior products such as grain, wax and ivory as the primary exports of Mogadishu.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-30-64336484) The prosperity of Mogadishu during the Ajuran era with its maritime trade to southern India, which flourished despite its repeated sacking by the Portuguese, doubtlessly rested on its economic relationship with the Ajuran.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-31-64336484)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!mZH6!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1304ccf1-e989-47a1-83eb-d2de3db5fc9d_905x566.png)
_**Mogadishu beachfront in 1927.**_
* * *
**Collapse of Ajuran.**
Early in the 17th century, the Ajuran state entered a period of decline as it faced various internal and external challenges to its hegemony. The main impetus of this decline came from continued expansion of more Hawiye clans into the Shebelle basin which challenged the system of alliances established by the Ajuran rulers and thus undermined the foundation of their authority. [32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-32-64336484)
Within the Ajuran's alliance system, the Gareen lineage was eclipsed by the _Gurqaate confederation_, which led to the disintegration of Ajuran into various states with different clans carving up parts of the empire. These include the Abgal who controlled the Mogadishu hinterland, the Silcis who controlled Afgooye, and the El-Amir who controlled Merca (the latter two would be supplanted by other clans by the 18th century).[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-33-64336484)
Chronicles from Mogadishu briefly mention the appearance of a Hawiye clan from the city’s hinterland during the 17th century and the replacement of the Muzzafar rulers with a new line of imams from the Abgal clan (their use of the ‘imam’ title reflecting their retention of Ajuran’s administrative legacy).[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-34-64336484) This occurred around 1624, and the new rulers resided in the Shangani quarter of Mogadishu, but their power base remained among the people in the interior.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-35-64336484)
Southern Somalia thus sustained the established economic exchanges that would later be significantly expanded by the Ajuran’s successor states such as the Geledi kingdom in the 19th century.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-36-64336484)
* * *
**Conclusion: the legacy of Ajuran.**
The Ajuran era in Somali history shows that despite the widely held notion that power in Eastern-African pastoral societies was widely dispersed among segmented groups, the centralization of power by one group was not uncommonly achieved and sustained over a large territory that was socially and ecologically diverse.
A convergence of political circumstances in the 16th century enabled the emergence of what was one of eastern Africa's largest states, whose political structure was not a break with the pastoral Somali system of clan alliances and patron-client links, but was instead an extension and innovation of them. Ajuran's unique combination of traditional and Islamic administrative devices was employed by its successors to establish similar states.
The Ajuran era, which antecedes the formal integration of the Eastern-African coast and mainland in the 19th century, was a watershed moment in the region’s political history.
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-1-64336484)
_(‘Somali’ in this article will be used to refer to the speakers of the Somali language rather than as a reference to the modern national identity which currently comprises many who speak other languages and excludes Somali speakers outside Somalia)_
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-2-64336484)
Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 10-11)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-3-64336484)
The Benaadir Past: Essays in Southern Somali History by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 7-11
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-4-64336484)
Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 13-15)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-5-64336484)
The Swahili: Reconstructing the History and Language of an African Society by Derek Nurse pg 54-59)
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-6-64336484)
Medieval Mogadishu by N. Chittick pg 48,50
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-7-64336484)
Swahili and Sabaki: A Linguistic History By Derek Nurse pg 492
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-8-64336484)
Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture & the Shungwaya Phenomenon By James De Vere Allen pg 91-158
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-9-64336484)
Northeast African Studies, by African Studies Center, Michigan State University 1995 pg 23)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-10-64336484)
The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 74-75)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-11-64336484)
The Cambridge History of Africa. Volume 3, From c.1050 to c.1600 pg 137)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-12-64336484)
Medieval Mogadishu by N. Chittick pg 50)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-13-64336484)
The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 17
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-14-64336484)
Luling makes the case for a distinction in the concepts of power between the pastoral-nomadic clans and the agro-pastoral clans on pgs 78-81 of '“Somali Sultanate: The Geledi City-state Over 150 Years”
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-15-64336484)
The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 86)
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-16-64336484)
The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 104)
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-17-64336484)
Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture & the Shungwaya Phenomenon By James De Vere Allen pg 157, The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli 98)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-18-64336484)
The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli 102-103, Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture & the Shungwaya Phenomenon By James De Vere Allen pg 156
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-19-64336484)
The Origins and Development of Mogadishu AD 1000 to 1850 by Ahmed Dualeh Jama pg 89)
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-20-64336484)
The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 113)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-21-64336484)
The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 96
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-22-64336484)
The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 100-101)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-23-64336484)
Identities on the Move: Clanship and Pastoralism in Northern Kenya By Günther Schlee pg 94-96, 226-227
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-24-64336484)
Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture & the Shungwaya Phenomenon By James De Vere Allen pg 156, The Benaadir Past By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 28)
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-25-64336484)
The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 96)
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-26-64336484)
Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture & the Shungwaya Phenomenon By James De Vere Allen pg 157
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-27-64336484)
The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 104)
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-28-64336484)
The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 74)
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-29-64336484)
The Origins and Development of Mogadishu AD 1000 to 1850 by Ahmed Dualeh Jama pg 89)
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-30-64336484)
The Benaadir Past By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 27-8)
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-31-64336484)
The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 113)
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-32-64336484)
The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 107)
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-33-64336484)
The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 94-108)
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-34-64336484)
The Origins and Development of Mogadishu AD 1000 to 1850 by Ahmed Dualeh Jama pg 91)
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-35-64336484)
Medieval Mogadishu by N. Chittick pg 53 )
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/centralizing-power-in-an-african#footnote-anchor-36-64336484)
Somali Sultanate: The Geledi City-state Over 150 Years by Virginia Luling
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Published Time: 2022-03-06T14:17:08+00:00
Christian Nubia, Muslim Egypt and the Crusaders: a complex mosaic of Diplomacy and Warfare.
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Christian Nubia, Muslim Egypt and the Crusaders: a complex mosaic of Diplomacy and Warfare.
===========================================================================================
### The kingdom of Makuria, a medieval African power.
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For more than six centuries, the Nubian kingdom of Makuria is said to have maintained a relatively cordial relationship and the various Muslim dynasties of Egypt which was quite unique for the era; merchants from both countries plied their trades in either cities, pilgrims travelled safely through both regions, and ideas flowed freely between the two cultures, influencing the artistic, literary and architectural traditions of both states. Scholars have for long attributed this apparent peaceful co-existence to the _**baqt**_ treaty, according to a 15th century writer, the baqt was a written agreement between the Makurians and the Rashidun caliphate (the first Muslim state to conquer Egypt) in which the two sides agreed to terms of settlement that favored the Muslim Egyptians, with Makuria supposedly having to pay _**jizyah**_ (a tax on Christian subjects in Muslim states), maintain the mosque at Old Dongola and deliver a fixed quota of slaves. Historians have for long taken this account as authoritative despite its late composition, they therefore postulated that to the Muslim dynasties of Egypt, the kingdom of Makuria was a client state; a Christian state whose special status was conferred onto it by its more powerful neighbor, and that the peaceful relationship was dictated by the Muslim dynasties of Egypt.
Recent re-examinations of the texts relating to this _**baqt**_ peace treaty as well as the relationship between Makuria and the Muslim dynasties of Egypt however, reveal a radically different picture; one in which the Makurian armies twice defeated the invading Rashidun armies in the 7th century and in the succeeding centuries repeatedly advanced into Muslim Egypt and played a role in its internal politics, supporting the Alexandrian Coptic church and aiding several rebellions. Rather than the long peace between Makuria and Egypt postulated in popular historiography, the relationship between the two states alternated between periods of active warfare and peace, and rather than Muslim Egypt dictating the terms of the relationship; Makuria imposed the truce on the defeated Egyptian armies and carried out its relationship with Egypt on its own terms often maintaining the balance of power in its favor and initiating its foreign policy with Egypt; the latter only having to react to the new state of affairs. This relationship significantly changed however once the crusaders altered the political landscape of the Near east, their conquest of the Christian ‘holy lands’ and establishment of crusader states created a radically different dynamic; the threat of Makuria allying with the crusader states and combined with both Christian states' attacks into Muslim Egypt in the 12th century led to the emergence of a military class in Egypt which seized power and attacked the Christian states on both fronts; advancing south into Makuria and north into the crusader states in the late 13th century, managing to conquer the latter but failing to pacify the former for nearly two centuries until Makuria's eventual demise from internal processes.
This article explorers the relationship between Makuria and the Muslim dynasties of Egypt, focusing on the prominent events that shaped their encounters, the relationship between the crusaders and Christian Nubia and the gradual decline of Makuria
_**Map of medieval North-east Africa, showing the wars between Makuria and Muslim Egypt**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!hiX3!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8884d43d-63f7-4466-9b07-8a22b403d2ad_451x531.jpeg)
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**First encounters: the emergence of Makuria, warfare, Egypt’s defeat, and an uneasy peace.**
The fall of the kingdom of Kush in the late 4th century was followed by the emergence of several Nubian small states along the length of its territories; with Noubadia emerging in the 5th century in the northern most regions (southern Egypt), Makuria and Alodia by the 6th century (in what is now north and central Sudan). In all three new kingdoms new capitals were established and they became centers of political and religious power; the heavily fortified city of city of Old Dongola (or Tungul) emerged as the center of the centralized state of Makuria by the 6th century with Faras as the capital of Noubadia and Soba as the capital of Alodia, after a number of Byzantine missions in the mid 6th century, the royal courts of the three kingdoms adopted Christianity, which became the state religion.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-1-49777632)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!rek5!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7a0ebc79-98cd-44c6-bb59-bbd1a5b2b6c8_2048x1170.jpeg)
_**The ruins of the 7th century Kom H monastery at Old Dongola**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!N59P!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe5961d53-1813-4318-97b3-c4e1bf4b27c0_600x439.jpeg)
_**The ruins of Sabagura, a 6th century Noubadian city**_
**Makuria defeats the Rashidun caliphate and imposes a the baqt treaty**
Between 639 and 641, the Arab armies of the Rashidun caliphate had conquered much of Egypt from byzantine control and soon after, advanced south to conquer the territory of the Nubians. In 641, the Rashidun force under the leadership of famous conquer Uqba Ibn Nafi penetrated south of Aswan and further into the territory of the kingdom of Noubadia (which at the time was independent of Makuria, its southern neighbor); it was against the Noubadian military that Uqba's first invasion was fought in 641/642[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-2-49777632), the chronicler Al-Baladhuri (d. 892) describes the battle which was ultimately won by the Noubadian armies as such : "_**When the Muslims conquered Egypt, Amr ibn al-As sent to the villages which surround it cavalry to overcome them and sent 'Uqba ibn Nafi', who was a brother of al-As. The cavalry entered the land of Nubi like the summer campaigns against the Greeks. The Muslims found that the Nubians fought strongly, and they met showers of arrows until the majority were wounded and returned with many wounded and blinded eyes. So the Nubians were called 'pupil smiters … I saw one of them [i.e. the Nubians] saying to a Muslim, 'Where would you like me to place my arrow in you', and when the Muslim replied, 'In such a place', he would not miss. . . . One day they came out against us and formed a line; we wanted to use swords, but we were not able to, and they shot at us and put out eyes to the number of one hundred and fifty**_."[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-3-49777632).
Undeterred by this initial defeat however, the Rashidun armies would again send an even large force to conquer Nubia in 651 under the command of Abd Allah who now faced off with the combined Noubadian and Makurian army led by King Qalidurut of Makuria, this attack took place in the same year the Aksumite armies were attacking Arabia and the speed with which Abdallah's forces moved south, bypassing several fortified cities in the region of Noubadia was likely informed by the urgency to counter the threat of what he thought was as an African Christian alliance between Aksum and Makuria[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-4-49777632)
Abdallah's forces besieged Old Dongola and shelled its fortifications and buildings using catapults that broke down the roof of the church, this engagement was then followed by an open battle between the Makurian forces and the Rashidun armies in which the latter suffered many causalities ending in yet another decisive Nubian victory, as the 9th century historian Ahmad al-Kufı wrote: _**"When the Nubians realized the destruction made in their own country, they . . moved to attack the Moslems so bravely that the Moslems had never suffered a loss like the one that they had in Nubia. So many heads were cut off in one battle, so many hands were chopped, so many eyes smitten by arrows and bodies lying on the ground that no one could count"**_.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-5-49777632)
In light of this context of defeat it was therefore the Rashiduns who sued for peace rather than the Makurians, as the historian Jay Spaulding writes "_**it is unlikely that the party vanquished at Old Dongola would have been in a position to impose upon the victors a treaty demanding tribute and unilateral concession**_" The oldest account of this "truce of security" treaty was written by the 9th century historian Ibn Abdal-Hakam, it was understood as an unwritten obligation by both parties to maintain peaceful relations as well as a reciprocal exchange of commodities annually known as the _**baqt**_ wherein the Muslims were to give the Makurians a specified quantity of wheat and lentils every year while the Makurians were to hand over a certain number of captives each year.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-6-49777632)
Centuries later however, the succeeding Muslim dynasties of egypt conceived the original treaty as a written document obliging the Nubians to pay tribute in return for the subordination to the caliphate, but the actions of the kings of Makuria reveals that the original treaty's intent continued to guide their own policy towards Muslim Egypt.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-7-49777632)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!xg15!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcf7b78be-91ee-4ebd-8217-1c31bc730117_1600x773.jpeg)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!COp9!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd70f100e-3e82-4c78-a3c5-7fb0065253c7_438x400.jpeg)
_**The makurian fortresses of Hisn al-Bab and el-usheir occupied from the 6th to 15th century**_
* * *
**Makuria and the first Muslim dynasties of Egypt; the Ummayads (661-750), the Abbasids (750-969)**
The unification of Noubadia with Makuria took place during the reign of king Qalidurut in the face of the Rashidun invasion of both kingdoms and siege of Old Dongola that year, but this unification wasn't permanent and the two kingdoms split shortly after, only to be reunified during the reign of Merkurios[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-8-49777632) (696-710) who also introduced the policy of religious tolerance; uniting the Chalcedonian and Miaphysite churches of either kingdoms, the latter of which was headed by the coptic Pope of Alexandria who from then on appointed the archbishops at Old Dongola.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-9-49777632)
While the now much larger kingdom Makuria flourished, an uneasy peace with Muslim Egypt followed and during the reign of Ummayad caliph Hišām (r. 724-743), the Ummayad armies twice invaded Makuria but were defeated, and in retaliation to this; the Makurian army under King Kyriakos invaded Egypt twice, reportedly advancing as far as its capital Fustat,[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-10-49777632) ostensibly to force the Ummayad governor of Egypt to restore the persecuted Alexandrian pope Michael (r. 743–67) after the Makurians had learned of the ill-treatment he had suffered, as well as his imprisonment and the confiscation of his finances, the Makurian army is said to have done considerable damage to the lands of Upper Egypt during this attack until the governor of Egypt released the patriarch from prison, Kyriakos's army then returned to Makuria and peace between the Ummayads and Makurians resumes.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-11-49777632)
Similar attacks from the Makurian army on the then Abbasid controlled Egypt are recorded in 862 at Akhmin that also included the cities of Edfu and Kom Ombo, a significant portion of upper Egypt (the region geographically known as southern Egypt) was occupied by the Makurians in the 9th century and Edfu became a center of Nubian culture until the 11th century.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-12-49777632) At a time when the Muslim population of Egypt is said to have surpassed the Christian population.
During this time, Abbasid governor of Egypt Musa Ibn Ka'ab (r. 758–759) complained about the decorating state of relations between Makuria and Abbasid Egypt, writing to the Makurian king Kyriakos that "_**Here, no obstacle is placed between your merchants and what they want, they are safe and contented wherever they go in our land. You, however behave otherwise, nor are our merchants safe with you**_"[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-13-49777632) and he demanded that the Makurian king pays 1,000 dinars for an Egyptian merchant who had died in Makuria[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-14-49777632), but there's reason to doubt this claim by the governor about the safety of Nubian traders in egypt as another contemporary account writes that the "_**Arabs ‘were in the habit of stealing Nubians and sold them as slaves in Egypt [al-Fusṭāṭ]"**_.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-15-49777632)
In 830, an embassy from the Abbasid caliph at Baghdad arrived at the court of the Makurian King Zacharias demanding payment of about fourteen years of arrears in Baqt payments, King Zacharias is however only ruling as a regent of the rightful king George whom he sends to Bagdad to negotiate the terms of the treaty[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-16-49777632), which at this time had been re-imagined by the Abbasid judges as a customary payment of 360-400 slaves a year from Makuria in exchange for Egyptian wheat and textiles, but the boy-king George explained that Makuria had no capacity to acquire that number of slaves, (indeed, the only instance of Makuria sending slaves to Egypt in the context of _**baqt**_ before the 13th century was when it exported two slaves), the Abbasid caliph then agreed to lower the obligation by 2/3rds of the previous figure and king George returned to Makuria, but there is little evidence that this lower figure of slaves was remitted by king George nor by his successors until the late 13th century.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-17-49777632) Besides, the attacks that the Makurians launched into Abbasid Egypt in 862, a few decades after these negotiations, and the Makurian occupation of much of upper Egypt upto Edfu for nearly three centuries reveals the relative weakness of Abbasid control in their southern region, much less the ability to ensure the Makurians met their obligations.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!h35-!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F010ceaae-402d-487d-bf8f-5b5f91455f6c_802x704.png)
_**Painting of the members of the royal court of Makuria from Old Dongola, commissioned by King Ioannes II (c. 770–804 AD)**_
* * *
**Makuria and late-period Abbasid Egypt; its offshoot dynasties and the rise of the slave armies.**
During the late Abbasid period in the 9th century; its offshoot dynasties of the Tulunids (868–905) and the Ikshdids (935-969); as well as the era of the Fatimid caliphate (969-1171), the institution of slave armies in Muslim Egypt was greatly expanded, these slaves taken from a diverse range of ethnicities and were reputed to be fiercely loyal to their Kings which allowed the latter to centralize their power, the bulk of military slaves were Turks, Greeks, and Armenians but a sizeable percentage were African; especially during the period between the 9th and 12th century.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-18-49777632)
While the African portion of these armies is often thought to have been purchased from Nubia[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-19-49777632), there are several reasons why Makuria is very unlikely to have been the source, one is that the use of African slave soldiers which increased during the Tulunid and Fatimid era, and later sharply declined in the Ayyubid and Mamluk era in the 12th and 13th century,[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-20-49777632) contrasts with the period when slaves from Makuria are documented to have been exported into Egypt in the 13th/14th century; these slaves are often associated with the Mamluk wars with Makuria and the latter’s payment of the _**baqt**_, added to this reason is the above mentioned lack of significant Nubian slave trade prior to the Mamluk invasion as well as the lack of mention of slave trade from 10th century descriptions on Makuria made by travelers, all of which make it unlikely that the more 30-40,000 African soldiers of Muslim Egypt passed through Makurian cities unnoticed. The most likely source for these were the red-sea ports of Aidhab and Badi (where a significant slave market existed in the 8th century), and from the Fezzan region of southern Libya; where a large slave market existed in the city of Zawila from the 8th to the 12th century, many of whom were ultimately sold to the Maghreb and Muslim Egypt[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-21-49777632).
Despite the red sea region primarily falling under the political orbit of the Muslim empires that also controlled Egypt, the ports of Aidhab and Badi were also politically important for the kingdom of Makuria, Aidhab was founded during the reign of Rashidun caliph Abû Bakr [632-34] while Bâdi was founded in 637, the latter was established to contest Aksumite hegemony over the red sea which it had maintained through its port of Adulis in Eritrea, while the former served as a base for the conquest of Egypt[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-22-49777632), both ports traded in the usual African commodities of gold, cattle, ivory and slaves, but it was slaves that became important to its trade in the 8th century. These slaves were drawn from various sources but primarily from the neighboring Beja groups. In the late 9th century, Gold became the primary export of Aidhab, most of it was mined from Wadi Allaqi in the eastern desert [23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-23-49777632) and brought through caravan routes to the coast, along these routes; goods, pilgrims and caravans travelled from Aidhab to Aswan from where they were sold to Fustat.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!AQjg!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa8226978-1dd0-455e-9005-15de29e15e05_900x500.jpeg)
_**medieval ruins of Deraheib in the Wadi Allaqi region a region in the eastern desert under Beja control**_[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-24-49777632)
In 951 and 956, more invasions from the Makurian army into upper Egypt are recorded that reached upto the western oases of the desert at Kharga and the city of Aswan, these inturn led to an invasion into the northern parts of Nubia by the forces of the Ikhshidid egypt which briefly captured Qsar Ibirim in 957, the later action promoted a response from the Makurian army that advanced as far north as Akhmin in 960s and occupied much of the region for atleast 3 years[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-25-49777632). in 963, the Ikhshidid army led by the famous African slave general Kafur al-Ikhshidi attacked Makuria reportedly upto Old dongola[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-26-49777632) although there’s reason to doubt this claim[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-27-49777632), this invasion was soon retaliated by another Makurian attack shortly before his death in 968. After the Fatimid conquest of egypt in 969, relations between the Fatimid sultans and the kings of Makuria became much better save for a minor raid by the rebellious Turkish slave Nasir ad-Dawla who led his forces into Makuria in 1066 but was crushingly defeated by the Makurian army[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-28-49777632), No wars were conducted by any of the Fatimid caliphs into Makuria and none were conducted by the Makurian kings into Egypt for the entire period of Fatimid rule.
The lull in warfare between Makuria and Egypt from the 10th to the late 12th century allowed for an extensive period of trade and cultural exchanges between the two states, coinciding with the unification of Makuria and the southern Kingdom of Alodia to form the Kingdom of Dotawo in the mid 10th century[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-29-49777632)
* * *
**The long peace between Makuria Fatimid Egypt: Trade, pilgrimage, correspondence and the coming of the crusaders**
Evidence for this relatively peaceful coexistence is provided by the appearance of several Makurian Kings in Fatimid Egypt beginning with King Solomon who left Nubia for Egypt after his abdication, where he retired to the church of Saint Onnophrios near Aswan and died later in the 1070s[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-30-49777632) to be buried in the monastery of St George at Khandaq.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-31-49777632) This act of personal piety by King Solomon who believed that “_**a king cannot be saved by God while he still governs among men**_”[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-32-49777632) would be repeated by successive Makurian Kings from the 11th through the 13th centuries, including King George who ascended to the throne in 1132, and left for Egypt after his abdication to retire to an Egyptian monastery in Wadi en-Natrun where he later died in the late 1150s[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-33-49777632).
Nubian pilgrims as well found it much easier to journey through Egypt on their way to the holy lands as well as to other Christian states in Europe such as the Byzantine empire; the Makurian King Moses George (who reigns during the end of the Fatimid era) also abdicated the throne to travel to Jerusalem, he later reached Constantinople in 1203 where he was met by the crusader Robert de Clari, whose chronicle of the Fourth Crusade mentions a black Christian king with a cross on his forehead who had been on a pilgrimage through Jerusalem with twelve companions, although only two continued with him to Constantinople[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-34-49777632), the King said he was on his way to Rome and ultimately to the church of Santiago de Compostela in Spain.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-35-49777632)
Moses George’s pilgrimage to Jerusalem and parts of the Byzantine realm was part of a larger stream of Christian pilgrims from Nubia into the holy lands, several of whom were mentioned by Theoderich in 1172[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-36-49777632) and by Burchard of Mount Sion in 1280AD when they had obtained possession of Adam’s Chapel in the Church of the Holy Sepulcher[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-37-49777632) . Direct contacts between Makuria and Christian Europe which now included European travelers and traders visiting Old Dongola, thus provided European cartographers, diplomats, church officials, and apocalyptic mythographers with more material for locating Nubia within the wider sphere of Christendom[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-38-49777632). The Makurian economy was relatively monetized using Fatimid coinage which arrived through external trade, these coins were used in purchasing land and other commodities by the Makurians as well as in paying rent and taxes[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-39-49777632)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!3lnB!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb4e522b6-e111-4cf3-8bf3-47aa15fb6c3f_473x542.jpeg)
_**10-12th century wall painting of the nativity scene from Faras cathedral, King Moses George is also shown in the bottom right.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!LYpP!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcf1f6fbf-4185-489c-bcd4-1b329e06c94e_850x668.jpeg)
_**12th century painting from Old Dongola depicting a financial transaction**_
The robust literary tradition of Makuria which had by this time been sufficiently indigenized with extensive the use of Old Nubian script displacing Greek and Coptic in many textual works including the production of lengthy scribal masterpieces such as the Attiri book of Michael (an original 300-page codex written by a Makurian scribe under the patronage of the eparch)[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-40-49777632) and a Coptic version of the book of Enoch, which had for long been assumed to be lost to the rest of the Christian world save for Ethiopia, thus providing further evidence of Nubia’s place in medieval Mediterranean ecumenism.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-41-49777632)
Correspondence between Makuria and other African Christian states increased during this time, firstly was with the Coptic community of Egypt whose pope appointed the archbishops at Old Dongola, but the Nubian church was distinguished from its Ethiopian peer because the former retained the right to recommend its own candidates for the post of Archbishop of Old Dongola, who was taken from among its own citizens, attesting to the relative degree of independence of the Makurian church had that lasted even during its decline in the late 14th century.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-42-49777632)
Makuria also had fairly regular contacts with Christian Ethiopian especially the kingdom of Aksum and the Abyssinian empire; in an 11th century account, an unnamed Ethiopian king sent a letter to the Makurian king Georgios II describing the deteriorating political situation of his kingdom which he interpreted as God’s punishment for the inappropriate treatment of the Abuna (the appointed head of the Ethiopian church) by previous rulers, and asked King Georgios to negotiate with the Patriarch Philotheos for the ordaining of a new Abuna. Georgios responded sympathetically to this request, sending a request letter to the patriarch who nominated Daniel as the new Abuna for Ethiopia. In the later years, other Ethiopians are noted to have travelled through Makuria on their way through Egypt (or from it) including an Ethiopian bishop who passed by the Makurian church of Sonqi Tino in the 13th century, and an Ethiopian saint who travelled through Makuria in the mid 14th century.[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-43-49777632) A 13th century Ethiopian painting of a dignitary at a church in Tigray also depicts a Nubian visitor who may have come from Makuria or Alodia.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!yYdT!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdd72bd96-8b5e-4be2-a350-f7f7fba682ae_935x685.png)
_**Fragments of the “Attiri Book of Michael” written in Old nubian**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!3rP3!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff6dccba4-6f09-494a-9d8a-a92ec6587e6a_339x599.jpeg)
_**13th century Ethiopian painting of a Nubian dignitary from the Maryam Korkor church**_
Fatimid travelers and embassies were also sent to Makuria, the most famous was Ibn Salim al-Aswani in 970 who was sent by the Fatimid governor to Old Dongola and stayed in the capital for about six months, providing the most detailed account of the kingdom of Makuria (and its southern neighbor of Alodia) describing its “_**beautiful buildings, churches, monasteries and many palm trees, vines, gardens, fields and large pastures in which graze handsome and well-bred camels**_”[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-44-49777632) this account was later collaborated by Abu salih writing before 1200, he was an Armenian chronicler in Egypt who described Old Dongola as "_**a large city on the banks of the blessed nile, and contains many churches and large houses and wide streets. the king's house is lofty with several domes built of red-brick and resembles the buildings in iraq"**_[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-45-49777632)_**,**_ these descriptions match those of earlier writers such as Ibn Hawqal in the mid 10th century (who didn’t visit Old Dongola but did visit its southern neighbor Alodioa) and the recent archeological discoveries of the medieval Makurian cities and monuments in Sudan.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!9lKg!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F899a25c8-2a23-4c30-96dd-320fc76f4737_947x674.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Nzkw!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5f93b7d3-687f-43d8-8583-83709e30e0e7_1009x677.png)
_**The monastery of el-Ghazali, built in the 7th century and occupied until the late 13th century**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!XLjT!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd9cf17a2-36ab-42df-9200-6c658d742b6f_1429x1072.jpeg)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!E34V!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa601c1f9-b445-40f5-a6be-f5b42c55abe9_865x628.png)
_**The church of st. Raphael at Banganarti, originally built in the 7th century and reconstructed over the centuries until the late 13th century when it became a major pilgrimage site.**_[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-46-49777632)
* * *
**Makuria and the Ayyubid Egypt (1171-1250): An uneasy peace and the coming of the crusaders**
The rise of the Ayyubid Egypt heralded the end of the cordial relations between Muslim Egypt and Makuria, the new foreign policy of the Ayyubids towards Makuria was colored by the political and religious upheaval brought about by the crusader invasions of Egypt in the 12th century. The crusaders had taken over the holy lands of the near east (the region from Sinai to Syria) and succeeded in establishing four crusader states, among which, the kingdom of Jerusalem (1099-1291) which directly bordered the Fatimids, was the most powerful. While Egypt had previously been peripheral to crusader concerns, it became the primary target of various Christian European armies with the beginning with Amalric of Jerusalem in 1163 and continued with several attacks that lasted for nearly a century, these attacks coincided with the decline of Fatimid power with the ascendance of child-kings between 1149 and 1160 the ultimately led to the rise of powerful military officials who ruled with full authority. One of these military officers was Saladin who became wazir (a vizier) of the last Fatimid caliph Al-Adid, in 1169, Saladin then begun expanding his power at the expense of his caliph by weakening the caliph’s army and strangling its revenues, these actions prompted the army to revolt and the African infantry soldiers, led by Mu'tamin al-Khilafa sought an alliance with the crusaders, this conspiracy that was uncovered by the Saladin who crushed their revolt, leading to the soldiers fleeing to upper Egypt, allowing Saladin to seize power in 1171 following the death of the caliph al-Adid.[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-47-49777632)
The conspiracy to ally with the Frankish crusader armies to overthrow Saladin also included Nubians from Makuria, and when the remnants of the african soldiers he had defeated retreated to upper Egypt, they attacked the city of Aswan in alliance with (or support from) the Makurians, Saladin sent an army under Shams ad-Dawla who then sacked Qasr Ibrim in 1173[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-48-49777632) Shams then sent a messenger to negotiate with the Makurian King Moses George demanding that he submit to Saladin’s authority and convert to Islam but the king is said to have "_**burst into wild laughter and ordered his men to stamp a cross on the messenger's hand with redhot iron”**_[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-49-49777632) Frustrated with the collapse in negations, Shams tortured the bishop of Qasr Ibrim for money but "_**nothing could be found that he could give to shams ad-daulah, who made him prisoner with the rest**_", Shams would later award Ibrim in fief to a soldier named Ibrahim al-Kurdi but this only lasted a two years aftewhich al-Kurdi drowned in the Nile and his soldiers abandoned the city which reverted back to the Makurians. King Moses George continued to rule for nearly half a century[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-50-49777632) until his abovementioned pilgrimage through the holy lands and Europe, Makuria itself maintained an uneasy but rather quiet relationship with Ayyubid Egypt until its fall to its own Mamluk slave soldiers in the late 1240s, which happened at a critical time during the invasion of Egypt by the seventh crusade.
**Interlude: Makuria and the Crusader states**
The late 1240s also mark the beginning of a concerted effort by Christian European kings to establish relations with the Makurian kings through their crusader offshoots, initially these were missionary efforts since the Miaphysite church of Alexandria which was followed by the Makurians, had existed in opposition to the roman catholic church of the western Europeans, Pope innocent IV thus called for a general council that met in Lyon in 1245 where he issued a papal bull that delegated Franscian friars to several Christian states urging them to join the Roman catholic church, one of their countries of destination was Makuria, he also dispatched emissaries with letters to the Makurian rulers (among other Christian kings) with the same instructions.[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-51-49777632)
While little is known about the letter reaching its intended recipients at Old Dongola, the discovery of a 13th/14th century graffito written in the Provençal dialect of southern France, at the Makurian city of Banganarti (which is less than 10 km from Old Dongola) attests to a direct contact between Christian Europe and Makuria by this time, and by the early 14th century, Genoese merchants were already active at Old Dongola.[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-52-49777632)
In the late 13th century, plans were being made by the crusaders that explicitly included a proposed alliance with the Makurians to split the forces of the Mamluk Egyptians, especially after the latter’s defeat of the Kingdom of Jerusalem in 1291 (the last of the crusader states to fall), and several of these proposed military alliances between Makuria and the crusader armies were presented to the Pope clement V in 1307 and to Pope John XXII in 1321.[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-53-49777632) But the Mamluks were aware of the threat such an alliance would bring and worked to stifle any contact between the Nubians and the crusaders, and Mamluk sultans became more active in the succession struggles in Makuria with the intent of undermining its power.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!oIHH!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F35f1ccc9-978c-44d0-a490-8e91ad645473_789x569.png)
_**Barely visible graffito scratched onto the walls of the Bangnarti church by a visitor from provance, this 4cm text is one of the oldest Latin inscriptions in sub-Saharan Africa, the more visible inscriptions below it, written in Greek and old Nubian were inscribed by local Nubian pilgrims**_[54](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-54-49777632)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!nbDx!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fab965b45-a9f5-4df3-a06f-90e52f07e111_600x424.jpeg)
_**14th century painting of a battle between the crusaders and the Muslim armies**_ _**(Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, France)**_
* * *
**Makuria and the Mamluk sultanate of Egypt (1250-1517): warfare, decline and the end of Christian Nubia.**
Its within the above mentioned context that the Mamluk policy towards Makuria turned decidedly hostile, But the Makurians themselves had already understood the threat the Mamluks posed and In 1268, the Makurian king David sent messengers to the Mamluk sultan Baybars about his deposition of the previous king whom he claimed was blind and that he had expelled him to al-Abwab (a small state between Makuria and Alodia). The Mamluk red sea trading interests also posed a threat to the Makurians, especially the port of Aidhab which had since grown into the principal port of the region at the expense of the southern ports of Badi and Suakin both of which allowed the Kings of Makuria and Alodia access to the sea.[55](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-55-49777632)
In 1182/3, the crusader armies under Renaud de chatillion attacked Aidhab (not long after Shams had attacked Qasr Ibrim in 1173), but the town had recovered[56](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-56-49777632) and in 1272 the Makurian armies of king David attacked the same town as well as the city of Aswan and killed the governors stationed there, this promoted a retaliation from the Mamluk armies a few months later who attacked the city of Qasr Ibrim.[57](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-57-49777632)
In 1276, A disgruntled nephew of King David named Shekanda arrived at the sultan's court, claiming the throne of Nubia and requesting assistance from the Baybars to reclaim his throne in exchange for Shekanda meeting the _**baqt**_ requests, the Mamluks then invaded Makuria a few months later, sacking Qsar Ibrim where they killed Marturokoudda, the eparch of Nobadia and a prominent local landowner, they then advanced south to Old Dongola (which was the first time Muslim Egypt’s armies had fought on Nubian soil in the 600 years since their defeat in 652), this time the battle ended with a Makurian defeat as David's divided forces couldn't withstand the Mamluk forces and he was captured and imprisoned not long after.
Shekanda was the enthroned as King of Makuria, but the Mamluk sultan Kalavun (the successor of Babyars) now considered Makuria only as a province of his Mamluk sultanate as he made clear in his negotiations with King Alfonso of Aragon in 1290 in a treaty that explicitly describes Kalavun describes himself as the “_**sultan of Makuria , the territory of David**_”[58](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-58-49777632) this last emphasis was most likely added to suppress any attempts of the crusaders to form an alliance with the Makurians. The Mamluk army under would in the same year prepare for a siege of Acre and they ultimately defeated the forces of the crusader kingdom of Jerusalem in 1291, taking the remaining Frankish footholds on the coast (Tyre, Sidon, Beirut, Haifa) and ending Christian Europe's permanent presence in the holy lands.[59](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-59-49777632)
Before preparing the siege of Acre however, the sultan Kalavun had been involved in the succession disputes in Makuria where another disgruntled claimant appealed to him for military assistance to recover his throne which he claimed had been seized by the then reigning King Shamamun (Simeon), who was his maternal uncle. Kavalun sent an expedition in 1287 to take Old Dongola but Simeon retreated with his army and also informed his eparch/governor of Noubadia, Gourresi, to retreat, but the latter was captured by the Mamluks and turned to their side, allowing Kavalun's army to install Simeon's nephew to the throne and Gourresi as his deputy. Soon after the Mamluk forces returned to Egypt, Solomon re-emerged and deposed his nephew in 1288, the deposed nephew and Gourresi fled to Cairo to report this, which prompted Kavalun to send an even larger army in 1289 to reinstall the deposed nephew, but since the latter died on the journey, a son of David was chosen instead, Simeon retreated again and allowed the installation of the puppet but after the Mamluks had returned to Cairo in 1290, Simeon deposed their puppet, killing him and Gourresi. Simeon's rule continued unabated till his passing between 1295-1297[60](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-60-49777632), he is said to have sent his share of the _**baqt**_ to sultan Kavalun after assessing that the latter was tired of installing weak rulers to the Makurian throne, and this is perhaps the earliest mention of a _**baqt**_ payment and it consisted of 190 slaves[61](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-61-49777632).
Simeon was succeeded by King Ayay who reined until 1311 or 1316, he sent two embassies to the Mamluk court in 1292 and 1305, explaining his failure to pay the _**baqt**_ obligation, offering small customary present of camels instead of slaves, he also requested military assistance against the Arab incursions in upper Egypt which had for made the region insecure for the Mamluk sultans but had also begun extending their predations south to the northern regions of Makuria[62](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-62-49777632) Ayay was succeeded by his brother King Kudanpes likely after a palace coup, the latter travelled to the Mamluk court in the following year likely to deliver a _**baqt**_ and is said to have brought about 1,000 slaves as payment for decades worth of arrears.[63](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-63-49777632) (this was the last recorded _**baqt**_ payment by the Makurians)
But Kudanpes wasn't secure on the throne and his claim was again challenged by his nephew Barshanbu, a son of King King David's sister who had grown up in Cairo and had since converted to Islam, Barshanbu requested the Mamluk sultan Al-Nasir to grant him forces and install him at Old Dongola, to which King Kudanpes responded by nominating his own Muslim nephew Kanz al-Dawla to the sultan as a better alternative, but the latter was detained by al-Nasir who then sent a force to depose Kudanpes and install Barshanbi which was accomplished in 1317; whereafter the administrative building at Old Dongola was converted to a mosque (this is the first mention of a mosque in Makuria). Soon after his installation however, sultan Al-Nasir released al-Dawla who then deposed Barshanbu and reigned as king of Makuria. Still unsatisfied with the continued Makurian independence, sultan al-Nasir released the deposed king Kudanpes in 1323 to depose al-Dawla but this ended in failure[64](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-64-49777632)
Kanz al-Dawla was however the only Muslim ruler of Christian Makuria until its fall in the 15th century, and all of his known successors are mentioned to be Christian, as the reign of King Sitti in the 1330s indicates a restoration of Makuria's prominence with a firm control over the northern provinces as well as its capital Old Dongola, and Makurian institutions seemed to have successfully weathered the turbulence of the earlier decades quite well.[65](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-65-49777632) although a number of monasteries had been abandoned by this time.[66](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-66-49777632)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Kkad!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd270edf8-ac42-4bcf-8c70-fe870e454a66_593x574.png)
_**Plaque in the administrative building at Old Dongola commemorating its conversion to a mosque in 1317**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!-r-8!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F580fe784-abc2-4c96-8d7c-1e3a725e8b12_499x613.png)
_**14th century painting depicting a Makurian royal under the protection of Christ and two saints.This may be the last painting of a Makurian king**_[67](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-67-49777632)
The internal tension of the late 13th and early 14th century should not lead us to imagine Nubia heading into a rapid decline, as Makurian literacy, arts and construction appear to continued in the 14th century and 15th century.[68](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-68-49777632) Internal strife returned in the 1365 as another king was yet again challenged by his nephew, the latter of whom reportedly formed alliances with the Banu Kaz, (a mixed Arab-Beja tribe that had over the 14th century come to control much of the red sea region including the port of Aidhab and challenged both Mamluk and Makurian authority in their eastern regions) the usurper seized Old Dongola forcing the reigning king to retreat to his new capital called al-Daw from where he requested the Mamluk armies aid him in his war, the Mamluk forces defeated the usurper who agreed to become the eparch at Qasr Ibrim under the reigning Makurian king, but Old Dongola was abandoned permanently after serving 800 years as the capital of Makuria.
The Makurian state nevertheless persisted and a Nubian bishop named Timotheos is appointed in the 1370s to head its church, little is known about Makuria in the succeeding years, the constant predations of the Banu Kaz and the Beja on the red sea ports and eastern regions remained a looming threat, and had prompted the Mamluk sultan Baybars to sack Aidhab in 1426 and the town was permanently abandoned[69](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-69-49777632). In 1486 Makuria is ruled by King Joel who is mentioned in local documents, which attests to the relatively seamless continuity of Nubian legal practices and traditions in the late 15th century; eparch still govern Makuria’s northern province of Noubadia and Bishops (now stationed at Qasr Ibrim) are still present throughout the same period.[70](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-70-49777632)
By the turn of the 15th century, Makuria only existed as rump state, in 1517 Mamluk Egypt fell to the Ottomans and in 1518, Ali b. Umar, the upper Egypt governor of Mamluks who had turned to the Ottoman side is mentioned to have been at war with the “lord of Nubia”[71](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-71-49777632), the old kingdom of Makuria limped on for a few years and then slowly faded to obscurity.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!mkTa!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9b6a5d56-1ef0-4bfe-b7ba-bd1428323638_922x568.png)
_**leather scroll of a land sale from 1463 written in Old Nubian, found at Qsar Ibrim**_
* * *
**Conclusion: Makuria as an African medieval power**
A closer inspection of the history of the relations between Makuria and Muslim Egypt throughout the millennia of Makuria’s existence reveals a dynamic that upends the misconceptions in the popular accounts of medieval north east Africa.
The kingdom of Makuria is shown to be a strong, stable and centralized power for much of its existence outlasting 6 Muslim Egyptian dynasties, it consistently represented a formidable challenge to centralized Egyptian authority. Its dynastic continuity relative to the various Muslim dynasties of Egypt also serves as evidence of Makuria's much firmer domestic political position which enabled it to dictate the terms within which both states conducted their relationship; for more than 600 years after the initial Muslim advance onto Nubian soil, it was Makuria which fought on Egyptian soil with several recorded battles in every century of its existence against each Egyptian dynasty (save for the Fatimids). Makuria’s elites were actively involved in Egyptian politics, and the strength of Makuria's army became known to the crusaders as well who devised plans to ally with it against a common foe, all of which indicates a balance of power strongly in favor of the Makurians and quite different from that related in al-Maqrizi's 15th century account, as the historian Jay Spaulding writes "_**Present Orientalist understanding of the baqt thus rests largely upon a single hostile Islamic source written eight hundred years after the events it purports to describe…The baqt agreement, from a Nubian perspective, marked acceptance of the new Islamic regime in Egypt as a legitimate foreign government with which, following the unfortunate initial encounter, normal relations would be possible**_"[72](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-72-49777632)
Even after the Mamluks succeeded in turning the balance of power against the Makurians, their attempt at interfering in Makurian politics was ephemeral, its institutions, particularly the Makurian church, remained a powerful factor in the royal court eventually restoring the Christian state until its gradual decline a century later. The largely hostile relationship between the Makurians and Muslim Egypt reveals that it was military power that sustained Makuria’s independence rather than a special status of peaceful co-existence as its commonly averred.
This is similar to the relationship between the early Muslim empires and the Kingdom of Aksum, the latter of which is often assumed to have been “spared” by the Arab armies (as per the instructions of Prophet Muhammad) but evidence shows that Aksum was the target of several failed Arab invasions beginning in 641, just 9 years after the prophet’s death, and their defeat by Aksum’s armies is what secured the kingdom’s independence[73](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-73-49777632); sustaining it and Makuria as the only remaining Christian African states of the late medieval era.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!F1Lj!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3d43a7a3-4b69-480a-9997-e5a193d0c97b_1212x604.png)
_**the 7th century Makurian church of Qasr Ibrim**_
* * *
**Read more African history on my patreon**
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[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!CHX_!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2af4b2a8-8bba-48a0-b198-9176c1a79724_1353x557.png)
* * *
[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-1-49777632)
The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 760, 808-810
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-2-49777632)
The Rise of Nobadia by Artur Obłuski pg 199)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-3-49777632)
Ancient Nubia by P. L. Shinnie pg 123)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-4-49777632)
The power of walls by Friederike Jesse pg 132)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-5-49777632)
The Nubian past by David Edwards pg 249)
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-6-49777632)
Medieval Christian Nubia and the Islamic World by Jay Spaulding pg 584)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-7-49777632)
Medieval Christian Nubia and the Islamic World by Jay Spaulding pg 578
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-8-49777632)
Was King Merkourios (696 -710), an African 'New Constantine', the unifier of the Kingdoms and Churches of Makouria and Nobadia by Benjamin C Hendrickx pg 17-18)
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-9-49777632)
The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 762)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-10-49777632)
The Rise of a Capital: Al-Fusṭāṭ and Its Hinterland by Jelle Bruning pg 106-7
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-11-49777632)
The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 763),
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-12-49777632)
Ancient Nubia by P. L. Shinnie pg 125)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-13-49777632)
Medieval Christian Nubia and the Islamic World by Jay Spaulding pg589)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-14-49777632)
The Archaeology of Medieval Islamic Frontiers pg 112
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-15-49777632)
The Rise of a Capital: Al-Fusṭāṭ and Its Hinterland by Jelle Bruning pg pg 106-7)
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-16-49777632)
The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 763
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-17-49777632)
Medieval Christian Nubia and the Islamic World by Jay Spaulding pg 592)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-18-49777632)
Race and Slavery in the Middle East By Bernard Lewis pg 63-65
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-19-49777632)
Possessed by the Right Hand by by Bernard K. Freamon pg 206-218)
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-20-49777632)
Race and Slavery in the Middle East by Bernard Lewis pg 67-68
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-21-49777632)
Across the Sahara by Klaus Braun pg 133-135
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-22-49777632)
The Origin and Development of the Sudanese Ports by T Power pg 5, 7, 9)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-23-49777632)
The Origin and Development of the Sudanese Ports by T Power pg 10-12, 13-15)
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-24-49777632)
The Archaeology of Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa by T. Insoll pg 103-105
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-25-49777632)
The Rise of the Fatimids by Michael Brett
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-26-49777632)
The Red Sea from Byzantium to the Caliphate by T power pg 157
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-27-49777632)
Conflict and Conquest in the Islamic World by Alexander Mikaberidze pg 458
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-28-49777632)
the nubian past by David Edwards pg 215)
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-29-49777632)
The Medieval Kingdoms of Nubia by Derek A. Welsby pg 88-89
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-30-49777632)
Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini p.248)
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-31-49777632)
Ancient Nubia by P. L. Shinnie pg 129)
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-32-49777632)
The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 765
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-33-49777632)
The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 764)
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-34-49777632)
The Fourth Crusade The Conquest of Constantinople by Donald E. Queller pg 140)
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-35-49777632)
Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini p.252)
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-36-49777632)
New discoveries in Nubia: proceedings of the Colloquium on Nubian studies, The Hague, 1979 by Paul van Moorsel pg 144)
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-37-49777632)
Medieval Kingdoms of Nubia by D. Welsby pg 77)
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-38-49777632)
Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini pg 262-264)
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-39-49777632)
The Archaeology of Medieval Islamic Frontiers pg 105-114)
[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-40-49777632)
The Old Nubian Texts from Attiri by by Vincent W. J. van Gerven Oei
[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-41-49777632)
Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini pg 231)
[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-42-49777632)
Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini pg 255-256)
[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-43-49777632)
An Unexpected Guest in the Church of Sonqi Tino by Ochala pg 257-265
[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-44-49777632)
Nubia a corridor to Africa by W. Adams pg 461-462
[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-45-49777632)
Africa from the Seventh to the Eleventh Century pg 199
[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-46-49777632)
Banganarti on the Nile, An Archaeological Guide by Bogdan Zurawski
[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-47-49777632)
The age of the crusades by P.M. Holt pg 46- 51)
[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-48-49777632)
Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini pg 263-264)
[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-49-49777632)
Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini pg 249)
[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-50-49777632)
Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini pg 250-251)
[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-51-49777632)
The other ethiopia Nubia and the crusade (12th-14th century) by R Seignobos pg 309)
[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-52-49777632)
Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini pg 263-263)
[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-53-49777632)
The other ethiopia Nubia and the crusade (12th-14th century) by R Seignobos pg 310-312),
[54](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-54-49777632)
A man from Provance on the Middle Nile by Adam Łajtar and Tomasz Płóciennik
[55](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-55-49777632)
The kingdom of alwa by Mohi el-Din Abdalla Zarroug pg 86)
[56](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-56-49777632)
The Archaeology of Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa by Timothy Insoll pg 94-97)
[57](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-57-49777632)
The age of the crusades by P.M. Holt pg 133)
[58](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-58-49777632)
Early Mamluk Diplomacy (1260-1290) by by Peter Holt pg 132)
[59](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-59-49777632)
The age of the crusades by P.M. Holt pg 103-104),
[60](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-60-49777632)
From Slave to Sultan: The Career of Al-Manṣūr Qalāwūn by Linda Stevens Northrup pg 147-149)
[61](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-61-49777632)
Medieval Christian Nubia and the Islamic World by Jay Spaulding pg 592)
[62](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-62-49777632)
The age of the crusades by P.M. Holt pg pg 134)
[63](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-63-49777632)
Medieval Christian Nubia and the Islamic World by Jay Spaulding pg pg 592)
[64](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-64-49777632)
The age of the crusades by P.M. Holt 135)
[65](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-65-49777632)
Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini pg 29-30)
[66](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-66-49777632)
The Monasteries and Monks of Nubia by Artur Obłuski
[67](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-67-49777632)
The 'last' king of Makuria (Dotawo) by W Godlewski
[68](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-68-49777632)
The last king of makuria by by W Godlewski
[69](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-69-49777632)
The Archaeology of Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa by Timothy Insoll pg 97)
[70](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-70-49777632)
Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini pg 254-257)
[71](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-71-49777632)
The Medieval Kingdoms of Nubia Derek A. Welsby pg 254
[72](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-72-49777632)
Medieval Christian Nubia and the Islamic World by Jay Spaulding pg 585
[73](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and#footnote-anchor-73-49777632)
The Red Sea from Byzantium to the Caliphate by Timothy Power pg 93
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Liked by isaac Samuel
As someone that is Sudanese and is a big fan of Christian Nubia and Kush, thank you for this article. I believe this might be my favourite article you have published yet. This was extremely informative, it seems often in the internet Nubia's dominance in their relationship with Muslim Egypt and their relationship with European Christendom is overlooked and at times extremely downplayed. You have represented and told the history of Christian Nubia well.
Although I might sound like a nationalist when I say this but Sudanese history is amazing and need's more attention. Like seriously, from the Kushites being the most impactful in the Eastern Mediterranean in the 7-6th centuries BC to the classical fantasizations of the Kingdom of Kush to the strong and militant Nubian Christendom to the Funj and the Mahdiyya.
But honestly thanks for this article, I have read it over 6 times already.
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Published Time: 2025-03-16T17:12:32+00:00
Chronicles of Africa's most powerful Women sovereigns: Amanirenas, Njinga and Eleni.
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Chronicles of Africa's most powerful Women sovereigns: Amanirenas, Njinga and Eleni.
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Less than six years following their victory over the armies of Queen Cleopatra in Egypt in 31 BC, the Romans marched their forces south to conquer the kingdom of Kush, which was also ruled by a Queen, known to her subjects as Amanirenas and to the Romans as the ‘Candace’.
Amanirenas was the consort of King Teriteqas who died shortly before the Roman invasion. The Queen assumed full control of the kingdom instead of her son, Prince Akinidad, under unusual circumstances just as the kingdom faced its darkest hour. Both Roman accounts and a recently translated Meroitic chronicle confirm that around 24BC, Kush's former capital of Napata was sacked by the Romans (known as the _**Tǝmeya**_ in local accounts), who were nevertheless forced to retreat north to Qasr Ibrim in Lower Nubia (southern Egypt), having failed to conquer Kush.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/chronicles-of-africas-most-powerful#footnote-1-159182033)
In early 22 BC Meroitic forces re-appeared in Lower Nubia under the command of Amanirenas, who _**“marched against the garrison [Qasr Ibrim] with many thousands of men.”**_ The Queen sent her envoys to the fort who were then escorted to the emperor Augustus, who had set up camp on the Greek Island of Samos. Augustus submitted to all the demands made by Queen Amanirenas’ envoys and withdrew the Roman border further north to Maharraqa. The Queen, on the other hand, gave the Romans nothing in exchange, choosing to retain the statues (and presumably, captives) taken during earlier raids on Roman territories.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/chronicles-of-africas-most-powerful#footnote-2-159182033)
Amanirenas returned to her capital Meroe, and commissioned the construction of a temple that was painted with images of bound Roman captives kneeling at her feet.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/chronicles-of-africas-most-powerful#footnote-3-159182033) The Queen, or one of her successors, buried the bronze head of Augustus in its staircase, representing Kush’s victory over a formidable foe. [At least six women sovereigns (](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-meroitic-empire-queen-amanirenas)_[Kandake](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-meroitic-empire-queen-amanirenas)_[) would ascend to the throne of Kush after her](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-meroitic-empire-queen-amanirenas).
Meroitic texts and artwork commissioned by her successors; Queen Armanishakheto and Queen Amanikhatashan, borrowed heavily from the iconography of Queen Amanirenas, including depictions of bound Roman captives stabbed with knives or pierced with arrows —pointing to the enduring legacy of Queen Amanirenas on the succession of royal women in the kingdom of Kush.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/chronicles-of-africas-most-powerful#footnote-4-159182033)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!iLFW!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8c1223e0-2830-4a47-a825-7311c508b14c_1366x569.png)
_**watercolor illustrations of captive paintings found in building 292 at Meroe, depicting bound Roman and Egyptian soldiers on the footstool of a Queen and a Meroitic deity**_. _The originals on the right show the detail of the right footstool (top) and left footstool (bottom), and the larger painting of the left footstool._ Photos from the University of Liverpool, ca. 1911.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!EmyU!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6e62ef1e-4527-4ce4-8071-0db668c58cb2_671x837.png)
_**Roman/’Northern’ captives depicted on bronze bells found in the royal pyramids; N.12 and N.18 (belonging to King Aryesebokhe and Queen Amanikhatashan who ruled in the late 1st/early 2nd century AD).**_[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/chronicles-of-africas-most-powerful#footnote-5-159182033)
Roman texts, on the other hand, are replete with assumptions about a woman's inability to rule, and literary impressions of foreign queens like Cleopatra and Amanirenas are almost uniformly negative. In Roman accounts, Amanerinas finds her equivalent in Boudica (d. 61 CE), the warrior queen of Roman Britain, whose armies also fought bravely against the Romans —albeit, with less success, and were equally vilified in Roman accounts. The fact that Boudica's revolt was led by a woman was, according to Cassius Dio, _**“the greatest cause of shame for the Romans.”**_[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/chronicles-of-africas-most-powerful#footnote-6-159182033)
In the centuries after the fall of Rome, only a handful of women were able to exercise their political agency in medieval Europe. The prevailing cultural assumptions during the Middle Ages and the early modern period held that women in Europe were divorced from the sphere of politics and incapable of military action.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/chronicles-of-africas-most-powerful#footnote-7-159182033)
For this reason, European travelers who visited the west-central African kingdom of Ndongo during the 16th century encountered an unfamiliar political culture, where women were not only active at the royal court and during major public events, but were also present in the military and could occupy the highest office as Queen-Regnants. The most famous of these was Queen Njinga (r. 1624-1663), who in several battles defeated the Portuguese colonial armies. Queen Njinga is fittingly described by the Portuguese as the _**“cunning Queen, our capital enemy who never tires of looking for ways to ruin us.”**_[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/chronicles-of-africas-most-powerful#footnote-8-159182033)
Like her ancient counterpart in Kush, the famous warrior queen of Ndongo established a precedent in her kingdom that would enable the succession of other royal women to the throne. [Queen Njinga would be succeeded by at least 6 Queens, who reigned with full authority](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese) while also successfully fending off several invasions by the Portuguese colonial armies of Angola well into the 18th century.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!6IeV!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4e5e6c5b-ab01-4a5e-a28e-20d2db20a36e_852x610.png)
_**Queen Njinga with captured missionaries**_, late 17th-century illustration, Virgili Collection (Bilioteca Estense Universitaria).
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ecOC!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe1f40c04-c145-4f36-9aaa-5dff9506865f_471x631.png)
_**Queen Nzinga Mbande (Anna de Sousa Nzinga)**_, hand-coloured lithograph, 1830s, National Portrait Gallery U.K.
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African history is awash with stories of powerful women like Amanirenas and Njinga. However, popular writing about women's history in Africa often relies on blanket assertions that either vilify pre-colonial societies as “repressive” or romanticize them as “egalitarian.” But the historical evidence does not sustain the universal validity of either of these claims. Even when the analysis of women's agency is restricted to the political sphere, the sheer diversity and complexity of African societies undermines any universalist approach to pre-colonial African women's history.
The two examples of Kush and Ndongo outlined above, for example, are among the few societies in African history —and indeed in World history— where numerous women are known to have occupied the highest political office and continued to retain their authority over a long period.
In other societies, such as the kingdom of Kongo, women only assumed a direct role in politics following the decline of central authority during the 17th and 18th centuries —contrary to the often-repeated claim that [Kongo transitioned from a matrilineal society to a patrilineal society](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-womens-political-power).
In the city-states of the East African coast, [the political power of Swahili women declined](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/persian-myths-and-realities-on-the#footnote-anchor-39-123316806) after the 16th century as the cities transitioned from republics controlled by the heads of powerful lineages —some of whom could be women, to kingdoms or sultanates with hereditary dynasties or lineages.
In the West African kingdom of Benin and the Hausa city-state of Kano, women's direct participation in politics increased after the expansion of central power during the 15th and 16th centuries, following the rise of the powerful Queens Idia and Hauwa, whose legacy resulted in the creation of the permanent office of Queen mother, known as; _**Iyoba**_ in Benin, and _**Maidaki**_ in Kano.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/chronicles-of-africas-most-powerful#footnote-9-159182033)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!0Xon!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F74b68399-3612-4bf0-88fb-7abc0529586d_777x554.png)
_**stylized representations of Queen Idia of Benin; Cast bronze head with openwork coral bead net and a Carved ivory mask-shaped pendant, inlaid with iron and bronze, decorated with Portuguese heads**_. 16th century, Benin City, Nigeria. British Museum.
The participation of women in pre-colonial African politics was therefore determined by several historical processes that were often unique to a given society
This is best exemplified by medieval Ethiopia where Queen Eleni (ca. 1431-1524) became the de facto ruler of the empire and the first woman to hold such a high office. Described by the historian Verena Krebs as _**“the single most outstanding female political figure of medieval Solomonic Ethiopia,”**_ Eleni presided over a period of revolutionary change in Ethiopia's international standing.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/chronicles-of-africas-most-powerful#footnote-10-159182033)
Not long after the Queen had assumed formal control of the empire in 1508, the Portuguese sent an embassy requesting Ethiopia for military aid in an alliance that would prove consequential to the history of the northern Horn of Africa.
**My latest Patreon article chronicles the history of Queen Eleni, from her obscure origins to her rise as one of Africa's most powerful women.**
**Please subscribe to read about it here:**
[A 16TH-CENTURY AFRICAN QUEEN](https://www.patreon.com/posts/124451963)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/chronicles-of-africas-most-powerful#footnote-anchor-1-159182033)
Les interprétations historiques des stèles méroïtiques d’Akinidad à la lumière des récentes découvertes by Claude Rilly
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/chronicles-of-africas-most-powerful#footnote-anchor-2-159182033)
The Kingdom of Kush by L. Torok pg 451-455, Headhunting on the Roman Frontier by Uroš Matić pg 128-9
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/chronicles-of-africas-most-powerful#footnote-anchor-3-159182033)
[The murals from the augustus temple](https://archive.org/details/studiesinancient0000unse_w0d8/page/166/mode/2up?view=theater), Meroe by P.L. shinnie and R.J. Bradley pg 167-172, Between Two Worlds by László Török pg 455-456,
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/chronicles-of-africas-most-powerful#footnote-anchor-4-159182033)
_on the representations of Roman captive in Meroitic art after Amanirenas, see_; The Representation of Captives and Enemies in Meroitic Art by Janice Yellin pg 585-592, _on the election iconography of Queen Amanirenas and her immedite successors, see_; The image of ordered world in ancient nubian Art by Laszlo Torok pg 217-219.
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/chronicles-of-africas-most-powerful#footnote-anchor-5-159182033)
first photo and illustration: The Royal Cemeteries of Kush by Dows Dunham Vol. IV, pg 138, Plate LV, fig 90, the second photo and illustration (same book); pg 150, Plate LVI, fig 90
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/chronicles-of-africas-most-powerful#footnote-anchor-6-159182033)
Boudica: Warrior Woman of Roman Britain By Caitlin C. Gillespie pg 36-37, 70-71, _see also_; Tacitus and Women's Usurpation of Power by Francesca Santoro L'Hoir
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/chronicles-of-africas-most-powerful#footnote-anchor-7-159182033)
The Rise of Female Kings in Europe, 1300-1800 By William Monter, Women, Diplomacy and International Politics since 1500 edited by Glenda Sluga, Carolyn James, A Companion to Women's Military History edited by Barton C. Hacker, Margaret Vining, Women in the Lusophone World in the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Period edited by Darlene Abreu-Ferreira, Ivana Elbl
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/chronicles-of-africas-most-powerful#footnote-anchor-8-159182033)
Njinga of Angola: Africa’s Warrior Queen By Linda M. Heywood pg 11-17, 59-60
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/chronicles-of-africas-most-powerful#footnote-anchor-9-159182033)
Royal Art of Benin: The Perls Collection in the Metropolitan Museum of Art By Kate Ezra, pg 14, 41, Government In Kano, 1350-1950 M.G. Smith pg 50-51
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/chronicles-of-africas-most-powerful#footnote-anchor-10-159182033)
Medieval Ethiopian Kingship, Craft, and Diplomacy with Latin Europe by Verena Krebs pg 143
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Published Time: 2022-07-24T15:19:17+00:00
Constructing a global Monument in Africa: the Zagwe Kingdom and the Rock-cut churches of Lalibela -Ethiopia (12th-13th century)
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Constructing a global Monument in Africa: the Zagwe Kingdom and the Rock-cut churches of Lalibela -Ethiopia (12th-13th century)
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### Africa's New Jerusalem?
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The colossal churches of Lalibela are some of Africa's most iconic architectural structures from the medieval era. Carved entirely out of volcanic rock, extending over an area of 62 acres and sinking to a depth of 4 stories, the 11 churches make up one of the most frequented pilgrimage sites on the continent, a visible legacy of the Zagwe kingdom.
The history of the Zagwe kingdom, which was mostly written by their successors, is shrouded in the obscure nature of their overthrow. The Zagwe sovereigns were characterized by their successors as a usurper dynasty; illegitimate heirs of the ancient Aksumite empire, and outside the political lineage within which power was supposed to be transmitted. The Zagwe sovereigns were nevertheless elevated to sainthood long after their demise, and are associated with grandiose legends especially relating to the construction of the Lalibela Churches.
This article explorers the history of the Zagwe kingdom and the circumstances in which one of the world's most renowned works of rock-cut architecture were created.
**Map of the northern Horn of Africa during the early 2nd millennium showing the Zagwe kingdom and surrounding polities**
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!CSZQ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7885cdad-17b7-4d15-9ef9-c56f5dcfeb6d_787x550.png)
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**The northern horn of Africa prior to the ascendance of the Zagwe kingdom.**
After the fall of the Aksumite empire in the 7th century AD, the succeeding rump states of the region ruled by Christian elites from their distinct geographical bases were engaged in a protracted contest of power and legitimacy, and the region was undergoing an era of deep political upheaval which is partially evidenced by the absence of a single, sufficiently strong central authority between them.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-1-65343552)
In the northern and western regions that were part of the Aksumite heartlands, we're introduced to the enigmatic figure of non-Christian Queen Gudit, who ruled the region during the 10th century and may have been associated with the powerful kingdom of Damot. According to internal and external accounts about her reign (the former from an anonymous Aksumite king’s appeal to the Nubian King George II <d. 920>[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-2-65343552), and the latter from Ibn Ḥawḳal <d. 988>), Gudit is said to have deposed the last Aksumite king and burned the kingdom’s churches, representing the decline of the Aksum’s political and ecclesiastical institutions. [3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-3-65343552)
Her reign's exceptional length and the extent of the social-political transformations which the societies of the northern horn experienced, underline the strength of the region’s new monarchs (of non-Abrahamic religions) who managed to confine the Christian states (and emerging Muslim states) for a time, to the frontier of their kingdoms.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-4-65343552)
To the east of the former Aksumite heartlands were the emerging Muslim states and trading towns such as Kwiha and the red-sea island of Dahlak where mosques were constructed between the 10th and 11th centuries, and attest to the expansion of the Muslim communities in the region.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-5-65343552)
In the southern reaches of the Christian controlled regions, a powerful confederation of non-Abrahamic (ie: “pagan”) states emerged called the “shay culture”. The Shay culture’s extensive trade with the red-sea region and their construction of monumental funerary architecture, were markers of an emerging power. Their flourishing during the era of Queen Gudit and the Damot kingdom, represented a wider movement in which the northern horn of Africa was dominated by states ruled by non-Abrahamic elites.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-6-65343552)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!drI3!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdf9f2666-02f9-49b0-93a3-253978d08d12_721x907.png)
_**The tumulus of Tätär Gur, a passage grave built for an elite of the Shay culture during the mid-10th century**_.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-7-65343552)
The political crises between the weakening Christian states in contrast with the growing power of the non-Abrahamic states, precipitated the emergence of a Christian elite called the Zāgwē dynasty, which was eventually was able to gather enough political power to defeat the successors of Queen Gudit and their probable allies, and establish a Christian kingdom that was sufficiently strong in the region, and able to receive a metropolitan from the Alexandrian patriarchate; successfully restoring both political and ecclesiastic institutions.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-8-65343552)
* * *
**The Zagwe sovereigns, a short chronology**
The first attested Zagwe monarch was king Tantāwedem who reigned in the late 11th century to early 12th century[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-9-65343552). His reign is documented by a number of contemporary internal sources that include a rich endowment of land to the church of Ura Masqal (now in Eritrea), which possesses a land grant dated to the 12th year of his reign, and that introduces the Zagwe king’s three names in Aksumite style; his baptismal name Tantāwedem, his regnal name Salomon, and his surname, Gabra Madòen.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-10-65343552)
In his donation, King Ṭänṭäwǝdǝm mentions a Muslim state from the region of Ṣǝraʿ (now in eastern Tigray), which he claims to have fought and defeated. He also lists several offices that provide a glimpse of the Zagwe’s territorial administration over a fairly large region which extended upto the red-sea coast.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-11-65343552)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!dCZ8!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6d8da3b9-a5cd-4f50-ad9d-1fb2f7c3657f_500x333.png)
_**the church of Ura Masqal, founded by king Tantāwedem in the 12th century.**_
The successors of Tantawedem were King Harbāy and Anbasā Wedem who reigned in the 12th century. Documentary evidence for both monarch's reigns is relatively scant and is derived from internal records that mention as contemporary with the metropolitan Mikā’ēl I who is known to have served in the years between the office of the patriarch Macarius (1103-1131) and that of John V (1146-1167).[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-12-65343552)
During the mid-12th century, a delegation from the Zagwe kingdom was sent to Fatimid Egypt during this time with letters and presents to the Fatimid Calip al-Adid (d. 1171) but was received by his successor Caliph Salah al-Din in 1173, although the purpose for the delegation is unclear. [13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-13-65343552)
These two kings were succeeded by Lālibalā , whose reign in the late 12th/early 13th century is better documented. According to two land grants preserved in the Gospels of Dabra Libānos church, King Lālibalā was already reigning in the year 1204 and was still in power in the year 1225 when he made a donation to the church of Beta Mehdane Alam. Other internal manuscripts written long after his reign push his ascendance back to the year 1185 and state that he completed his rock-hewn churches in 1208[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-14-65343552).
Lālibalā is credited a number of ecclesiastical and political innovations that are recounted in written accounts on his reign (both external and internal) as well as in local oral traditions.
The 13th century Egyptian writer Abu al-Makarim mentions that the Zagwe king claimed descent from the line of Moses and Aaron (thus marking the earliest evidence of the use of ancient Israelite associations in Ethiopian dynastic legitimacy)[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-15-65343552). He also mentions the presence of altars and "tablets made of stone", the presence of these altars is confirmed by the inscribed altars dated to Lālibalā's reign that were dedicated by the King in several rock-hewn churches.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-16-65343552)
In the years 1200 and 1210, Lālibalā sent envoys and gifts to Sultan al-’Adil the ruler of Egypt and Syria (and the brother to Saladin, who also controlled Jerusalem). These gifts may have been connected with securing the safe passage of Christian pilgrims from Zagwe domains,[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-17-65343552) because in 1189, Saladin had given a number of sites in Jerusalem to the Ethiopians residing there.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-18-65343552)
The successors of Lālibalā were Na’ākweto La’āb and Yetbārak, both of whose reigns are also documented in later texts. The former ruled until the year 1250 and is presented as the nephew of King Lālibalā and son of King Harbāy, while the latter ruled upto the year 1270, he also appears in external texts as the last Zagwe King and is known to be the son of Lālibalā.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-19-65343552)
In 1270, a southern prince named Yǝkunno Amlak seized the Zagwe throne under rather obscure circumstances and established a new dynasty often called “Solomonic”, -a term which is based on the legitimating myth of origin used by Amlak’s successors. The “Solomonic” monarchs who ruled medieval Ethiopia from 1270-1974, traced the descent of the their dynasty to the biblical King Solomon in the 10th century BC and through the Aksumite royals, they therefore dismissed the Zagwe rulers as usurpers, positing a “restoration” of an ancient, unbroken royal lineage that had been “illegitimately” occupied by the Zagwe.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-20-65343552)
* * *
**Rock-cut architecture and the churches of Lalibela.**
**Early Rock-hewn structures in the Northern Horn of Africa from the Aksumite era to the eve of the Zagwe’s ascendance.**
The architectural tradition of creating rock-cut structures is an ancient one in the northern horn of Africa. The oldest of such structures date back to the icon rock-cut Aksumite ‘_**tomb of the brick arches**_’ dated to the 4th century during the pre-Christian era, and the 6th century funerary rock-cut churches and chapels that were set ontop of rock-cut tombs of Christian monarchs near the town of Degum (modern eastern Tigray).[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-21-65343552)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!TjLu!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F805e6251-9478-4f1c-9945-3bbd5d7aa9af_1349x589.png)
_**The iconic 4th century “tomb of the brick arches” in Aksum carved out of rock, its walls are lined with stone and bricks with arches separating its chambers.**_
Rock-hewn churches ontop of similarly constructed tombs increased in elaboration during the post-Aksumite era, with the construction of the church of Beraqit, and the cross-in-square churches of Abraha-wa-Atsbaha, Tcherqos Wukro, and Mika’el Amba that were carved during the 8th-10th century. By the 12th and 13th century, lone-standing rock-hewn churches that served solely as monastic institutions (without funerary associations) were constructed, these include the Maryam wurko and Debra Tsion churches. All of these rock-cut churches retain classical Aksumite architectural features and spatial design.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-22-65343552)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!dT_k!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcb525171-44c4-441b-a72a-db28725d0924_1253x646.png)
_**The rock cut churches of Mika’el Amba and Tcherqos Wukro in eastern Tigray, created in the 8th-10th century.**_
**The Lalibela rock-cut church complex.**
While ecclesiastical traditions unequivocally attribute all of the Lalibela churches to king Lālibalā —whose name the place now bears—, this reflects the processes through which the Zagwe king was elevated to sainthood in the 15th-17th century rather than the exact circumstances of their construction in the early 2nd millennium.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-23-65343552)
The Lalibela complex comprises of twelve rock-hewn structures (11 churches and one tomb) divided in three clusters of the "eastern", "northern" and western complex, that were carved out of soft volcanic rock over four major phases which saw the transformation of what were initially defensive pre-existing structures of into churches.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-24-65343552)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!l1Om!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc8cad73f-163e-4b71-8fb2-0f0537959463_1014x688.png)
_**Map of the Lalibela complex.**_[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-25-65343552)
In their early (_**Troglodytic**_) phase of construction, the oldest structures consisted of small tunnels and flights of stairs cut into the rock that lead into domed chambers in the interior. During the second (_**Hypogean**_) phase, the rock-hewn structures consisted of extensive hypostyle chambers, galleries, heightened ceilings, ornamenting entrances with Aksumite-style pillars and doorways leading to open-air courtyards, and subterranean rooms cut.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-26-65343552)
They were surrounded by defensive perimeter wall system built in the mid 10th to 12th century, that was cut through during the last phases of the transformation of the buildings into churches and buried under debris.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-27-65343552)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!VnE6!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd8c693d4-71f6-41cf-a617-ca30552c93db_590x998.png)
_**phases of Lalibela rock-cutting process.**_[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-28-65343552)
That the older structures were carved by a pre-Christian population is evidenced by the figures carved on the walls of the rock-cut church of Washa Mika’el (located about 50km south-east of Lalibela) that include animals like humpback cattle, birds, giraffes, elephants and mythical creatures as well as Human figures with male sexual attributes. Christian murals were later added in the 13th century but the pre-Christian carvings were retained, representing a technical and religious syncretism that points to the pre-Christian population adopting Christianity rather than displacement by a foreign Christian population.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-29-65343552)
A similar cultural transformation is noted among the other non-Abrahamic societies of the north-central region, most notably the medieval “shay culture” whose elaborate tumulus burials were discontinued during and after the 13-14th century.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-30-65343552)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!gof7!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8ea53548-8e56-4618-996e-35d404cd31f1_1060x612.png)
_**Pre-christian relief sculptures on the walls of the Washa Mika’el church, and Christian paintings (added later)**_
The final cutting phases of the Lalibela churches in the 13th century (_**Monumental 1 and 2 phases**_). This phase represented a departure in terms of the morphology of the site's functions, but a continuity in terms of the construction technology. Lalibela's transformation into a fully Christian religious complex represents a new architectural program that resulted in the complete concealment of previous pre-Christian defensive or civilian features.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!lMet!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdf5fb869-f16f-469d-810d-ce983641aa57_988x1357.png)
_**Remnants of the rock-cutting sequence of Beta Gabriel-Rufael, showing the original courtyard and level (a), that was extended and lowered in (b) and further lowered in (c)**_[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-31-65343552)
The major transformations during this phase were the creation of new churches and the complete transformation of all structures into Christian monuments. This entailed the lowering of the structure's outside levels for hydrological, aesthetic and functional purposes, the enlargement of the open-air courtyards, and inclusion of elaborate designs of the church’s interior and façade.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-32-65343552)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!fDl9!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdbb7813b-ca6f-46b5-919a-bfa03fcd155c_713x1059.png)
_**the basilica-like façade of the Beta Madhane Alam church**_
It's unclear whether these final phases all took place under king Lālibalā in the early 13th century as suggested by some scholars[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-33-65343552), or the process continued under later rulers both Zagwe and Solomonic, as evidenced by the rock-cut church of Dabra Seyon attributed to Na’ākweto La’āb[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-34-65343552), the murals of the nearby Washa Mika’el church dated to 1270[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-35-65343552), and the nearby rock-cut church of Yemrehanna Krestos that dates to the 15th century.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-36-65343552)
Based on architectural styles and liturgical changes, some scholars propose the following chronology in completion of construction; the churches of Beta Danagel, Beta Marqorewos, Beta Gabreal-Rufael, Beta Marsqal and Beta Lehem (as well as Washa Mika’el) were carved from much older structures that were later transformed into churches in the 13th century, while the monolithic rock-cut churches of Beta Maryam, Beta Madhane Alam, Beta Libanos and Beta Amanuel were likely created during the 13th century.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-37-65343552)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!7UEI!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F84027a99-c7d7-4e04-9be7-89b315869bd0_634x1154.png)
_**the churches of Beta Marqorewos and Beta Amanuel**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!IVjr!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fabb8e055-b7bc-4b5b-98da-c7778b8e0ffd_717x1157.png)
_**the churches of Beta Maryam and Beta Libanos**_
The churches of Beta Dabra Sina-Golgota, Adam's tomb and Beta Giyorgis (and the distant churches of Yemrehanna Krestos and Gannata Maryam) were likely completed during the 14th and 15th century.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-38-65343552)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!h3OF!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fab1f1094-ebba-49e8-bc7b-51b7a8321c00_756x505.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!R3wi!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0dddef1c-503b-460d-a370-848617692e2c_1384x1199.jpeg)
_**The churches of Beta Dabra Sina-Golgota and Beta Giyorgis**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!lDNN!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F27052ace-80b3-450d-b0cc-f9c651b0e216_1024x768.jpeg)
_**the church of Yemrehanna Krestos**_
* * *
**Lalibela as a “New Jerusalem”.**
The extensive construction program under the Zagwe rulers -which stands as one of the most ambitious of its kind on the African continent at the time- has led to a flurry of theories some of which tend towards the exotic.
The symbolic representation of the Holy Sepulcher in the church of Golgota, the topographic names of Mount Tabor, the Mount of Olives, the Jordan River, (with its monolithic cross symbolizing the place of baptism of Christ) that are derived from famous landmarks in Jerusalem, all seemed to support a grandiose tradition —magnified by later scholars— that Lalibela sought to create a new Jerusalem after the “old” Jerusalem was captured by the Muslim forces of Saladin.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-39-65343552)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ohky!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1a07cba5-6d87-404a-8cd7-8ed2ebd7b374_819x1226.png)
_**sculpture of saint George in the church of Beta Dabra Sina-Golgota**_
However, the transposition of Jerusalem outside of Palestine by medieval Christian societies, was not specific to the Christian kingdoms of the northern horn of Africa, and is unlikely to have been linked to the difficulty of travelling to Jersualem’s Holy Places for pilgrimage. The transposition of Jerusalem is instead often a tied to internal political contexts and experiences of pilgrims, both of which inspire the replication on local grounds of a “small” Jerusalem as symbol of the new covenant and their ruling elite’s divine election. The churches of Lālibalā were therefore not conceived as a “new” Jerusalem replacing the Jerusalem of the Holy Land, but were instead seen as a "small" Jerusalem, and a symbol of the divine election of the Zagwe monarchs during and after their reign.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-40-65343552)
Around the 15th century, the churches of Lalibela and the adjacent churches such as Yemreḥanna Krestos became very popular places of pilgrimage for Christian faithfuls in the region, who came to commemorate the Zāgwe sovereigns associated with their construction and developed a cult in their honour.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-41-65343552)
This elevation of the Zagwe sovereign’s image from political figures to Saints from the 15th to the 17th century, was tied to the emergence of the medieval province of Lāstā, as a region that was semi-independent from the Solomonic empire.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-42-65343552) Its also during this time that the hagiographies of the Zagwe kings were written, but their circular constructions, and the nature of their composition centuries after the Zagwe’s demise, make them relatively unreliable historiographical sources unlike similar Ethiopian hagiographies.[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-43-65343552)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Q09T!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1a70b21a-33b2-44fb-9061-402079337e2c_421x504.png)
_**Folio from Gädlä Lālibalā ("The Acts of Lālibalā”) A 15th century hagiographic account of the life of King Lālibalā, depicting the King constructing the famous churches.**_
* * *
**Lalibela as a capital of the Zagwe and the “southern shift” of the Christian kingdom**
Lalibela has often been considered the capital of the Zagwe rulers party due to its monumental architecture, and external writers’ identification of Adefa/Roha (a site near the Lalibela churches) as the residence of the King, or “city of the king”.[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-44-65343552)
But this exogenous interpretation of the functioning of the Zagwe State at this period has found little archeological evidence to support it, the area around the churches had few secular structures and non-elite residences that are common in royal capitals, and lacked significant material culture to indicate substantial occupation. Lalibela more likely served as a **major religious center** of the Zagwe kingdom rather than its fixed royal residence.[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-45-65343552)
A closer examination of the donations made by the Zagwe rulers also reveals that their activities were concentrated in the northern provinces historically constituting the core of the old Aksumite state , showing that the center of the kingdom wasn't moved south (to Lalibela), but rather expanded into and across the region, where the churches were later constructed.[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-46-65343552)
The notion of a southern shift of the Aksumite state that was partly popularized by the legitimizing works of the “Solomonic” era, is difficult to sustain as the Zagwe kings used Ge’ez in the administration of the kingdom, concentrated their power in the Aksumite heartlands, utilized (and arguably initiated) the ideological linkages to ancient Israelite kingship, and by establishing a powerful state, oversaw a true revival (or restoration) of Christian kingdom in the northern Horn of Africa. The Zagwe were in reality, much closer to the Aksumite kings than to their successors, who evidently appropriated their ideology to suite their own ends.[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-47-65343552)
The colossal churches of Lalibela stand as a testament to the legacy of the Zagwe kingdom, a monumental accomplishment of global proportions deserving of its status as the semi-legendary ‘Jerusalem of Africa’.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!0oTh!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fea868b59-f649-44bb-af66-154f8b9d7b0d_1920x1268.jpeg)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-1-65343552)
La culture Shay d'Éthiopie (Xe-XIVe siècles) by François-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar pg 23)
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-2-65343552)
The Letter of an Ethiopian King to King George II of Nubia by B Hendrickx
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-3-65343552)
A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea by Samantha Kelly pg 36
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-4-65343552)
La culture Shay d'Éthiopie (Xe-XIVe siècles) by François-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar pg 29)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-5-65343552)
A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea by Samantha Kelly pg 42
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-6-65343552)
La culture Shay d'Éthiopie (Xe-XIVe siècles) by François-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar pg 367-372
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-7-65343552)
La culture Shay d'Éthiopie (Xe-XIVe siècles) by François-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar pg 133
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-8-65343552)
The Zāgwē dynasty (11-13th centuries) and King Yemreḥanna Krestos by Marie-Laure Derat pg 162)
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-9-65343552)
Les donations du roi Lālibalā by Marie-Laure Derat pg 26)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-10-65343552)
The Zāgwē dynasty (11-13th centuries) and King Yemreḥanna Krestos by Marie-Laure Derat pg 162-163)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-11-65343552)
A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea by Samantha Kelly pg 42-44
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-12-65343552)
The Zāgwē dynasty (11-13th centuries) and King Yemreḥanna Krestos by Marie-Laure Derat pg 164-165)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-13-65343552)
Church and State in Ethiopia by Taddesse Tamrat pg 57
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-14-65343552)
The Zāgwē dynasty (11-13th centuries) and King Yemreḥanna Krestos by Marie-Laure Derat pg 165-166)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-15-65343552)
The quest for the Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 51)
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-16-65343552)
Les tombeaux des rois Zāgwē, Yemreḥanna Krestos et Lālibalā (XIIe-XVIe siècle), et leurs évolutions symboliques by Marie-Laure Derat pg 14-16)
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-17-65343552)
The quest for the Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 184)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-18-65343552)
Church and State in Ethiopia by Taddesse Tamrat pg 58
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-19-65343552)
The Zāgwē dynasty (11-13th centuries) and King Yemreḥanna Krestos by Marie-Laure Derat pg 166)
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-20-65343552)
The quest for the Ark of the Covenant by stuart Munro-Hay pg 84-87
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-21-65343552)
Foundations of an African Civilisation: Aksum and the Northern Horn by D. W Phillipson pg 147
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-22-65343552)
Foundations of an African Civilisation: Aksum and the Northern Horn by D. W Phillipson pg 147- 203-223)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-23-65343552)
Les tombeaux des rois Zāgwē, Yemreḥanna Krestos et Lālibalā (XIIe-XVIe siècle), et leurs évolutions symboliques by Marie-Laure Derat
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-24-65343552)
The Lalibela Rock Hewn Site and its Landscape (Ethiopia) by C Bosc-Tiessé pg 144-146)
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-25-65343552)
The Lalibela Rock Hewn Site and its Landscape (Ethiopia) by C Bosc-Tiessé pg 145
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-26-65343552)
Rock-cut stratigraphy: sequencing the Lalibela churches by Francois-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar pg 1143)
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-27-65343552)
The rock-cut churches of Lalibela and the cave church of Washa Mika’el by Marie-Laure Derat pg 470)
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-28-65343552)
Rock-cut stratigraphy: sequencing the Lalibela churches by Francois-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar pg 1147
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-29-65343552)
The rock-cut churches of Lalibela and the cave church of Washa Mika’el by Marie-Laure Derat 481-483)
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-30-65343552)
The Shay Culture of Ethiopia (Tenth to Fourteenth Century AD): Pagans in the Time of Christians and Muslims by François-Xavier Fauvelle
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-31-65343552)
Rock-cut stratigraphy: sequencing the Lalibela churches by Francois-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar pg 1141
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-32-65343552)
The rock-cut churches of Lalibela and the cave church of Washa Mika’el by Marie-Laure Derat 1146-1147)
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-33-65343552)
Foundations of an African Civilisation: Aksum and the Northern Horn by D. W Phillipson pg 235-237)
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-34-65343552)
The quest for the Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 82
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-35-65343552)
The rock-cut churches of Lalibela and the cave church of Washa Mika’el by Marie-Laure pg 1147)
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-36-65343552)
Rock-cut stratigraphy: sequencing the Lalibela churches by Francois-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar pg 1148)
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-37-65343552)
Churches Built in the Caves of Lasta (WÃllo Province, Ethiopia): A Chronology, by Michael Gervers pg 31-32)
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-38-65343552)
Churches Built in the Caves of Lasta (WÃllo Province, Ethiopia): A Chronology, by Michael Gervers pg 36)
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-39-65343552)
Church and State in Ethiopia, 1270-1527 by Taddesse Tamrat pg 59
[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-40-65343552)
Les tombeaux des rois Zāgwē, Yemreḥanna Krestos et Lālibalā (XIIe-XVIe siècle), et leurs évolutions symboliques by Marie-Laure Derat pg 11)
[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-41-65343552)
Les tombeaux des rois Zāgwē, Yemreḥanna Krestos et Lālibalā (XIIe-XVIe siècle), et leurs évolutions symboliques by Marie-Laure Derat pg 15-16)
[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-42-65343552)
The Zāgwē dynasty (11-13th centuries) and King Yemreḥanna Krestos by Marie-Laure Derat pg 190)
[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-43-65343552)
A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea by Samantha Kelly pg 32
[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-44-65343552)
Church and State in Ethiopia by Taddesse Tamrat pg 59
[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-45-65343552)
The Lalibela Rock Hewn Site and its Landscape (Ethiopia) by C Bosc-Tiessé pg 162)
[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-46-65343552)
Les donations du roi Lālibalā by Marie-Laure Derat pg 34-37)
[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-a-global-monument-in#footnote-anchor-47-65343552)
discussed at length in “The quest for the Ark of the Covenant’ by Stuart Munro-Hay
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Constructing Peace in a pre-colonial African state: Diplomacy and the ceremony of dialogue in Asante
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### "Never appeal to the sword while a path lay open for negotiation"
[](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Jul 31, 2022
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Despite its well deserved reputation as a major west African military power, the Asante employed the practice of diplomacy as a ubiquitous tool in its art of statecraft. Treaties were negotiated, the frontiers of trade, authority and territory were delimited, disputes were settled, and potential crises were averted .
As a result of the diplomatic maneuverings of astute Asante statespersons working through their commissioned ambassadors, embassies were dispatched to various west African and European capitals, and couriers were sent across the Asante provinces to advance Asante’s interests globally and regionally.
This article explorers the history of Asante’s diplomatic systems and the ceremonies of dialogue that mediated the kingdom’s international relations.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Qlo8!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F88b15597-872f-4e01-834c-da47bca3fc84_472x551.png)
_**Asante at its greatest extent in the early 19th century**_
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**Regional and international Asante; the need for diplomacy.**
By the late 18th and early 19th century, the Asante state had developed an elaborate administrative system. The increasing volume of governmental needs led to the establishment of a complex bureaucracy with systems for legislative, judicial, financial administration and foreign relations. Its within this context that a class of professional diplomats emerged, who served as specialists in the conduct of foreign relations.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-1-66412497)
The establishment of a professional class of envoys in Asante was partly in response to the rapidly changing political landscape of West Africa and the Gold coast region (the coast of modern Ghana), the latter of which had been recently subsumed by Asante's expansionism, while the former was closely integrated within Asante’s trade networks. In the Gold coast region, the formerly (politically) subordinate European traders were increasingly extending their commercial and political hegemony at the expense of the Asante's interests, and sought to bypass the Asante's control of the commodities trade from the interior (Asante's north).[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-2-66412497)
The changing mode of engagement with the coast-based European traders, who were after 1807 mostly interested in the commodities trade; especially in items whose production was largely controlled by the Asante, resulted in a more direct level of correspondence with the Asante court[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-3-66412497).
From the late 18th century, Asante received and sent diplomats to its African neighbors of Dahomey and Wasulu, and within just 5 years between 1816-1820, King Osei Bonsu (r. 1804-1824) received 9 European diplomats representing different countries and interests, a gesture which was reciprocated with Asante envoys travelling to the coast with the same frequency. The activity of these envoys steadily rose in the 1830s, and over the last half of the 19th century, as all regional and international parties became more politically entangled.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-4-66412497)
**Construction and performance of Asante’s diplomatic institution**
Within the Asante bureaucratic system, the diplomatic class was often taken from a section of public servants called the _**nhenkwaa**_. Individual envoys were often selected based on their competence, diplomatic and communication skills, experience with the culture of their intended guests, as well as their position within the Asante political structure.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-5-66412497)
Asante officials traveling abroad in diplomatic capacity were initially of two kinds; "career" ambassadors and couriers; the former of whom could negotiate with their hosts on their own authority as conferred to them by the King, while the latter —who attimes included foreign traders— could only relay information but couldn't negotiate in any capacity.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-6-66412497) As Owusu Ansa, one of the top Asante diplomats in 1881 clarified about the past conduct of a messenger in the latter’s negotiations with the British that; "_**no Ashanti taking the King's message would dare to add or to take from it**_,"[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-7-66412497)
Over the 19th century however, the distinction between the official envoys and messengers was blurred by the emergence of other titled officials such as the _**afenasoafo**_, who not only transmitted official messages but also came to assume more official but lesser diplomatic duties including negotiating the return of fugitives.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-8-66412497)
Established procedures regulated the various spheres of diplomatic activity, from the swearing in ceremony of the official envoys —as observed by (British envoy to Asante) Thomas Bowdich in 1817 while witnessing the preparations for Asante’s diplomats to the Cape coast (a British-owned castle at the coast and base of a small colony)—, to the specification of individual envoy's powers and latitude in negotiation.
The envoys performed a variety of functions depending on their delegated capacities, including negotiating and ratifying peace agreements; issuing official protests, resolving foreign disputes, demanding fines, as well as extraditing Asante fugitives. Covertly, the diplomats also engaged in other activities including commercial duties, and espionage, depending on the security and foreign policy concerns of the central government.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-9-66412497)
While in foreign territory, the diplomatic immunity and recognition of official Asante envoys was secured by having them carry the necessary credentials, wearing special clothing and equipping them with symbols of office.
Ambassadors of high rank were dressed in costly garments that constituted "public state wardrobe" as observed by Bowdich in 1817, provided by the King to the Ambassador to “enrich the splendor of his suite and attire as much as possible" that was kept especially for the purpose.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-10-66412497) The lower ranks in the Asante diplomatic retune carried badges of offices such as golden discs, Staffs of office, and gold-handled swords.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-11-66412497)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!8lNj!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6ea5f194-6e1e-4217-bfa5-1892077dd7ac_1050x683.png)
_**Asante wooden staffs of office covered with gold leaf, late 19th-early 20th century (art institute Chicago, Houston museum of fine arts, Smithsonian)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!t2AL!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbf63d389-4b08-49e6-b3a9-ff007f3ce90e_838x612.png)
_**Asante ceremonial sword and sword handle of a hand holding a serpent, dated 1845–1855, (British Museum, Houston Museum)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!3Rna!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F91b18e69-46e3-49b5-b52d-b5efc40d5fa5_1137x558.png)
_**Asante gold badge, dated 1870-1895, Houston Museum of Fine Arts**_
The size of the envoy's retinue, which often included titled officials from various Asante provinces, served as an index of the importance of the ambassador as well as the importance of the intended subject of discussion. Every effort was made to impress the guests with the size of the embassies, in line with Asante ceremonial pomp that accustomed such diplomatic occasions.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-12-66412497)
As such, the size of the train of ambassadors such as Owusu Dome in 1820 was said —with some exaggeration— to be as many as 12,000, and the size of Kwame Antwi’s embassy in 1874 numbered around 300 men. As (British envoy to Asante) Joseph Dupuis noted on Owusu's arrival at Cape coast; "_**the ambassador entered the place with a degree of military splendour unknown there since the conquest of Fante by the (**_ Asante _**) King**_."[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-13-66412497) The Asante always insisted that proper respect should be paid to their representatives abroad and were quick to punish slights, especially when the offenders were the their sphere of influence such as the Fante of the Gold coast.
While all Asante diplomatic procedures were initially conducted orally, the broadening reach of Asante's foreign affairs (with both the Europeans along the coast and the Muslim states of West Africa) led to the adoption of written forms of official diplomatic communication to record the proceedings of Asante's embassies, but mostly to supplement rather than displace the established oral system of official communication.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-14-66412497)
By the second half of the 19th century, a sort of chancery was in place Kumase as an archive of the state’s volume of foreign correspondence, whose extent can be gleaned from the number of extant letters from Kumasi that were addressed to various foreign states[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-15-66412497). The chancery's staff that were employed on an adhoc basis composed letters on behalf of the government, as well as translating and interpreting foreign letters and counseling the King on foreign policy issues as requested.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-16-66412497)
A carder of learned officials were trained by the Asante to staff and supervise the chancery. These included the princes Owusu Nkwantabisa and Owusu Ansa, who were educated under British auspices at Cape Coast and in and their younger siblings; John Ansa and Albert Ansa were educated in England. They were assisted in their chancery tasks by the various foreign adhoc officials whose activities were closely supervised due to suspicions over their divided loyalties.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-17-66412497)
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**Receiving Foreign Diplomats in Asante:**
The foreign policy of the Asante state was decided by the king and his advisers (the Kumasi council), subject to a veto by the aristocracy in the general council.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-18-66412497) For this reason, no envoy was welcome in the capital until the king had to assemble the Kumasi council and be properly briefed. The procession of foreign envoys to Kumasi was defined by a distinct pattern of prescribed halts that were ostensibly concerned with giving both the visitors and the Asante court time to assemble, organize, and prepare themselves for the forthcoming encounter.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-19-66412497)
Foreign envoys bound for the Asante capital from the coast were always stopped in the southern districts where they had to wait until the king was ready to receive them, the waiting period varying from a day to several weeks. An envoy who objected to this delay was warned by his assigned escort against proceeding to the capital without the approval of the King.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-20-66412497)
Asante officials who violated the strict code of diplomatic conduct were subject to punishment. In 1816 when two senior army commanders negotiated with the people of Elmina without the king's knowledge and flagrantly disobeyed the orders of the metropolitan government, one of the generals was subsequently tried in public, convicted of treason, stripped of his offices and possessions.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-21-66412497)
Following an elaborate reception ceremony in which the guest’s progress and reception proceeded in a highly orchestrated manner, the foreign envoys were allotted free accommodation in the city by the government official responsible (often the royal treasurer) who then provided them with all their necessities during the entire length of the stay.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-22-66412497) While the foreign envoys were in Kumasi, the afenasoafo officials mentioned earlier often served as the diplomatic channels of communication between the King and visiting envoys.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-23-66412497)
The envoys were often given official audience in semi-public settings that mostly included the sections of the public, top officials of the state (ie members of the council) as well as the King, while more confidential matters were negotiated in private with the envoy appearing alone with the King and four senior council members. Treaties and agreements were proclaimed and made binding in the presence of those who were affected by them, while general policy statements were delivered to the public.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-24-66412497)
The task of publicizing the results of new decrees and agreements resulting from diplomatic negotiations fell on the nseniefo (heralds) , who were the most important agents of communication in the nineteenth century.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-25-66412497)
The Oath taking procedure involved various practices depending on the origin of the envoy, they included swearing on a the Bible for Europeans, the Koran for Muslims (and some Europeans) and taking a traditional drink in the presence of the court.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-26-66412497) According to the Asante principle, the envoys were under Asante law once they were within Asante territory and could thus only be allowed to depart upon receiving permission from the King. [27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-27-66412497)
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**The Ceremony of dialogue:**
The pomp and ceremony of a foreign envoy's reception had several purposes and greatly depended on the expectations which the Asante government had of a foreign mission. The hosts carefully combined several forms of public displays intended to impress and intimidate their guests on the power and wealth of the Asante state, and communicate the significance (or insignificance) of the guests to the Asante public.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-28-66412497)
The ceremony thus conferred royal recognition on the visitors and integrated them within the hierarchical structure of Asante society by allocating them a suitable place inside it.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-29-66412497) The invited guest, who lacked the power and splendor of their host, found themselves on equal footing to their host at the ceremonial event, and the order in which the visitors were introduced to the general assembly and the configuration of each chief’s retinue combined to reproduce a physical and spatial representation of Asante society’s basic composition and hierarchical structure.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-30-66412497)
These grand ceremonies such as the one excellently depicted by Bowdich titled: "First Day of the Yam Custom", displayed the Asante's selective inter-cultural appropriations of conventions and symbolism taken from traditional Akan iconography, west African-Islamic iconography and European iconography that represented an important diplomatic encounter.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-31-66412497)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!S1Ee!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fae232753-c9ac-435c-9508-44a5b5efca99_1173x324.png)
_**Detail of Asante king Osei Tutu Kwame surrounded by his courtiers, subjects, and European guests.**_
When the envoys were conducted to the king's presence, every effort was made by the Asante side to impress the new Arrivals with the magnificence of the Asante state. Most of the residents of the capital and surrounding towns were summoned to attend the proceedings. The king, provincial nobels, and officials were magnificently dressed and profusely decorated with gold ornaments. Musical instruments were sounded, muskets were fired, and the military captains ushered in the envoys.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-32-66412497)
The success of such a carefully organized ceremony can be read from the accounts of several European envoys who were conducted to Kumasi in the early 19th century, as one Willem Huydecoper in 1816 writes;
"_**what a tumult greeted me there!, There are more than 50 thousand people in this place! His Majesty has summoned all the lesser kings from the surrounding countryside for today's assembly. Every one of them was splendidly adorned with gold, and each had more than 50 soldiers in his retinue. There were golden swords, flutes, horns, and I know not what else in profusion. When I saw all this, I felt very grateful for His Majesty's courtesy Towards me**_".[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-33-66412497)
A similar scene was witnessed by Dupuis also states in his journal that at this same spot in 1820, he was confronted with "_**The view was suddenly animated by assembled thousands in full costume, chiefs were distinguished from the commonalty by large floating umbrellas, fabricated from cloth of various hues. all the ostentatious trophies of Negro splendour were emblazoned to view**_"[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-34-66412497)
and by Bowdich in 1817; “_**The sun was reflected with a glare scarcely more supportable than the heat, from the massy gold ornaments, which glistened in every direction More than a hundred bands burst at once on our arrival with the peculiar airs of their several chiefs the horns flourished their defiances with the beating of innumerable drums and metal instruments, and then yielded for a while to the soft breathings of their long flutes, which were truly harmonious and a leasing instrument”**_[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-35-66412497)
Not every envoy received such a glorious welcome however, for when Jan Nieser sent envoys to Asante with the object of discrediting Huydecoper as representative of the Dutch, the king at first refused to see them, later reluctantly fixed a date for their entry into the capital, and then failed to accord them any ceremonial welcome. [36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-36-66412497)
As Huydecoper noted in his journal; "_**To the Ashantees, anyone who arrives without having honor done to him by the King is an object of scorn and is cursed by the common people**_"[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-37-66412497) and the effect of the ceremonies and encounters with the court was best summarized by Dupuis “_**it naturally occurred to me that the impression was intended to paralyze the senses, by contributing to magnify the man of royalty**_”[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-38-66412497)
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**The results of Asante diplomacy: Relations with Asante’s African neighbors and Europeans.**
**Asante and Dahomey; from foes to allies**
The simultaneous expansion of the Asante and Dahomey states in the mid 18th century had brought both states on a path of collision. As the relationship between the two states deteriorated Dahomey begun supporting rebels in Asante's eastern provinces, a threat that the Asante King Kusi Obodom (r. 1750-1764) responded to in kind with an invasion of Dahomey that ended in an inconclusive battle between the two forces in 1764, and resulted in significant causalities on the Asante side. Hoping to avert future conflicts, the ruler of the Oyo empire (Dahomey's suzerain) dispatched a mission to Kumasi in the same year to which Kusi's successor Osei Kwado reciprocated by sending a splendid embassy to Dahomey's capital Abomey that was warmly received. In 1777 and 1802 envoys from Abomey were received in Kumase as Dahomey strove to maintain cordial relations with Asante.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-39-66412497)
When tensions between the two states flared up again in the mid 19th century that resulted in a second Asante-Dahomey war in the 1830s that resulted in a peace treaty between the two attained by both state's envoys, with a resumption in the sending of embassies between the two states. In 1845, an Asante embassy was present in Abomey with 40 retainers and stayed for five years. Other Asante embassies to Dahomey were sent in 1873 (prior to the British invasion), and in 1880, the latter of which was successful in receiving assistance from the Dahomey king Glele in restoring Asante authority to the east, after Glele had assessed the European threat to both him and Asante. [40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-40-66412497)
In October 1895, Asante King Prempeh I dispatched envoys accompanied by 300 officials to the Wasulu emperor Samory Ture bearing a gift of 100 oz of gold , in response to the latter's earlier embassy to Kumasi. Prempeh requested that Samory assist him to recover Asante's breakaway provinces in the west, the result of which was a decisive shift in Asante's authority in the region as rebellious provinces re-pledged their allegiance to Kumasi.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-41-66412497)
**The legacies of the Ansa family in Anglo-Asante diplomacy:**
The careers of the ambassadors Owusu Ansa (senior) and his son John Ansa exemplify the preeminence of diplomacy in Asante's foreign relations. While Owusu had been educated and converted to Christianity under British auspices as part of negotiations between the Asante and the British following the first series of wars in the 1820s, he was turned into King Kwaku Dua's envoy upon his second return to Asante in lieu of his originally intended missionary objectives.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!n0Ud!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fade9b1fe-9615-431a-aa6a-a776e74cb2da_535x564.png)
_**Owusu Ansa in 1872, Basel Mission archives**_
In one of his first tasks, Owusu successfully averted an attack in 1864 by the Asante forces against the coastal regions whose control was disputed by the British. Owusu was retained by Kwaku Dua's successor King kofi and In 1870, Owusu drafted a letter for the King protesting the Dutch handover of the Elmina fort to the British, and in 1871, led an embassy to exchange war prisoners with the British. In 1873, his role as an ambassador raised suspicion in the cloud of growing tensions between the British and Asante, resulting in a cape coast mob to burn his house, and the British tactically offered him 'vacation' in sierra Leone in preparation for their 1874 invasion.
He nevertheless believed he could prevent the impending Anglo-Asante war of 1874, writing to the cape coast governor that _**"if I were put in position to communicate authoritatively with the King of Ashantee as an envoy from the Queen, I might be able to terminate the present unhappy war on term honourable and advantageous to both sides".**_[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-42-66412497)
After the Asante loss in 1874, Owusu was retained by King Mensa Bonsu and was instrumental in the institutional reforms of the Asante state during a critical time when many of its provinces were breaking away He also successfully secured the supply of thousands of modern snider rifles in 1877-1878 to increase the army’s strength, and recruited foreign personnel to build up a new civil service.[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-43-66412497)
In 1889, Owusu’s son; John Ansa was appointed as an ambassador by the reformist King Prempeh and, along with his brother Albert Ansa, they influenced Asante's decision to reject British protectorate status in 1891 and expanded their father's diplomatic and commercial networks with independent French traders to supply modern firearms and foreign military trainers in 1893 and 1894 and reportedly made overtures to the French to counteract the British.[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-44-66412497)
As tensions grew between Asante and the Cape coast governors who were increasingly pushing the British to occupy Asante, John further influenced Asante's rejection of British protectorate status in 1893, writing that
_**"As my countrymen are desirous of continuing their independence, I beg here to strongly suggest to your excellency that it is essential that the British Government ought now to formally acknowledge Ashanti as an independent native empire, or in other words engagements entered into with her and the Ameer of Afghanistan by which annexation by any power is deemed impossible"**_ After learning that the Cape coast governors were intent on war, Ansa advised Prempeh to dispatch an embassy to London which left successfully in 1895 due to Ansa’s contacts despite the Cape coast governor’s strong protests.[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-45-66412497)
While not fully received as an official embassy due to objections from the colonial office, Ansa successfully navigated Britain's legal system and hired solicitors to affirm his credentials as an official envoy that negotiated with full authority. But the colonial office was intent on frustrating their negotiations with the British government, and upon instigation by cape coast governor about the supposed alliance between Samory and Asante, as well as the looming threat of French competition, colonial secretary Chamberlain authorized the invasion of Asante. Ansa, who had assessed the strength of the invading force, hurried back to Kumasi ahead of the British expedition of 1896 and was instrumental in convincing Prempeh not to array his forces against what would have been a disastrous engagement, saving Kumasi a pillaging it had suffered in 1874 and preserving most of Asante’s state apparatus. Recognizing the role Ansa had played, the invading force fabricated charges against him (regarding his diplomatic credentials) but later dropped them.[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-46-66412497)
While 1896 may have closed the chapter on Asante's political autonomy, its diplomatic legacy would continue throughout the colonial and independent governments, as the former Asante core negotiated its way through successive regimes.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!QxuH!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F56142658-dee5-405a-a176-c173f2182a91_640x427.jpeg)
_**Kumasi 1896**_
* * *
**Conclusion.**
The Asante expertly used soft power and adopted cultural diplomacy within their official structures in order to direct foreign policy through organized channels of communication, symbolism, and ceremony. The Asante penchant for the art of diplomacy was remarked upon by many observers and is preserved in an famous Asante maxim;
"_**never appeal to the sword while a path lay open for negotiation**_"[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-47-66412497)
The Asante diplomatic institution was dynamic enough to adopt selective elements of foreign communicative processes while retaining its traditional form and distinctive features, enabling Asante to achieve its political objectives through a less costly and more favorable avenue than war —peace.
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-1-66412497)
Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 488)
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-2-66412497)
Wrapping and ratification: an early nineteenth century display of diplomacy Asante ‘Style’ by Fiona M. Sheales pg 50)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-3-66412497)
The Political Economy of the Interior Gold Coast by Jarvis L. Hargrove pg 143-144
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-4-66412497)
“Sights/Sites of Spectacle: Anglo/Asante Appropriations, Diplomacy and Displays of Power 1816-1820” by Fiona Sheales pg 3
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-5-66412497)
Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 489
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-6-66412497)
Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 93)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-7-66412497)
Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 497
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-8-66412497)
Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg pg 490
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-9-66412497)
Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 495
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-10-66412497)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century by Ivor Wilks pg 324)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-11-66412497)
Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 94)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-12-66412497)
Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 497-498
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-13-66412497)
Journal of a Residence in Ashantee by Joseph Dupuis pg xxviii)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-14-66412497)
Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 500-501)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-15-66412497)
Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 502)
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-16-66412497)
for a critique of the exact nature and functions of this chancery’ see: “State and Society in Pre-colonial Asante By T. C. McCaskie” pg 332-333
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-17-66412497)
Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 502)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-18-66412497)
Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 86)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-19-66412497)
Sights/Sites of Spectacle: Anglo/Asante Appropriations, Diplomacy and Displays of Power 1816-1820” by Fiona Sheales pg 88
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-20-66412497)
Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 87)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-21-66412497)
Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 87)
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-22-66412497)
Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 90)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-23-66412497)
Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 490
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-24-66412497)
Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 90)
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-25-66412497)
Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 490
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-26-66412497)
Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 91)
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-27-66412497)
Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 92)
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-28-66412497)
Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 10)
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-29-66412497)
Wrapping and ratification: an early nineteenth century display of diplomacy Asante ‘Style by Fiona M. Sheales pg 52)
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-30-66412497)
Sights/Sites of Spectacle: Anglo/Asante Appropriations, Diplomacy and Displays of Power 1816-1820” by Fiona Sheales pg 107
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-31-66412497)
Wrapping and ratification: an early nineteenth century display of diplomacy Asante ‘Style by Fiona M. Sheales pg 48)
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-32-66412497)
Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 87)
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-33-66412497)
The Journal of the Visit to Kumasi of W. Huydecoper pg 24-25)
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-34-66412497)
Journal of a Residence in Ashantee by Joseph Dupuis pg 70-71
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-35-66412497)
Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee by Thomas Edward Bowdich pg 37
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-36-66412497)
Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 89-90)
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-37-66412497)
The Journal of the Visit to Kumasi of W. Huydecoper pg 53
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-38-66412497)
Journal of a Residence in Ashantee by Joseph Dupuis pg 81
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-39-66412497)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 321)
[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-40-66412497)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 323-324)
[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-41-66412497)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 303)
[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-42-66412497)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg pg 604)
[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-43-66412497)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks 614-619)
[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-44-66412497)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 633-638)
[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-45-66412497)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 643-645)
[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-46-66412497)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 650- 658)
[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/constructing-peace-in-a-pre-colonial#footnote-anchor-47-66412497)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 324)
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Published Time: 2022-08-07T12:20:24+00:00
Creating an African writing system: the Vai script of Liberia (1833-present)
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Creating an African writing system: the Vai script of Liberia (1833-present)
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### “There are three books in this world—the European book, the Arabic book, and the Vai book”
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A small West-African town located a short distance from the coast of Liberia, was the site of one of the most intriguing episodes of Africa's literary history. Inspired by a dream, a group of Vai speakers had invented a unique script and spread it across their community so fast that it attracted the attention many inquisitive visitors from around the world, and has since continued to be the subject of studies about the invention of writing systems.
The Vai script is one of the oldest indigenous west African writing systems and arguably the most successful. Despite the script's relative marginalization by the Liberian state (in favour of the roman script), and the Vai's adherence to Islam (which uses the Arabic script), the Vai script has not only retained its importance among the approximately 200,000 Vai speakers who are more literate in Vai than Arabic and English, but the script has also retained its relevance within modern systems of education.
This article traces the history of the Vai script from its creation in 1833, exploring the political and cultural context in which the script was invented and propagated in 19th century Liberia.
_**Map showing the present territory of the Vai people and the town of Jondu where the Vai script was invented**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!W9u2!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4493a168-72b7-4975-a3fc-34eeeb3c3e6c_852x532.png)
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**The Vai in the political history of Liberia: trade, warfare and colonialism.**
From the 14th-17th century, various groups of Mande-speakers who included the vai arrived and settled in the coastal hinterlands of what later came to be Liberia, as a part of a southward extension of trading networks that reached from the west African interior. Over the the 18th and 19th century, the Vai and their neighbors had established various forms of state-level societies often called confederacies in external sources.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-1-67448547)
These states had primarily agro-pastoral economies, their populations were partially Islamized, and were also engaged in long distance trade with the interior states and the coastal settlements; exchanging commodities such as salt, kola, ivory, slaves, iron, palm oil and cotton. The salt trade in particular, had served as an impetus for the Vai’s gradual migration southwards.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-2-67448547)
In the early 19th century, the Vai and other African groups near what would later become the city of Monrovia, underwent a period of political upheaval as the area became the target of foreign settlers comprised mostly of freed-slaves from the U.S. The establishment of a colony at Monrovia, was response to the growing abolitionist movement in the U.S, that was exploited by the “American Colonization Society” company, which undertook a largely unpopular resettlement program by moving a very small fraction of freed slaves to Liberia.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-3-67448547)
Beginning in 1822, a tiny colony —which eventually numbered just over 3,000 people by 1847— was established at Monrovia and other coastal cities by the society using a combination force, barter and diplomacy to subsume and displace the autochthonous populations. Mortality for the settlers was as high as 50%, and by first decade of the 1900s, more than 80% of the coastal population was made up of acculturated Africans.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-4-67448547)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!8GFd!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffa607d2e-f987-4d3b-b6be-eb9acb59fa78_749x705.png)
_**Map of the Liberian colony in the late 19th century, most of the (unshaded) hinterland including the Vai territory to the west was only nominally with the colony’s influence before the 20th century.**_
* * *
**The cultural environment of Cape mount county, Liberia: home of the Vai script’s inventor.**
While there was a significant degree of "mutual acculturation" between the freed slaves and the African groups due to trade, intermarriage and cultural exchanges, as observed by one writer in 1880, that "_**along the Liberian coast the towns of the colonists and the natives are intermingled, and are often quite near to each other**_."[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-5-67448547), the relationship between the two groups was also marked by ideological competition and warfare.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-6-67448547) This was especially evident as the Liberian colony expanded into cape mount county of the Vai in the 1850s, ostensibly to mediate the interstate wars between the Vai and neighboring groups [7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-7-67448547)
It's within this context that a Vai man named Duwalu Bukele Momulu Kpolo, and his associates invented a script for the Vai language. Bukele originally lived in the town of Jondu where he created and taught the script, before he moved to the town of Bandakoro, both towns were located in the modern Garwula District of Cape-mount county, Liberia[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-8-67448547).
Bukele wasn’t literate in any script prior to the invention of Vai, and most accounts recorded by internal and external writers mention that he was barely able to speak English and wasn't familiar with writing it[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-9-67448547). While the Americo-Liberian settlers had established Christian mission schools at the coast, neither Bukele nor his associates were Christian. Although Bukele later became Muslim around 1842 [10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-10-67448547) (Momulu is Vai for Muhammad), This conversion occurred nearly a decade after the script's invention in 1832/1833.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-11-67448547)
* * *
**The origin myth of the Vai script: Visions of people from afar.**
An early account about the script’s invention approximately one year after its creation was recorded by a Christian missionary in march 1834; "_**An old man dreamed that he must immediately begin to make characters for his language, that his people might write letters as they did at Monrovia. He communicated his dream and plan to some others, and they began the work**_."[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-12-67448547)
In March 1849, another missionary named Sigismund Koelle met the script's inventor Bukele and his cousin Kali Bara, from whom he recorded a lengthy account of the script's invention. In a story recorded by Koelle by the inventor Bukele, the latter recounts a dream in which a "_**poro**_" man (poro = '_people from afar_' in Vai which includes both Americo-Liberians and Europeans) showed him the script in the form of a book, with instructions for those who used the script to abstain from eating certain animals and plants, and not to touch the “book” when they are ritually unclean. Kali Bara on the other hand recounts a slightly different tradition, writing in his Vai book, he mentions that the script was invented after 6 Vai men (including himself and Bukele) had challenged themselves to write letters as good as the intelligent "_**poro**_".[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-13-67448547)
Later recollections recorded in 1911 about the scripts’ invention provide a slightly different version; that Bukele received the Vai “book” from a Spirit, and was instructed to tell Vai teachers that their only tuition should be palm wine, that would be ritually spilled before studies.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-14-67448547)
Interpreting the exact circumstances of the script's invention as related in these accounts has been a subject of considerable debate. While the majority of the world's writing systems didn’t spontaneously materialize, a given society’s exposure to a writing system is by itself not a sufficient impetus for inventing a script. The vai had been familiar with the Arabic script used by their west African peers and immediate neighbors since the 10th century, and had been in contact with the European coastal traders with their Latin script, since the 16th century. However, the Vai writing system is a syllabary script (like the Japanese kana and Cherokee scripts) that is wholly unlike the consonantal Arabic script nor the alphabetic Latin script.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-15-67448547)
Some scholars have explored the possible relationship between Vai and the contemporaneous Cherokee script as well as the identity of the “**poro”** man in tradition. Their show that there’s scant evidence that the most likely “poro” candidates; John Revey (an Americo-Liberian missionary active in the region in 1827) and Austin Curtis (a mixed native-American coastal trader), provided any stimulus for the invention of the script. The purported connection that these two men had with Bukele isn’t recorded in any contemporary account; its absent in Kali Bara’s lengthy Vai book, and it isn’t mentioned by John and Curtis themselves (despite both leaving records), nor is the connection made by any missionary of which more than a dozen wrote about the script[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-16-67448547). The scholars therefore conclude that any link between Cherokee and Vai scripts "_**remains conjectural because the evidence is only circumstantial, with no conclusive direct link between the two scripts**_" and the “_**We have no doubt that Doalu Bukele was the "proper inventor" of the Vai script**_”.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-17-67448547)
* * *
**The role of the Vai king Goturu: Legitimating an invention**
According to the account narrated by Bukele, he and his associates took their invention to the Vai king Goturu, and the latter he was impressed with it, declaring that the "_**this**_ (Vai script) _**was most likely the book, of which the Mandingos**_ (his Muslim neighbors) _**say, that it is with God in heaven, and will one day be sent down upon Earth**_", and that it "_**would soon raise his people (**_ the Vai _**) upon a level with the Poros and Mandingos**_"[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-18-67448547)
Goturu later composed a manuscript in Vai containing descriptions of his wars, as well as moral apothegms with Islamic themes[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-19-67448547), he also played an important role in the script’s early adoption by greatly encouraging the construction of schools to teach the Vai script[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-20-67448547).
This leaves little doubt that the vision origin-myth of the Vai script, with its recognizable Islamic themes — from Muhammad’s divine revelation of the Koran, to the _wudu_ purification ritual before touching it—, as well as the "_**poro**_" figure, were post-facto creations by the script's inventors and their king, to legitimate their innovation through divine revelation, as well as to enhance the prestige and political autonomy of king Goturu's state especially in relation to their “_**poro**_” neighbours.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-21-67448547)
As in many cultures around the world, visionary rituals are part of the spiritual repertoire of West African tradition and belief systems, they lend "divine" authority to an invention and legitimate it, while enabling the inventors of the new tradition to deny its original authorship by attributing it to otherworldly beings, as a way of persuading potential adopters to accept it.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-22-67448547)
* * *
**Preexisting “archaic” writing systems and ideological competition in 19th century Liberia**
Prior to the invention of the Vai script, there were preexisting graphic systems of “archaic”/proto writing used by the Vai and their neighbors, that was expressed in interpersonal communication, war, and divination rituals.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-23-67448547)This preexisting corpus of logograms was drawn upon by Bukele for the creation of Vai characters, and is included in early accounts about the script which referred to these Vai logograms as “hieroglyphs” (discussed below), but they were gradually discarded as the Vai syllabary was standardized and acquired its fully phonetic character. [24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-24-67448547)
There is evidence that the degree of intellectual ferment in Vai territory at the time that the script was invented —stimulated by coastal and interior contacts (Americo-Liberian colonists with the Latin script, and Muslim teachers with the Arabic script)[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-25-67448547)— is in line with most of the accounts about the invention of the script and pride that the Vai people have of it.
A teacher of Vai in 1911 wrote about the script that “_**the Vais believe was taught them by the great Spirit whose favourites they are**_”[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-26-67448547) ; and a researcher in the 1970s was told that; "_**There are three books in this world—the European book, the Arabic book, and the Vai book; God gave us, the Vai people, the Vai book because we have sense.**_"[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-27-67448547)
Both of these statements echo the competitive ideological and intellectual milieu of 19th century Liberia that was remarked upon by external writers, and reveal the circumstances which compelled the Vai script's creators to demonstrate their sophistication and assert their political autonomy in relation to their literate neighbors; the ‘_**poro**_’ colonists and the Muslim scholars, to show them that the Vai were “book-people”[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-28-67448547) as well. (Bukele's other name; ‘Kpolo’, means book in Vai[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-29-67448547))
Bukele’s vision origin-myth also created an association between the Vai education with religious experience, and was strikingly similar to the kind of Muslim (and Christian) religious education which the Vai were familiar with from their neighbours. The vision’s inclusion of a “divinely” received book, the dietary taboos, and instructions against sacrilege/desecration of the Vai “book”, would have resonated among both Muslims and Christians in 19th century Liberia.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-30-67448547) While the traditions of ritually spilling palm wine before teaching the script were rooted in the Vai’s indigenous belief systems[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-31-67448547).
* * *
**The Vai writing system: the standardized and pre-standardized characters.**
The Vai script is a syllabary script (ie: a writing system whose characters represent syllables), that contains 211 signs according to the standardized version completed in 1899 and 1962. The characters represent all possible combination of consonants and vowels in the Vai language, as well as seven individual oral vowels, two independent nasals [ã, ɛ̃], and the syllabic nasal [ŋ].[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-32-67448547)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!EXKv!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fddae70c0-9655-4def-a4ee-195297e317dc_357x721.png)
_**Chart of the standard Vai syllabary**_
Before its standardization, the Vai script also contained approximately 21 logograms (ie; characters that represent complete words) , derived from an prexisting “pictorial code” used by the Vai to spell whole words and to represent discrete syllables[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-33-67448547)(hence; Logo-Syllabograms).
Between the 1840s and 1960s, these symbols, which were recorded in various accounts of atleast 15 different writers, had mostly been discarded in the process of standardizing the script. As one writer observed in 1933, the Vai script was by then "_**a purely phonetic syllabic script**_” even though "_**signs are occasionally found in Vai manuscripts which embody not a phonetic sound-sequence but a definite concept**_”.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-34-67448547)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!e-Vb!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8463be3b-30a6-40e5-8a6d-f121673c84bc_1109x352.png)
_**Chart showing the Vai logo-syllabograms documented by different writers.**_
* * *
**Teaching the script: Vai education systems from 1833 to the present day**
The teaching of the Vai script was conducted in purpose-built schools constructed by Bukelele and his associates in the town of Jondu by the year 1834. "_**They erected a large house in Dshondu (**_ Jondu _**), provided it with benches and wooden tablets, instead of slates, for the scholars, and then kept a regular day-school ; in which not only boys and girls, but also men, and even some women learnt to write and read their own language. So they went on prosperously for about eighteenth months, and even people from other towns came to Dshondu, to make themselves acquainted with this "new book**_".[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-35-67448547) Vai characters were written on paper, cloth, walls, furniture and other mediums primarily using dyes made from local plants.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-36-67448547)
While Koelle’s account doesn't include exactly what was taught in the Vai schools, it's very likely that elementary education in the Vai script during the early 19th century was primarily acquired by letter writing and correspondence. Bukele and his associates had been impressed with the ability of their literate neighbors (especially the “_**poro**_”) to communicate over long distances[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-37-67448547), and according to Kali Bara's account, the Vai script came about after they had challenged themselves to write letters to each other like the _**poro**_. Early missionary accounts that were recorded less than a year after the Vai script's invention also mention that the Vai "_**write letters and books**_"[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-38-67448547).
In modern times, the elementary teaching of the Vai script primarily involves letter writing especially for trade and interpersonal communication, with classes taking place about 5 days a week over a few months, this time period being enough for a student to acquire a functional level of literacy. Depending on the occupation of the teacher and their student, other forms of teaching include record keeping (especially in long-distance trade and crafts like carpentry and construction), as well as in documenting history and composing religious literature.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-39-67448547)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!jLgT!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F27dbff72-9adb-435c-9bbe-580eec3498aa_574x711.png)
_**19th century Vai manuscript written by a student named Zoni Freeman to his teacher Dr. Imaa (**Ms. U778 American Missionary Association Archives**). The subject matter of the writing, which includes rhetorical questions that begin with "what is …" and "who is…" suggests it was written in a learning context.**_[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-40-67448547)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!E9ja!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F926f4ce8-9eaa-4b07-90cc-c04e4bc6d196_538x601.png)
_**a carpenters plan, taken from a sketch made in the 1970s, the rooms are labeled using Vai script (eg “sleeping room” in the bottom figure), while the measurements use arabic numerals**_[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-41-67448547)
* * *
**Vai Manuscripts:**
One of the oldest documents written in the Vai script is "Book of Ndole," composed by Bukele's cousin, Kali Bara before 1849. Its an autobiographical account of his life, and also contains lengthy accounts of national and international events in the Cape mount region that are of historiographical nature (several copies were printed in the 1850s and one is currently at the Houghton Library of Harvard University).[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-42-67448547)
However, most written works of Vai are private compositions (such as the personal diary included below) and there are thus few works in the Vai script available publically that are reproduced in significant quantity, save for translations of religious stories and texts, as well as other forms of wall inscriptions and the occasional government posters.[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-43-67448547)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!-NB_!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Faed07b5c-2fce-4368-896c-659f32742b7c_1080x637.png)
_**Vai manuscript collected in 1849, currently at the British Museum: MS 17817A, B**_[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-44-67448547)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!zNf2!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F30155a6a-ddbb-49a4-98e7-1e24dd2255d2_1312x632.png)
_**Personal diary of Boima Kiakpomgbo, its earliest entry is dated 1913, its written in the vai script inside a blank accounts book**_[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-45-67448547)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!quIy!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff81e8d56-52dc-42eb-885c-7bb8e81f7df8_1239x580.png)
_**Ceremonial horn with Vai inscriptions, early 20th century Liberia, private collection**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Hhgi!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9bd888c0-89f7-4de3-8a0e-b6ed680159de_1184x508.png)
_**A tombstone and a government poster written in Vai script**_
* * *
**The Vai education system: between the Muslim interior and Christian coast.**
Aspects of Vai teaching in the 19th century could’ve been borrowed from the established Islamic education system of west Africa. The Liberian hinterland, like much of west Africa, was well integrated into the extensive scholarly networks, particularly of old Jakhanke diaspora. Local scholars based in towns such as Musadu, Vonsua, Bopolu, and Bakedu (all in western Liberia) provided much of the elementary education, and students moved for higher learning at Musadu as well as further north to Jenne and Timbuktu (in Mali), as well as to Timbo and Kankan (in Guinea). One scholar from Musadu in the 19th century was Ibrahima Kabawee who'd visited all the above mentioned towns.[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-46-67448547)
Atleast 25% of the Vai that Sigismund Koelle met in the 1849 were Muslims[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-47-67448547), a figure has since risen to 90%,[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-48-67448547) and while Bukele only converted to the religion at a later date, and even had a personal teacher (Malam) who engaged in a fierce religious debate with Koelle[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-49-67448547), he and his peers would have been familiar with the Islamic education beforehand. As one external writer noted in 1827 that "every village" in the Cape Mount district had its Islamic teacher, with children being taught to read in Arabic script, and another writer noted in 1834 that "_**the zeal which the (**_ Islamic _**) teachers manifest in extending it, and the diligence with which it is studied, exhibit a most encouraging aptitude for learning**_".[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-50-67448547)
While an Americo-Liberian missionary named John Revey had succeeded in establishing a short-lived Christian school in the cape mount region in 1827 that lasted about a year, and a few Vai men would had travelled to Monrovia and Freetown (in Sierra Leone) and exposed to similar church-schools, there was no Vai in the cape-mount interior who had been converted to Christianity by the 1840s, and the only known Vai student from the region briefly attended a coastal school in a rather opportunistic fashion[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-51-67448547). The Christian form of education is therefore unlikely to have influenced Vai education during the early 19th century.
* * *
**The Spread of Vai literacy: Formal and informal channels of learning**
The early success of Bukele's schools was in part due to the support of a prestigious patron. In Bukele’s account, the inventors approached the Vai King Goturu with a gift of 100 parcels of salt each about 3-4ft long in order for him to support for their initiative (Bukele was part of an important trading family[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-52-67448547)). The king then requested Bukele and his associates to teach the Vai script in Jondu "_**and to make known his will, that all his subjects should be instructed by them**_".[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-53-67448547)
But after about 18 months (around 1835), Jondu was sacked in a war with a neighboring state, and the students and their teachers moved to other regions. Jondu was resettled shortly after to become the modern town, but the Vai teachers resumed their activities in 1844 at a nearby town of Bandakolo. And by 1849 "_**all grown-up people of the male sex are more or less able to read and to write, and that in all other Vei towns there are at least some men who can likewise spell their "country-book.**_"[54](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-54-67448547)
While the area around Bandakolo was again affected by war, the region’s intermittent conflicts are unlikely to have significantly affected the spread of Vai literacy, which continued to be attested in the late 19th and early 20th century and was increasingly propagated through less institutionalized methods[55](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-55-67448547). A remarkable example was a Vai ruler of a small state near the coast in 1911, who was unfamiliar with English, but could read and comment on Homer’s Iliad translated in the Vai script.[56](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-56-67448547)
A study in the early 1970s in the Cape Mount County found that among the literate Vai men, 58% were literate in Vai script and other scripts, compared to 50% in Arabic script and 27% in the English.[57](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-57-67448547) Making Vai the most successful indigenous script in West Africa.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!yoWY!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff806900e-c99b-400c-87f3-598a05e77e37_657x382.png)
_**A rubber plate used to print the Vai syllabary (image flipped to the side)**_
* * *
**Conclusion: the Vai writing system in Liberian history.**
The Vai script was the product of the exigencies of political and ideological competition in early 19th century Liberia, as well as the inventiveness of Bukele and his associates, who drew inspiration from known writing systems and the preexisting pictorial culture to develop their own unique script. Once established, the Vai writing system met practical record keeping and communication needs but also allowed its users to to circumscribe alternative politico-religious formations in opposition to the discourses of Liberian colonial administrations.
The Vai script served ideological values in traditional activities, functional values in long-distance trade, and political values in maintaining the Vai’s autonomy in a region at the nexus of foreign colonization and local resistance. The Vai insisted on acquiring literacy in their own script, and accomplished this despite the volatile political landscape of 19th century Liberia, enabling them to attain the highest rate of literacy of any indigenous West-African script.
* * *
**NSIBIDI is West-Africa’s oldest indigenous writing system, read about its history on our Patreon**
[PATREON](https://www.patreon.com/posts/69082971)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!xV_Q!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd84e149a-de20-43e0-89da-86d8faf9265d_949x653.png)
* * *
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-1-67448547)
The Mane, the Decline of Malnd Mandinka Expansion towards the South Windward Coast by AW Massing pg 45, 43-44
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-2-67448547)
African-American Exploration in West Africa by James Fairhead pg 306-331)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-3-67448547)
Liberia and the Atlantic World in the Nineteenth Century by W.E Allen pg 21-22, 31)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-4-67448547)
African-American Exploration in West Africa by James Fairhead pg 13-14)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-5-67448547)
Liberia and the Atlantic World in the Nineteenth Century by W.E Allen pg pg 31)
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-6-67448547)
African-American Exploration in West Africa by James Fairhead pg pg 285-286)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-7-67448547)
African Resistance in Liberia: The Vai and the Gola-Bandi by Monday B. Abasiattai, pg 48
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-8-67448547)
Cherokee and West Africa: Examining the Origins of the Vai Script by Konrad Tuchscherer 441-442)
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-9-67448547)
Cherokee and West Africa: Examining the Origins of the Vai Script by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 448)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-10-67448547)
Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by by Sigismund Koelle pg 23, 26)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-11-67448547)
Cherokee and West Africa: Examining the Origins of the Vai Script by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 438
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-12-67448547)
Cherokee and West Africa: Examining the Origins of the Vai Script by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 438)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-13-67448547)
Cherokee and West Africa: Examining the Origins of the Vai Script by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 444-445,449)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-14-67448547)
The Vai people and their syllabic writing by Massaquoi pg 465
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-15-67448547)
The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 32, Cherokee and West Africa: Examining the Origins of the Vai Script by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 458)
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-16-67448547)
only a single anonymous source makes a claim —25 years after the script’s invention— that it was Revey who inspired it and taught Bukele, but this was a mere supposition as Revey didn’t teach Bukele, neither did he mention anywhere in his accounts about introducing a new script, a project that was infact tried by one of his peers in 1835, see; Cherokee and West Africa: Examining the Origins of the Vai Script by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 474.
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-17-67448547)
Cherokee and West Africa: Examining the Origins of the Vai Script by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 483- 484, 452.
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-18-67448547)
Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by Sigismund Koelle pg 24)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-19-67448547)
Cherokee and West Africa: Examining the Origins of the Vai Script by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 449 n. 61)
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-20-67448547)
Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by Sigismund Koelle pg 24
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-21-67448547)
Dreams of scripts: Writing systems as gifts of God by Robert L. Cooper pg 223, The invention, transmission and evolution of writing: Insights from the new scripts of West Africa by Piers Kelly pg 202)
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-22-67448547)
Dreams of scripts: Writing systems as gifts of God by Robert L. Cooper pg 223, The invention, transmission and evolution of writing by Piers Kelly pg 204
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-23-67448547)
The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 266
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-24-67448547)
The invention, transmission and evolution of writing by Piers Kelly pg 204, The Vai people and their syllabic writing by Massaquoi pg 465
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-25-67448547)
The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 265
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-26-67448547)
The Vai People and Their Syllabic Writing by Momolu Massaquoi pg 459
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-27-67448547)
The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 31)
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-28-67448547)
the term 'book-people’, ‘book-person’ and ‘book-palaver’ is encountered alot in west African accounts and local languages and it generally refers to literate people; initially Muslim Africans but also Christian Europeans, see: African-American Exploration in West Africa by James Fairhead pg 316, Cherokee and West Africa by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 445, Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country by Sigismund Koelle pg 26
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-29-67448547)
Cherokee and West Africa by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 451, The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 317
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-30-67448547)
invention, transmission and evolution of writing: Insights from the new scripts of West Africa by Piers Kelly pg 193)
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-31-67448547)
Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by Sigismund Koelle pg 25
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-32-67448547)
Distribution of complexities in the Vai script by Andrij Rovenchak pg 3, The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 32)
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-33-67448547)
The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 265-266
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-34-67448547)
invention, transmission and evolution of writing: Insights from the new scripts of West Africa by Piers Kelly pg 193, The fate of logosyllabograms in the Vai script by Piers Kelly, 1834-2005
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-35-67448547)
Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by Sigismund Koelle pg 24
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-36-67448547)
The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 240
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-37-67448547)
Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by Sigismund Koelle pg 23
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-38-67448547)
Cherokee and West Africa by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 448-445)
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-39-67448547)
The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 65-66, 71-82)
[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-40-67448547)
A Study of Two 19th Century Vai Texts by T. V. Sherman, C. L. Riley
[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-41-67448547)
The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 78
[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-42-67448547)
The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 79
[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-43-67448547)
The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 78-82)
[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-44-67448547)
digitized [here](https://www.bl.uk/collection-items/documents-showing-the-vai-script) with rough translation
[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-45-67448547)
digitized on this [blog](https://catalogingafricana.wordpress.com/2016/05/01/a-vai-manuscript-from-1913/), translation; “The Diary of Boima Kiakpomgbo from Mando Town (Liberia)” by Andrij Rovenchak
[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-46-67448547)
African-American Exploration in West Africa by James Fairhead pg pg 314-318)
[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-47-67448547)
Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by Sigismund Koelle pg 25)
[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-48-67448547)
Contrastive Rhetoric: Cross-Cultural Aspects of Second Language Writing By Ulla Connor pg 103
[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-49-67448547)
Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by Sigismund Koelle pg 27)
[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-50-67448547)
Cherokee and West Africa by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 454-455)
[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-51-67448547)
Cherokee and West Africa by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 457).
[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-52-67448547)
Cherokee and West Africa by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 447
[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-53-67448547)
Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by Sigismund Koelle pg 24)
[54](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-54-67448547)
Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by Sigismund Koelle pg 24-25)
[55](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-55-67448547)
The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 267
[56](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-56-67448547)
The Vai People and Their Syllabic Writing by Momolu Massaquoi pg 462-467
[57](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/creating-an-african-writing-system#footnote-anchor-57-67448547)
The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 63-64)
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Published Time: 2022-11-27T15:01:03+00:00
Demystifying the land of Punt and locating ancient Egypt's place in African History
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Demystifying the land of Punt and locating ancient Egypt's place in African History
===================================================================================
### On early state formation in the northern Horn of Africa (2700BC-800BC)
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_**“Why have you come here in this land, which the people do not know? Did you come down on this way from the sky, or did you sail upon the waters, upon the sea of God’s Land?" (**_ The ruler of Punt welcoming an Egyptian trade expedition into his country[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-1-86964540)_**)**_
Egyptologists have been enthralled with the land Punt since the 19th century, a fascination that was partly fueled by a theory made by Flinders Petrie —the father of modern Egyptology— that Punt was the origin of the founding kings of ancient Egypt. Many scholars have proposed dozens of places as Punt’s probable location, with most arguing for its placement in areas as close to Egypt as Sudan and the Red sea region[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-2-86964540), and a few exotic theories placing it as far as Indonesia[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-3-86964540) and Uganda.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-4-86964540) A lot of the confusion comes down to the way in which ancient Egyptian descriptions and depictions of foreign lands are uncritically interpreted in modern scholarship, especially with regards to Egypt’s southern neighbors.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-5-86964540)
Recent archeological discoveries on the Egyptian red-sea coast and its relationship to the Neolithic cultures of the northern Horn of Africa, as well as a re-examination of descriptions of Punt in ancient Egyptian records, strongly suggests that the semi-legendary land of Punt constituted most —if not all— of the early states that emerged between the Eastern Sudan and northern Eritrea during the early 3rd millennium BC.
This article demystifies the “land of Punt by exploring its history within the context of North-East Africa’s political history during the 2nd millennium BC.
_**North-East africa during the 2nd millennium BC showing; Middle Kingdom Egypt, the Kerma kingdom, and the location of the early states that constituted the land of Punt**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!q3az!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7d45d84a-5f78-43f8-a7cd-9e1cac3d9991_455x571.png)
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**Travelling to the land Punt: contested trade routes between Egypt and the kingdom of Kerma**
During the mid-2nd millennium BC, changes in the geo-political landscape of north-east Africa altered the dynamic nature of over-land and maritime exchange between Middle Kingdom Egypt (c. 2055–1650BC) and its southern neighbors. The emergence of the Kingdom of Kerma (ie ancient Kush) in the region of upper Nubia (northern Sudan) as a formidable competitor, altered the organization of overland trading routes which funneled valued commodities into the Nile valley civilizations from central Sudan and the Sudan-Eritea lowlands. This change prompted the Middle kingdom kings to expand their maritime trade in the red-sea in order to bypass Kerma. [6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-6-86964540)
The land of Punt first appears in ancient Egyptian texts during the reign of King Sahura (r 2487–2475BC, 5th dynasty, Old kingdom era), on a document called "The Palermo Stone" which records the king receiving goods from Punt that included myrrh and electrum.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-7-86964540) Records about the expeditions of the Old kingdom kings; Djedkara (r. 2414–2375BC) and Pepy II (r. 2278– 2247BC) into Upper Nubia (around the time of Kerma's emergence), also mention them receiving a "pygmy" among other “ gifts of the mining-region of Punt”. From the 25th century BC to the 11th century BC, ancient Egyptian trading expeditions acquired goods from Punt indirectly and later directly, that included; electrum, gold, panther skins, ebony, throw-sticks, ivory, myrrh, eye paint, apes and baboons. The importance of Punt’s luxuries in ancient Egyptian royal iconography and religion was such that it was also considered part of “god’s land”; a generalized location south and east of Egypt that also contained the lands of Irem and Amau [8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-8-86964540)
According to descriptions of Old Kingdom and Middle Kingdom trading expeditions to its southern neighbors, the land of Punt could be reached via an inland route via Upper Nubia as well as by a sea route, but by the time of Mentuhotep III around 1996BC, trading expeditions were no longer sent through Upper Nubia despite Egypt's expansion into lower Nubia. Possibly reflecting the formidable power of imperial Kerma, which at its height in the mid-2nd millennium Bc, would lead a major invasion deep into Egypt with a coalition of forces that included soldiers from Punt and many of Egypt's southern neighbors.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-9-86964540)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!kOcH!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F80eb8762-8b74-4306-a190-f2ae97f42e11_874x596.png)
_**Stela of King Amenemhat III found at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis that include description of two expeditions to Punt and Bia-Punt under the brothers; Nebsu and Amenhotep.**_[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-10-86964540)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!svX6!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdcdf9daa-5666-4203-906c-d4619af50cc7_829x618.png)
_**Men from Punt Carrying Gifts, Tomb of Rekhmire, ca. 1479–1420 B.C, met museum.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!S9G3!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0fd27f6e-1332-4adf-b236-880da623d405_746x1136.png)
_**Probable locations of Punt (and Irem) based on their proximity to Kerma, and their direction from Middle kingdom Egypt's red-sea port of Saww**_[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-11-86964540)
* * *
**Maritime trade to Punt: the Egyptian red sea port of Saww (Mersa Gawasis)**
The ancient red-sea port of Saww was established around the late 3rd millennium BC, and by the reign of Senusret i (ca. 1956–1911 BC), and Amenemhat ii (ca. 1911–1877 BC) had become the main port from which expeditions to punt were sent. The discovery of 28 inscribed stelae at the site of Mersa/Wadi Gawasis on the Red Sea coast in Egypt, that contained records of these expeditions to Punt, as well as; several man-made caves containing cargo boxes inscribed with the labels “wonderful things of Punt”; and well-preserved ship timbers and sailing equipment --all of which were securely dated to the first half of the 2nd millennium BC-- left no doubt that Mersa was the ancient port of Saww. The enormous outlay of effort and manpower needed to build ships on the Nile, dismantle them, and rebuild them on the red sea just to obtain Punt's goods attests to their high value, and the formidable threat that Kerma's control of the southern trade routes presented to Egypt.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-12-86964540)
Most of the inscribed stela record the organization of the expeditions but include little information about the land of Punt, save for mentioning items Egypt exported to Punt including perfumed oils, cosmetics, personal ornaments and weapons.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-13-86964540) We therefore turn to the archeological evidence recovered from Mersa to determine the origin of the items from Punt. Besides the Egyptian ceramics, the assemblage at Mersa includes some ceramic fragments from various Neolithic cultures of the Eastern Sudan-Eritrea region including the Pan-grave culture (c.2000–1500 bc) from the Eastern Desert in Sudan, as well as the Gash group (c.2700–1800 bc) and the Jebel Mokram Group (c.1800–800 bc) cultures straddling the Sudan-Eritrea lowlands. The majority of non-Egyptian ceramics at Mersa however, were from classic Kerma and C-group in upper and lower Nubia, reflecting the political dominance of Kerma during the early 2nd millennium BC.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-14-86964540)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!j0Gt!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd9333c09-d0ff-4275-b5f3-94a033226334_1045x683.png)
_**Middle kingdom materials from Mersa**_. On the left half; _**Cargo boxes in situ, coiled ropes for ship riggings**_[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-15-86964540), on the right half; _**Inscription on cargo box 21; “…of wonderful things of Punt, the royal scribe Djedy” with a cartouche of king Amenemhat IV**_.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-16-86964540)
* * *
**Finding Egyptian materials in Punt: The Neolithic cultures of Eastern Sudan/Northern Eritrea.**
According to Egyptian textual and iconographic sources, Punt was the southernmost region included in the commercial network of the Pharaonic state, and was regarded as a distinct country from the other southern regions within the Egyptian sphere of political and economic influence. In the New Kingdom era, Punt encompassed several districts, suggesting that its land included different regions broadly stretching along the Red Sea coast and the African hinterland.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-17-86964540)
Using the textural references about the land of Punt given in Middle kingdom texts provides its approximate geographic location within the northern Horn of Africa region and possibly south-western Arabia. This region is where all the products that the Egyptians considered typical of Punt, such as aromatic resins (myrrh and frankincense), ebony, ivory, baboons and gold, could be actually obtained.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-18-86964540) Although the variety of these goods need not be limited to those available only from the country itself if the Puntites also acted as middlemen for goods from elsewhere.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-19-86964540) Isotopic analysis of Baboon mummies from Punt that were preserved in ancient Egyptian tombs conclusively placed the location of Punt in the northern horn of Africa[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-20-86964540).
Beginning in the mid-3rd millennium BC, the lowlands of eastern Sudan and northern Eritrea were occupied by semi-sedentary pastoral groups that are identified in the archaeological record with the Gash Group (ca. 2700–1800 BC) and Jebel Mokram Group (ca. 1800 – 800 BC).[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-21-86964540) The Gash group shows all indicators of an emerging centralized state, with nucleated settlements such as its capital at Mahal Teglinos; elaborate elite burials surmounted by tall funerary steale; administrative devices including clay-seals ; monumental architecture including large mudbrick structures, and long distance trade with the red-sea coast and Nile valley.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-22-86964540) Jebel Mokram also appears to have been an incipient state with a large nucleated settlement at Jebel Abu Gamal, and possessed similar but less elaborated features as the Gash group, as well as ceramics produced in the nile valley.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-23-86964540)
Several ancient Egyptian ceramics from the 11th-12th dynasty (early Middle Kingdom)[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-24-86964540) and a stela from the Middle Kingdom have been recovered from the assemblages of the Gash group capital of Mahal teglinos in all sequences from (c.2300-1800 bc). The presence of cowrie shells (Cyprea moneta) from the Red Sea, and two armlets made of Lambis shells, that were made in the Sinai region suggests that herders from the Gash delta frequented the Red sea coast, possibly the bay of Aqiq.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-25-86964540) After the collapse of the Gash group culture and the emergence of the Jebel Mokram group, Egyptian ceramics, faience objects and kohl sticks appear in the assemblage from many of its sites in the 2nd millennium BC, particularly important is the Egyptian pottery at the sites, that was made during the 18th dynasty (ie; New kingdom Egypt), reflecting the political changes in the Nile valley during this time.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-26-86964540)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Y7Si!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff966a470-9147-465b-882e-881624c4d323_773x473.png)
_**Stele field of Mahal Teglinos, Gash Group, Kassala, Eastern Sudan.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!RbfC!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8b4a9946-9d00-4184-9b8b-aeff101177ba_958x582.png)
(a)_**Faience bead necklace from a Gash Group tomb,**_ (b) _**Egyptian wheel-thrown pottery from Mahal Teglinos**_ (d) _**Bronze kohl stick**_, (e) _**bangles from Mahal Teglinos obtained from shells of Lambis truncata**_[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-27-86964540)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!27RM!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F76dce652-e20e-4aa1-99b6-1fdaddbc0b18_1341x571.png)
_**Map showing the location of the various Neolithic cultures in Eastern sudan-Northern eritrea including; Butana Group (c. 3800–3000 BC), Gash Group (c. 2700–1500 BC) and Jebel Mokram Group (c. 1500–800 BC), and Hagiz group (1st millennium BC)**_[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-28-86964540)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!C7tJ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F686aa935-695d-492f-982c-2c60c0c89e7e_722x541.png)
_**Houses or Stores in Punt, Mortuary Temple of Hatshepsut, Deir el-Bahari**_
* * *
**New Kingdom Egypt ‘s expeditions to “God’s Land”**
Following a long series of wars with Kerma, the restored kingdom of Egypt (called the New kingdom) managed to subdue its southern foe; the kingdom of Kerma, and re-establish trade with Punt, beginning in the reign of 18th dynasty Queen Hatshepsut (1473-1458 BC.). The political impact of the re-establishment of trade with Punt after a long hiatus was closely tied to the unusual circumstance of her ascent and became an important legitimating device, leading the queen to “monumentalize” this event, as one of the political milestones of her reign through a decorative programmed at her funerary temple of Deir el-Bahri in Thebes, initiating a tradition that would continue until the 20th dynasty.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-29-86964540) For much of the New kingdom era, Egyptian expeditions to Punt were depicted in various Pharaonic temples and tombs, showing the people, dwellings, fauna and flora of Punt's countryside. The importance of Punt's aromatic products in Egyptian cosmology; in which they were considered as signs of favour of the gods towards the Pharaoh[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-30-86964540), also explains Punt's elevated position in New kingdom Egyptian iconography[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-31-86964540) and how it acquired a specific divine character as _**bi3w Pwnt,**_ translating to “marvelous”/”wonderous” Punt.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-32-86964540)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!nabi!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb0f0c780-8aec-4abc-a56f-7539feadc5d5_1163x544.png)
_**King and Queen of Punt leading a procession of men bearing gifs,**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!IkvG!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1a6fd29a-b94b-413d-83a8-eb7e7ea13c5a_700x395.jpeg)
_**Procession of Puntities led by their King and Queen, shown meeting an Egyptian trading party (on the right), Mortuary Temple of Hatshepsut, Deir el-Bahari.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!vVwd!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fef77298a-fc80-4812-bcee-47007772d9b3_789x539.png)
_**Men from Punt Transporting incense trees, Mortuary Temple of Hatshepsut, Deir el-Bahari**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!m7Oj!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F051c31f0-689e-4f7e-95f5-4d96a1e94eb4_800x450.png)
_**Relief scene from Tomb-143 in Thebes, Depicting a trading encounter between a New Kingdom Egyptian trading expedition led by Thutmose II’s chief treasurer named Min (on the left) with traders from Punt (on the right) who arrived on rafts. This exchange most likely at a river-port rather than at a sea-port.**_[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-33-86964540)
In contrast to the Middle Kingdom dependency on maritime trade routes, the New kingdom's control of trade routes in Upper Nubia enabled it to conduct over-land trade as well, which possibly terminated on the banks of the Nile at a riverport near Kurgus on the 4th cataract, where traders from Punt met those from Egypt. (although the latter occasionally travelled directly to Punt)[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-34-86964540) This switch from maritime to overland routes is reflected in the archeological record of the Gash group and Jebel Mokram sites, whereby the former often contained Egyptian objects that weren't common in upper Nubia, but the Jebel Mokram Group assemblages included not just Egyptian objects common in Upper Nubia, but also objects made in Nubia itself.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-35-86964540) Additionally, the contrast between the titles used to describe the ruler of Punt in the Middle kingdom texts, where they were called hekaw (ruler), versus in the New kingdom texts, where they are called werew (chieftain), may be also be inferred archeologically when comparing the more hierarchical/centralized nature of the Gash group compared to the Jebel Mokram group.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-36-86964540)
The last expedition to Punt was sent by king Ramses III 1198-1167BC, one of the last strong rulers before the collapse of New kingdom Egypt, An inscription tells of galleys and barges returning from Punt, "laden with the products of God's land"[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-37-86964540). The Neolithic culture of Jebel Mokram outlasted New kingdom Egypt's decline, continuing to flourish in the early-mid 1st millennium BC around the time when the centralized state of D'Mt emerged to its south, becoming the new regional power and anteceding the rise of Aksum.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-38-86964540)
* * *
**Conclusion: What Punt says about Ancient Egypt’s place in african History**
The growing evidence for the emergence of social complexity in the northern horn of Africa in the 3rd millennium BC, reveals a much deeper connection of the region in the broad network of commercial and political relationships of North East Africa; supporting the longstanding hypothesis that the region of Eastern Sudan and northern Eritrea is identified with the Land of Punt or at least —a part of it.
The essentialist nature in which ancient Egyptian descriptions and depictions of Punt are commonly interpreted reflects a general trend in Egyptology which often shows a blind spot in understanding Egypt's relationship with its neighbors. In particular, the continued reliance of 19th century racial theories in interpreting 4,000 year old artwork of foreign groups in ancient Egypt (such as the now-discredited "Dynastic race theory" in which Punt was supposedly the origin of Egypt's dynasties[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-39-86964540)) obscures a more critical interpretation of ancient Egyptians' own complex forms of self-depiction (eg the depiction of New kingdom Queen Ahmose Nefertari as "black"[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-40-86964540))
The people of Punt were depicted in the same reddish brown color the ancient Egyptians' used to depict themselves, not because Egyptian artists wanted to show that the Puntites shared the same "race" (a clearly anachronistic concept), nor was it even a realistic portrait of the country and its people,[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-41-86964540)Instead, just like the depictions of reddish-brown foreigners Aegeans from Greece, the Puntite foreigners' proximity to the Egyptian self-depiction was determined by Punt's role in legitimation of Pharaonic power and the importance of Punt's products in ancient Egyptian cosmology.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-42-86964540)
Looking beyond the aura of mystery surrounding the "God's land" of ancient Egyptian lore, enables us to demystify the history Punt, and opens a new window into our understanding of early state development in the northern Horn of africa, and locating Egypt's place in African History.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!sHqo!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5c8d5b19-4043-4ede-a16f-50076a5f25a1_672x480.jpeg)
_**Sailing to punt**_
* * *
The **“Ancient Egyptian Race controversy”** is most divisive topic in modern Egyptology, in this article, i explore **ancient Egypt’s definition of “ethnicity”** and their relationship with the kingdoms and people of Nubia;
[WERE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS BLACK?](https://www.patreon.com/posts/75102957?pr=true)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Nuej!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb0b1328e-06cb-41d5-b64c-7d808cea4821_680x403.png)
* * *
Read about the **Kingdom of Kerma**, the powerful southern neighbour of Egypt
[THE ANCIENT STATE OF KERMA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/59674298)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!cxp6!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F51fbfd24-cca7-438d-98d8-f76196930e60_996x540.png)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-1-86964540)
Urkunden der 18. Dynastie by Kurt Sethe pg 323
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-2-86964540)
see overview of 54 different locations of Punt in; _Punt: die Suche nach dem 'Gottesland'_ by Francis Breyer
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-3-86964540)
Land of Punt by Dhani Irwanto)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-4-86964540)
The Road to Punt by F.D.P. Wicker
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-5-86964540)
for an overview of Egypt’s relationship with Nubia, see Wretched Kush by Stuart Tyson Smith, and Ethnic Identities in the Land of the Pharaohs Uroš Matić
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-6-86964540)
Seafaring Expeditions to Punt in the Middle Kingdom by Kathryn A. Bard and Rodolfo Fattovich Pg 1-6)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-7-86964540)
Hatshepsut and the Politics of Punt by Pearce Paul Creasman pg 3)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-8-86964540)
Punt and Aksum: Egypt and the Horn of Africa by Jacke Phillips pg 430, Seafaring Expeditions to Punt in the Middle Kingdom by Kathryn A. Bard and Rodolfo Fattovich pg 6
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-9-86964540)
Between Two Worlds: The Frontier Region Between Ancient Nubia and Egypt by László Török pg 56, 84, 109)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-10-86964540)
Seafaring Expeditions to Punt in the Middle Kingdom by Kathryn A. Bard and Rodolfo Fattovich pg 64-65
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-11-86964540)
Punt and Aksum: Egypt and the Horn of Africa by Jacke Phillips pg 424
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-12-86964540)
Seafaring Expeditions to Punt in the Middle Kingdom by Kathryn A. Bard and Rodolfo Fattovich pg 21, 25-27, 31-32)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-13-86964540)
Back to Mahal Teglinos: New Pharaonic Evidence from Eastern Sudan Andrea Manzo pg 15
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-14-86964540)
Seafaring Expeditions to Punt in the Middle Kingdom by Kathryn A. Bard and Rodolfo Fattovich pg 105-6, 169-171, 176-177)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-15-86964540)
Seafaring Expeditions to Punt in the Middle Kingdom by Kathryn A. Bard and Rodolfo Fattovich pg 97, 49
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-16-86964540)
Seafaring Expeditions to Punt in the Middle Kingdom by Kathryn A. Bard and Rodolfo Fattovich pg 75-76
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-17-86964540)
Seafaring Expeditions to Punt in the Middle Kingdom by Kathryn A. Bard and Rodolfo Fattovich pg 157)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-18-86964540)
The So-Called "Mine of Punt" and Its Location by Stanley Balanda pg 36-38
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-19-86964540)
Punt and Aksum: Egypt and the Horn of Africa by Jacke Phillips pg 438, Bi3w Pwnt in the archaeological record by A. Manzo pg 91
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-20-86964540)
Mummified baboons reveal the far reach of early Egyptian mariners by Nathaniel J Dominy
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-21-86964540)
The Development of Ancient States in the Northern Horn of Africa by Rodolfo Fattovich pg 154-156
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-22-86964540)
Tokens, Pottery Discs, and Other Administrative Devices: Studies between Nubia and Ethiopia by Andrea Manzo pg 55-54
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-23-86964540)
The Archaeomalacological Remains by Alfredo Carannante pg 56-65, Italian Archaeological Expedition to the Eastern Sudan Report of the 2011 Field Season
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-24-86964540)
Egyptian ceramics from Eastern Sudan by A. Manzo pg 183-186
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-25-86964540)
The Archaeomalacological Remains by Alfredo Carannante pg 96-97, The Archaeology of Punt by Rodolfo Fattovich pg 207-208)
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-26-86964540)
Back to Mahal Teglinos: New Pharaonic Evidence from Eastern Sudan Andrea Manzo pg 6-8
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-27-86964540)
images from; Back to Mahal Teglinos by Andrea Manzo and The Archaeomalacological Remains by Alfredo Carannante
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-28-86964540)
maps from; The Archaeomalacological Remains by Alfredo Carannante pg 43-46
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-29-86964540)
Hatshepsut and the Politics of Punt by Pearce Paul Creasman pg 4-5, From Tenochtitlán to Punt by Gianluca Miniaci pg 179-180
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-30-86964540)
Punt in Egyptian myth and trade by Rosanna Pirelli 385-387
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-31-86964540)
Ethnic Identities in the Land of the Pharaohs by Uroš Matić pg 13-14)
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-32-86964540)
Bi3w Pwnt in the archaeological record by A. Manzo pg 88-89
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-33-86964540)
Kpn-boats, Punt Trade, and a Lost Emporium by Louise Bradbury pg 40
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-34-86964540)
Kpn-boats, Punt Trade, and a Lost Emporium by Louise Bradbury pg 55-58, Punt and Aksum: Egypt and the Horn of Africa by Jacke Phillips pg 433)
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-35-86964540)
Back to Mahal Teglinos: New Pharaonic Evidence from Eastern Sudan Andrea Manzo pg 12
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-36-86964540)
Harbor of the Pharaohs to the Land of Punt by Kathryn A. Bard, Rodolfo Fattovich pg 18
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-37-86964540)
The Ethiopian borderlands by Richard Pankhurst pg 13-15)
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-38-86964540)
The Italian Archaeological Expedition 2010 - 2011 by A. Manzo pg 319
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-39-86964540)
The making of Egypt by Flinders Petrie pg 77
[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-40-86964540)
Ahmose Nefertari, the Woman in Black by Graciela Gestoso Singer
[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-41-86964540)
Punt in Egyptian myth and trade by Rosanna Pirelli pg 386)
[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of#footnote-anchor-42-86964540)
Ethnic Identities in the Land of the Pharaohs by Uroš Matić pg 13-14
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[Dec 5, 2022](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of/comment/10924182 "Dec 5, 2022, 5:47 AM")
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Punt is definitely one of more mysterious or obscure civilizations and histories thanks for the info you always have a good unbiased viewpoint and come with facts.
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[Nov 30, 2022](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-ancient-land-of/comment/10824379 "Nov 30, 2022, 8:16 PM")
Thank you for the great summary of Punt's historiography!
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Published Time: 2025-05-25T14:24:13+00:00
Demystifying the stone ruins of pre-colonial Africa
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Demystifying the stone ruins of pre-colonial Africa
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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The architectural heritage of pre-colonial Africa includes numerous stone monuments and cities whose construction and function are sufficiently documented in the historical record.
The sandstone temples, palaces, and fortifications of [ancient Kush](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-ancient-city-of-meroe-the-capital) and [medieval Nubia](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/christian-nubia-muslim-egypt-and?utm_source=publication-search) appear in multiple internal and external accounts of the region. So too do the [stone palaces and churches of Aksum](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-aksum-an?utm_source=publication-search) and [medieval Ethiopia](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-complete-history-of-gondar-africas?utm_source=publication-search), as well as the mosques and city walls of the [sultanates of the northern Horn of Africa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-muslim-kingdom-in-the-ethiopian?utm_source=publication-search) and southern Somalia.
In East Africa, local chronicles and external descriptions of [the Swahili coast](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-political-history-of-the-swahili?utm_source=publication-search), [Comoros](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-grande-comore-ngazidja?utm_source=publication-search), [Mozambique](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-medieval-coastal?utm_source=publication-search), and [northern Madagascar](https://www.patreon.com/posts/african-of-stone-77497948) often mention the presence of coral-stone houses, palaces, and mosques that characterized the region's urban architecture. In West Africa, local chronicles and later external accounts describe the drystone towns of [medieval Ghana](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-building-in-ancient-west-africa) and [Gao](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-the-old-city?utm_source=publication-search), as well as the stone-walled cities and forts from Mali to northern Nigeria.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!i2Mt!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7192c54f-52ab-4cef-bb87-5e2d600f8d14_630x596.png)
**Distribution of African stone ruins and cities, map by Author.**
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!oIya!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F34d97f72-2c25-4825-94d2-7ea12778803b_988x614.png)
_**The temple complex of Musawwarat es Sufra in Sudan.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!hdoU!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd08165c1-f8df-466f-bf00-e22c28b68311_903x725.png)
_**The Dungur palace at Aksum, Ethiopia.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!wBsV!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7bcb9059-2221-479b-8bb2-ac3bf04f655c_800x516.jpeg)
_**Houses at Songo Mnara, Tanzania.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!q_ik!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F82397fee-f3ce-4fef-bfe1-59ec914a912b_1280x878.jpeg)
_**Ruins of**_[Wadan, Mauritania.](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan)
In other parts of the continent, descriptions of stone settlements come exclusively from external accounts and are often fragmentary.
The [Zimbabwe tradition of stone ruins](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/stone-palaces-in-the-mountains-great?utm_source=publication-search), which covers an area about the size of France and extends into [eastern Botswana](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-forgotten-ruins-of-botswana-stone?utm_source=publication-search) and [South Africa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a?utm_source=publication-search), was first described in a few Portuguese accounts from the 16th century before the ruins were “re-discovered” on the eve of colonialism.
The subsequent debate about the builders of the ruins lent them an enigmatic quality, that came to typify Africa's pre-historic stone structures.
Similar collections of African stone ruins for which there are few historical records of their construction include the ruins of [South Africa's high Veld](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/stone-towns-on-the-highveld-of-south?utm_source=publication-search) and the neighboring [Bokoni ruins](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian?utm_source=publication-search), the west African Neolithic sites of Tichitt, [the medieval walled towns of Loropeni](https://www.patreon.com/posts/119309609?pr=true&forSale=true) on the Ghana/Burkina Faso border, [the DGB sites of Cameroon](https://www.patreon.com/posts/stone-ruins-of-109389947), and the stone ruins of western Kenya.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Zp5K!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8b8fb5fa-0a35-4eda-840b-90d2d1492d33_1600x1067.jpeg)
_**Valley ruins, Great Zimbabwe.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!wU5_!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc6672bcf-1bd7-4270-b8e9-446cb2c6a850_814x579.png)
_**[Loropeni ruins, Burkina Faso.](https://www.patreon.com/posts/119309609?pr=true&forSale=true)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!-eki!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7f8b1859-3d47-43e7-8ae7-1218a115d176_820x540.jpeg)
_**[DGB ruins, Cameroon.](https://www.patreon.com/posts/stone-ruins-of-109389947)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Jlpv!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7b4fc67a-92cf-4d0b-a7c8-979efb4151e9_2048x1360.jpeg)
_**[Thimlich Ohinga, Kenya.](https://www.patreon.com/posts/stone-ruins-of-129762885)**_
The historical enigma of these African stone ruins has since been solved by combining archaeological research with oral traditions. Studies of the material remains found at these sites have allowed researchers to reconstruct their history by establishing the chronology of the sites’ construction, uncovering the social practices of their occupants, and even identifying the builders of the ruins.
Most of these ruins have thus become the subject of intense scholarly interest and are considered central to the historiography of their respective regions. However, a few of these sites, such as the stone ruins of western Kenya, have not been sufficiently researched despite their historical significance in the emergence of complex societies in the African Great Lakes region.
Archaeological surveys in the southwestern region of Kenya uncovered more than 138 stone-walled ruins containing 521 structures, the largest of which is the UNESCO world heritage site of Thimlich Ohinga whose walls stand at a height of over 4meters.
The earliest recorded accounts of the region bordering the northeastern shores of Lake Victoria describe a land dotted with numerous walled settlements, often compared to forts, with towns and villages surrounded by deep moats and high walls. An estimated 500 forts were built in this region during the pre-colonial period, and some of the forts later became the site of intense battles with colonial forces when they were besieged and destroyed in 1895.
**The stone ruins of Thimlich Ohinga and the forts of western Kenya are the subject of my latest Patreon article.**
**Please subscribe to read more about it here:**
[THE STONE RUINS & FORTS OF WESTERN KENYA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/stone-ruins-of-129762885)
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[May 25, 2025](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/demystifying-the-stone-ruins-of-pre/comment/120102763 "May 25, 2025, 6:20 PM")
Im really curious about the many other stone ruins in Africa that are shown on the map. Also what do those orange dots mean? They are not named. Is there somewhere were I can see a full list of names of the ruins?
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https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/early-civilizations-of-ancient-africa
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Published Time: 2024-09-29T16:36:35+00:00
Early civilizations of ancient Africa and the pre-Aksumite civilization of the northern Horn.
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Early civilizations of ancient Africa and the pre-Aksumite civilization of the northern Horn.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Sep 29, 2024
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In the closing decades of the 20th century, archaeologists working to uncover the foundations of urbanism and complex societies in West Africa discovered a vast cluster of stone ruins in southern Mauritania.
Among these ruins was an urban settlement more than 80 ha large, with an elite necropolis at its centre surrounded by over 540 stone-walled compounds and hundreds of funerary tumuli. The intricate layout of the settlement of Dakhlet el Atrouss I, its monumental tombs, and its estimated population of about 10,000 indicate that it was the capital of the [Dhar Tichitt neolithic culture](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/state-building-in-ancient-west-africa) during its 'classic phase' between 1600BC-1000BC, and is arguably West Africa’s first town.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!GwSr!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3f90f51a-9189-4cda-899f-1fa54f4434a7_709x469.jpeg)
_**funerary monument at the center of Dakhlet el Atrouss 1, 2nd millennium BC.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!tiFy!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0e194512-e929-47ff-8478-63f9fef7ccef_768x512.jpeg)
_**the Akreijit Regional Center in the Dhar Tichitt ruins, 2nd millennium BC.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!SQiO!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F487a7714-aa5a-4092-8627-63a012258f8f_910x512.jpeg)
_**Ruins of Wadan north of Tichitt, one of the [south-western Saharan towns](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-south-western-saharan) established by the Azer in the early 2nd millennium CE.**_
Studies of African civilizations outside the Nile valley often start in the centuries after the common era, creating a false impression that social complexity in Africa only began during the Middle Ages. However, archeological investigations into the foundations of many of these medieval African societies have shown that they represent a culmination of centuries of cultural developments that extend back to antiquity.
The Lake Chad basin, for example, has been at the center of many of Africa's largest pre-colonial states since the Middle Ages including the empire of Kanem-Bornu, and [the Kotoko city-states](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-political-history-of-the-kotoko), which established large cities and towns protected by an extensive system of walls and ditches several meters tall and deep.
While the construction of these walled towns was initially thought to have been influenced by exogenous factors, [the discovery of over a dozen ancient walled towns along the western shores of Lake Chad](https://www.patreon.com/posts/between-carthage-94409122) dating back to the early 1st millennium BC has shown that this form of urbanism was an autochthonous invention.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!5T6Q!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F853062de-c169-44ce-8292-193964e20664_622x637.png)
_**Magnetogram showing the outlines of some sub-surface features as well as the location of an old ditch segment at Zilum, Nigeria, 1st millennium BC.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!WCX0!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff34c83dd-308d-4946-8a61-d1ff2a39d61c_820x489.jpeg)
_**Aerial photo of Gulfey, a fortified Kotoko town near Lake Chad established in the mid-2nd millennium CE.**_
Another example is the celebrated art traditions of [Igbo-Ukwu](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/an-enigmatic-west-african-art-tradition), Ife, Benin, and other societies in southwestern Nigeria, which are known to have begun in the 9th century of the common era, seemingly without precedent.
However, studies of [the Nok neolithic culture (ca. 1500-1BC)](https://www.patreon.com/posts/91819837), whose sculptural artworks featured similar motifs, carving styles, and expressions of belief systems, reveal the existence of an ancient precursor that links many of the region's art traditions, albeit indirectly.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!HEz3!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F451266ce-7c57-43d9-b89f-62ef2ad22796_1067x412.png)
_**Equestrian Nok terracotta figure, 1st millennium BC**_, private collection. _**Equestrian Igbo-Ukwu figure on a bronze hilt, 9th century CE**_, NCMM, _**Equestrian Ife figure on a copper-alloy scepter, 12th-13th century CE**_, Musée Barbier-Mueller. _**Equestrian copper-alloy figure from Benin city, 16th-17th century CE**_, British Museum.
Ancient Africa therefore contained several complex societies whose cultural developments laid the foundations for the emergence of the better-known kingdoms of empires during the Middle Ages.
This gradual development is best exemplified in the northern Horn of Africa.
Centuries before the Aksumite empire became one of _**"the four great kingdoms of the world"**_, several complex societies emerged in the region between modern Eritrea and Ethiopia's Tigray state. Referred to as the **'Pre-Aksumite'**or **'Ona culture'**sites, these settlements of agro-pastoral communities constructed monumental stone temples and palaces, established towns, and cultivated links with south-Arabia and the Nubian Nile valley.
**The history of the Pre-Aksumite civilization is the subject of my latest Patreon article, please subscribe to read about it here;**
[THE PRE-AKSUMITE CIVILIZATION](https://www.patreon.com/posts/pre-aksumite-of-112946798?utm_medium=clipboard_copy&utm_source=copyLink&utm_campaign=postshare_creator&utm_content=join_link)
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* * *
_**pre-Aksumite temple at Yeha, Ethiopia.**_
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[The city states of the Yoruba: a history of pre-colonial West African urbanism (1000-1900 CE)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-city-states-of-the-yoruba-a-history)
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Published Time: 2025-07-20T13:59:14+00:00
Early industrialization and modernization in 19th century Africa
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Early industrialization and modernization in 19th century Africa
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Jul 20, 2025
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During their first encounter at the end of the Middle Ages, the political and social structures of European and African kingdoms were broadly similar, and as I explored in [this critique of Acemoglu in Kongo](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/acemoglu-in-kongo-a-critique-of-why), African economies could not be significantly influenced by the actions of European merchants.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/early-industrialization-and-modernization#footnote-1-168729094)
Militarily, the Portuguese empire, which suffered stunning defeats [along the western coast of the Mali empire](https://www.patreon.com/posts/when-mali-empire-76281818) and in [South Africa against the Khoi-San](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-brief-note-on-the-ancient-herders), briefly managed to carve out a large colonial empire over parts of Angola, [Zimbabwe, Mozambique](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-mutapa-and-the-portuguese) and the [East African coast](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-portuguese-and-the-swahili-from) during the early 1600s, before losing most of it to resurgent African rulers like [King Changamire](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-the-rozvi-kingdom-1680) and [Queen Njinga](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese).
But by the 19th century, the industrial and political revolutions conferred significant advantages to a handful of states in western Europe that would become more evident as the century wore on, even though powerful African kingdoms like Asante could maintain [their military advantage over invading European armies](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/africas-100-years-war-at-the-dawn).
Throughout the 19th century, [African envoys and travelers, who had been visiting Western Europe since the 1600s](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-general-history-of-african-explorers), began sending back reports on these rapid changes and recognized the need to modernize quickly if they were to retain their autonomy.
In the kingdom of Imerina (Madagascar), for example, [King Radma I (r. 1810-1828) undertook an ambitious program of modernisation](https://www.patreon.com/posts/87234164). Schools in the capital adopted a British and French-style syllabus, with some students being sent abroad for instruction in engineering, military training, and factory textile production. Foreign industrialists set up factories that were jointly owned by the state, which specialised in the production of textiles, refined sugar, military equipment and ammunition, glassware, and construction material.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!byFf!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2e15be98-6216-424c-84fa-2c620565f7c9_820x526.png)
_**19th century Factory building Mantasoa, Madagascar**_, ca. 1900, imagesdefense.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!V7wA!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F23ea3ded-29fe-4603-b53f-05091e5d5061_820x620.jpeg)
_**Mantasoa glass oven, ca. 1914,**_ imagesdefense. _Both structures were part of the industrial complex at Mantasoa, comprising five factories, which were jointly owned by the Merina state and the entrepreneur Jean Laborde._
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!7yxa!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F69af7943-6115-449f-b0a4-35b016b7fc0b_967x650.png)
_**Mantasoa industrial complex in the early 19th century.**_ Illustration by G. Campbell
Similar programmes of modernisation were undertaken to a greater extent by the Pashas of Egypt, especially Muhammad Ali (r. 1805-48), and to a lesser extent in Ethiopia during the reign of Tewodros II (r. 1855-68) and in the Zanzibar sultanate during the reign of Barghash (r. 1870-88).
In these societies, the transfer of modern technology was attempted through the direct recruitment of foreign personnel (Tewodros went as far as to forcefully detain them), and supplemented by sending students abroad to quickly replace foreign with indigenous expertise.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/early-industrialization-and-modernization#footnote-2-168729094)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!v7mT!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F35d5bb53-5660-4462-b8fa-7b5c824f9f91_1235x899.jpeg)
_**Zanzibar seafront, ca. 1890, showing the clock tower, the Sultan’s palace (center), a public water cistern in the shape of a ship’s hull, streetlights, and old cannons.**_
In kingdoms like Asante, where contacts with the industrialized West were relatively less direct, the modernization process was undertaken by envoys and students who were educated in the West and later appointed to local administration. The most notable of these were Owusu Ansa and his son John Ansa.
Owusu Ansa, who was born in Asante’s capital, Kumasi, in 1823, was educated in England from 1836-1841, and served a succession of Asante kings. He later became a senior advisor to King Mensa Bonsu (r. 1874-83), whom he influenced to reform the kingdom’s civil service, modernise its military, and recruit European entrepreneurs with the intention of constructing factories in Asante. However, their ambitious plans were cut short by Mensa Bonsu's overthrow in 1883 and Owusu’s death in 1884.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/early-industrialization-and-modernization#footnote-3-168729094)
His son, John Ansa, was born in Kumasi in 1851 and educated in the British Cape Coast Castle before later becoming an advisor to King Agyeman Prempeh (r. 1888-96) as an official envoy to the British colony of the Gold Coast.
Continuing his father's plan to develop Asante's economy through the participation of European capital, he influenced Prempeh’s decision to set up a company with Dr. J. W. Herivel in 1892, which would finance and manage the construction of railroads and the development of industry in Asante.
However, Dr. Herivel’s plans to apply for a charter in London were blocked by the colonial authorities of the Gold Coast in 1893, who **“viewed the project with considerable alarm, and deemed it expedient to deter Herivel from pressing forward with a scheme which might greatly have strengthened the Asante economy.”**[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/early-industrialization-and-modernization#footnote-4-168729094)
Not to be outdone by the increasingly hostile Gold Coast governor, John Ansa travelled to London in late 1895, and begun the process of forming a chartered company with an even broader range of responsibilities than Herivel’s: _**“for the purposes of railway construction and other public works, to employ skilled and other labour, to build manufactories, lay out townships, construct waterworks, and waterways … to establish schools for elementary, technical, and scientific education, to publish newspapers, to aid in the organisation of the military forces of the Kingdom, and to assist the King in his Government…”**_ This would have won Asante diplomatic recognition from the crown and allowed the kingdom to retain its autonomy while modernising its economy.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/early-industrialization-and-modernization#footnote-5-168729094)
But the Gold Coast authorities, who were already opposed to Asante’s resurgence under Prempeh and feared that the king would seek French protection to counteract the British, invaded the kingdom in January 1896 and deposed Prempeh.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!OeIa!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb16c37ff-ff97-4b55-92a7-5c2e78aef5c5_768x512.jpeg)
_**Owusu Ansa in 1872**_, Basel Mission archives
In the case of Asante and similar kingdoms along Africa’s Atlantic coast, the modernisation effort was attempted by Africans who, despite their Western training and acculturation, advocated strongly for the continued independence of their homelands.
Their limited success, just like their peers in Egypt, Imerina, Ethiopia, and Zanzibar, can be attributed to a combination of European interference (ie, the colonial invasion itself), labour constraints, persistently high cost of capital, as well as internal resistance from traditionalists, whose motivations were equally complex.
In other regions, such as Central Africa, these western-educated Africans were instead shut out of local administration and were thus very critical of both the Portuguese colonial authorities in Luanda and African kingdoms like Kongo for their slow adoption of modernization.
As one visitor to the region in 1856 remarked:
_**“At that time, certain utopian ideas of independence were brewing in Luanda, with which some exalted sons of the country sought to free the motherland, as they called it, from Portuguese rule. There was talk of a republic, of an option for Brazilian nationality, and there were even those who considered making a gift from their beloved homeland to the Republic of the United States of America.”**_
Another traveller who visited the kingdom of Kongo in the same year met a ‘black gentleman’ who, despite elevating himself above his peers because of his western education in Luanda, was a _**“furious patriot.”**_ The gentleman _**“railed against the Portuguese, who had ruined Kongo, against the whites who pushed their way into foreign lands, and declared that Africa would not improve until the last Portuguese had been thrown out.”**_
The most remarkable among the early modernisers of central Africa was Prince Nicolau (1830-1860), who was educated in Lisbon and later returned to Kongo, where he became the most vocal critic of the Portuguese colonialists in Luanda and of their ally, the Kongo king Pedro V (r. 1859-91), for signing a treaty of vassalage to the former.
**Nicolau, who has been championed as one of Africa’s earliest nationalists in contrast to King Pedro, whom he derided as a dupe, represents the competing visions of modernisers and traditionalists which characterised the political debates of 19th-century Africa at the dawn of colonialism.**
**The competing ideologies of these 19th-century personalities in Kongo and their significance in the colonization of Africa, are the subject of my latest Patreon article.**
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[TRADITION VS MODERNITY IN KONGO ca. 1859](https://www.patreon.com/posts/134494876)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/early-industrialization-and-modernization#footnote-anchor-1-168729094)
_On early European-African contacts during the age of mutual discovery, see_: Europeans and Africans: Mutual Discoveries and First Encounters by Michał Tymowski. Africa's Discovery of Europe: 1450-1850 by David Northrup. _On comparisons between an African and European kingdom in the 15th century, see the examples in the article cited and:_ Early Kongo-Portuguese Relations: A New Interpretation by John Thornton
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/early-industrialization-and-modernization#footnote-anchor-2-168729094)
_For a good summary of early industrialization in Egypt, Imerina, and Ethiopia, see_; Chapt. 10 of ‘Africa and the Indian Ocean World from Early Times to Circa 1900’ by Gwyn Campbell. _**on Ethiopia, see**_; “Tewodros as an Innovator” by R. Pahnkhurst, in, Kasa and Kasa: Papers on the Lives, Times and Images of Téwodros II and Yohannes IV (1855-1889), edited by Taddese Beyene, Richard Pankhurst, Shiferaw Bekele. _**on Egypt, see**_; Egypt in the Reign of Muhammad Ali by Afaf Lutfi Sayyid-Marsot. _**on Zanzibar, see**_; Chapt. 4 of ‘Domesticating the World: African Consumerism and the Genealogies of Globalization’ by Jeremy Prestholdt
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/early-industrialization-and-modernization#footnote-anchor-3-168729094)
Prince Owusu-Ansa of Asante, 1823-1884 by K Owusu-Mensa, pg 23-44, Asante in the Nineteenth Century: The Structure and Evolution of a Political Order by Ivor Wilks, pg 596-631,
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/early-industrialization-and-modernization#footnote-anchor-4-168729094)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century: The Structure and Evolution of a Political Order by Ivor Wilks, pg 632-636
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/early-industrialization-and-modernization#footnote-anchor-5-168729094)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century: The Structure and Evolution of a Political Order by Ivor Wilks, pg 651-652
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Published Time: 2022-05-15T16:22:56+00:00
Economic growth and cultural syncretism in 19th century East Africa: Trade and Swahili acculturation on the African mainland
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Economic growth and cultural syncretism in 19th century East Africa: Trade and Swahili acculturation on the African mainland
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### On bi-directional exchanges between the east african mainland and coast
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Much writing about 19th-century East Africa historiography has been distorted by the legacy of post-enlightenment thought and colonial literature, both of which condemned Africa to the periphery of universal history. Descriptions of East-African societies were framed within a contradictory juxtaposition of abolitionist and imperialist concepts that depicted Africa (and east Africa in particular), as a land of despotic Kings ruling over hapless subjects, and whose slaves were laden with ivory and sold to brutal Arabs at the coast. Trade and cultural exchanges between the coast and the mainland were claimed to be unidirectional and exploitative for the latter, and given the era’s “climate of imperialism”, European conquest became in this guise an enlightened campaign for civilization on behalf of an African mainland subjugated by a rapacious Orient; sentiments that were best expressed in the east-African travel account of the American “explorer” Henry Morton Stanley's "_**Through the dark continent**_"[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-1-55035816)
While most of the erroneous literature contained in such travelogues and later colonial history has been discarded by professional historians, some of the old themes about the economic dynamics of the ivory trade, the forms of labor used in east African societies, the nature of cultural syncretism and the form of political control exerted by the Oman sultanate of Zanzibar over the Swahili cities and the coast have been retained, much to the detriment of of any serious analysis of 19th century east African historiography.
This article provides an overview of 19th century east African economies, trade, labour and cultural syncretism, summarizing the bidirectional nature of interactions and exchanges through which east Africans integrated themselves into the global economy.
_**Map of late 19th century east Africa showing the the caravan routes in and cities mentioned below**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!yLBW!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4432bc16-7b2d-4cfb-ac6f-b8cd0acf043a_414x456.png)
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**The east African coast in the 19th century; from the classical Swahili era to the Omani era.**
Until the 19th century, the Swahili city-states were largely politically autonomous, most of them having peaked in prosperity during their classical era between the 11th and 16th century. The advent of the Portuguese in 1498, who for a century tried to impose themselves over the independent and fiercely competitive Swahili city-states, coincided with a radical shift in the fortunes of some of the cities and the collapse of others. To preserve their autonomy, the Swahili cities forged shifting alliances with various foreign powers including the Ottomans in 1542 and the Omani-Arabs in 1652, the latter of whom were instrumental in expelling the Portuguese in 1698 but who were themselves expelled by the Swahili by the 1720s. It wasn't until the ascendance of the Oman sultan Seyyid Said in 1804 that a concerted effort was made to take over the northern and central Swahili coast; with the capture of; Lamu in 1813, Pemba in 1822, Pate in 1824, and Mombasa in 1837, afterwhich, Seyyid moved his capital from Muscat (in Oman) to Zanzibar in 1840, and expelled the last Kilwa sultan in 1843. The newly established Zanzibar sultanate, doesn't appear to have desired formal political control beyond the coast and islands and doubtless possessed neither the means nor the resources to achieve a true colonization of the coastal cities, let alone of the mainland.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-2-55035816)
A common feature of coastal economic history during the Sultanate era was the dramatic expansion in trade and coastal agriculture, but with the exception for clove cultivation, most of the elements (such as Ivory trade and extensive plantation agriculture), and indeed the beginnings of this growth were already present and operating in the 18th century Swahili cities, especially at Lamu, Mombasa, Kilwa, Pate. The the establishment of the Sultanate only gave further impetus to this expansion.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-3-55035816) Seyyid and his successors were “merchant princes”, who engaged in trade personally and used their profits and customs dues to advance their political interests, Their success lay in commercial reforms that benefited the cities' merchant elites, such as encouraging financiers from Gujarat (India) —who'd been active in Oman and some of the Swahili cities— to settle in Zanzibar, where their population grew from 1,000 in 1840 to 6,000 by the 1860s[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-4-55035816), Seyyid also signed treaties with major trading nations (notably the US and UK) which turned Zanzibar into an emporium of international commerce, and the cities of Lamu, Mombasa, also flourished as their older transshipment economic system expanded.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-5-55035816)
The sultanate’s rapidly evolving consumer culture evidenced the deployment of global symbols in the service of local image-making practices. Sayyed relaxed older status codes and encouraged a culture of consumption more indulgent and ostentatious than that of the classical Swahili city-states and Oman. Coast-based commercial firms, most of which were subsidiaries of Indian financial houses, began offering generous lines of credit to caravan traders and coastal planters, fueling the acquisition of imported consumer goods (such as clothing, jewelry, and household wares ) among coastal residents of all socioeconomic backgrounds, both for personal use and for trade to the African mainland[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-6-55035816).
Consumer culture became a finely calibrated means of social/identity negotiation in a changing urban environment, offering a concrete set of social references for aspiration, respect, honor, and even freedom, due to the fluctuating forms of status representation. This ushered in an era of unrestrained consumption such that the virtually all the population from the elite to the enslaved were fully engaged in the consumer culture and status-driven expression. symbols of (classical Swahili) patrician status such as umbrellas, kizibaos (embroidered waistcoat), kanzus (white gowns), expensive armory, including swords and pistols, canes and fezz-hats which 16th century observers remarked as status markers for Swahili elites[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-7-55035816), were now common among non-elite Swahili and even slaves who used them as symbols of transcending their enslaved status[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-8-55035816). the enslaved used their monthly earnings of $3-$10 to purchase such, and they consumed around 22% of all coastal cloth imports in the late 19th century, constituting roughly 10 meters per slave, (a figure higher than the mainland’s cloth import percapita of 2 meters)[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-9-55035816). Their status in Zanzibar being similar to that across the continent; "_**the difference between free and slave was defined by their social status more than by the nature of their work or even the means of payment**_"[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-10-55035816)
The acquisition of what were once status markers by the lower classes encouraged the Arab elite and Swahili elite to purchase even more ostentatious symbols of distinction including clocks, books, mirrors, porcelain, and silk cloths. This consumer culture provided a major impetus for extensive trade both into the mainland and across the ocean and even a person of relatively meager means could travel abroad, trade, or otherwise accumulate signs of distinction.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-11-55035816)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Zm-3!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0e1ffcd5-f7ed-43ae-ba39-755f02bdd42e_715x384.png)
_**Cloth exports to East Africa from the United Kingdom, United States, and Bombay, 1836–1900 (mostly to Zanzibar and related cities, but also Mozambique)**_[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-12-55035816)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Sp1T!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb733698c-9296-40d1-b865-679069d05beb_772x555.png)
_**Interior view of a mansion in Zanzibar, circa 1880s. (Rautenstrauch-Joest-Museum)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!iGxk!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb5b3decf-a203-40cf-809a-6abb427700c6_695x963.png)
_**Swahili patricians sitting in state in a richly decorated reception room in Lamu city, Kenya, 1885, ruins of a swahili house in Lamu with Zidaka (wall niches) for holding porcelain, room of a swahili patrician with porcelain display and books.**_
* * *
**Cloth, ivory and wage labourers; trade and exchanges between the coast to the mainland.**
**Cloth:**
Cloth was the primary export item into the mainland since its low weight and relatively high sale price compared to its purchase price made it the most attractive trade item over the long distance routes. For most of the 19th century, the majority of this cloth was _**merikani**_ (American), preferred for its strong weave, sturdy quality and durability as cloth currency, which were all qualities of locally-produced cloths, in whose established exchange system the merikani was integrated, and sold, alongside glass-beads and copper-wire (for making jewelry), all of which were exchanged for ivory from the mainland markets[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-13-55035816).
The vast majority of imported cloth and locally manufactured cloth stayed at the coast, due to; transport costs (from porters), natural price increase (due to its demand), and resilience of local cloth production in the mainland, all of which served to disincentivize caravan traders from dumping cloth into the mainland despite cloth supply outstripping demand at Zanzibar[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-14-55035816). The latter restriction of supply was also mostly to maintain an advantage for the coastal traders and make the trade feasible, eg in 1859, the prices of a 1 meter merikani was at $0.14 at Zanzibar, but cost $0.75 at Tabora (in central Tanzania), and upto $1.00 at Ujiji (on lake Tanganyika), conversely, 16kg of ivory could be bought at Tabora for 40 meters of merekani (worth $3.20 at Zanzibar), then sold to global buyers at Zanzibar for $52.50 (worth 660 meters at Zanzibar).[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-15-55035816)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Mr2a!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5a44f355-23b6-4f19-820d-72496a7290e4_409x380.png)
_**Cloth production in the late 19th century German east africa (Tanzania, Rwanda, Burudi), imported cotton cloths were mostly consumed in cotton-producing regions in the western regions like Ufipa as well as non-cotton producing regions in the northwest.**_
**Porters and highway tribute:**
But a significant portion of the profits were spent in the high transport costs of hauling ivory from the mainland, partly due to the heavy tributary payments levied by chiefs along the way (as large centralized states were located deep into the mainland), and the use of head porterage since draught animals couldn't survive the tse-tse fly ridden environment. The latter enterprise of porterage created some of east Africa's earliest wage laborers who were paid $5-$8 per month[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-16-55035816) or attimes 18-55 meters of cloth per month, and thus consumed upto 20% of Zanzibar's cloth imports.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-17-55035816)
Criss-crossing the various caravan trade routes and towns, these porters represented one of the most dynamic facets of the coast-mainland trade, without whom, "_**nothing would have moved**_", no trade, no travel and no "exploration" by anyone from the coast —be they Swahili, or Arab, or European— would have been undertaken[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-18-55035816). It was these relatively well-paid porters, whose floating population numbered between 20,000-100,000 a month, who carried ivory tusks to Zanzibar and cloth into the mainland markets, that European writers would often intentionally (or mistakenly) identify as slaves and greatly exaggerate the supposed “horrors” of the ivory trade which they presumed was interrelated with slave trade, wrongly surmising that these porters were sold after offloading their tusks at the coast[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-19-55035816).
These intentionally misidentified porters became the subject of western literature to justify colonial intervention, to remove the presumed African transport “inefficiencies” and exploit the mainland more efficiently, despite both 19th century European explorers, and later colonists being “forced” to rely on these same porters, and arguably expanding the enterprise even as late as the 1920s. These porters were often hired after complex negotiations between merchants and laborers at terminal cities such as Bagamoyo, and they could demand higher wages by striking forcing the caravan leaders to agree to their terms. (the explorer Henry Stanley found out that beating the porters only achieved negative results)[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-20-55035816)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!rXCI!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1e3e8348-e705-47a2-804f-6a0b207e18ac_624x447.png)
_**Porters encamped outside Bagamoyo city, with bundles of cloth stacked against coconut palms, 1895 illustration by Alexander Le Roy (Au Kilima-ndjaro pg 85)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!3obS!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F816c5a7a-6578-41ac-8d1f-d5c3e119ff80_803x558.png)
_**Ivory caravan in Bagamoyo, ca. 1889 (Historisk Arkiv, Vendsyssel Historiske Museum, Hjorring, Denmark)**_
**Ivory trade:**
It was ivory, above all commodities, that was the most lucrative export of the coastal cities and arguably the main impetus of the Mainland-coastal trade. For most of the 19th century save for the decade between 1878-1888, ivory exports alone nearly equaled all other exports of the east African coast combined; and this includes cloves (for which Zanzibar had cornered 4/5ths of the global production), gum-copal, rubber and leather[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-21-55035816). Zanzibar’s export earnings of ivory (sold to US, UK and (british) India), rose from $0.8m in 1871 to $1.9m in 1892, largely due to increasing global prices rather than increased quantity[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-22-55035816).
In the mid to late 19th century, a growing western middle class began to express a growing demand for the high quality and malleable East African ivory, as ivory-made luxury products and carved figures became one of the symbols of a high standard of living. More demand for East african ivory also came from consumers in India, where ivory-made jewelry was an important part of dowry[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-23-55035816). But the ivory demand was never sufficiently met by east african supply and global prices exploded even as imports rose. Elephant populations had been prevalent across much of the east African mainland including near the coast inpart due to low demand for ivory in local crafts industries (most mainland societies preferred copper and wood for ornamentation and art). But the 19th century demand-driven elephant hunting pushed the ivory frontier further inwards, first from Mrima coast near Zanzibar, to Ugogo and Nyamwezi in central Tanzania, then to the western shores of lake Victoria and Rwanda-Burundi, and finally to eastern Congo, and the caravans moved with the advancing frontier[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-24-55035816). As the ivory frontier moved inwards, prices of ivory in mainland markets rose and all market actors (from hunters to middlemen to porters to mainland traders to chiefs to final sellers at the coast) devised several methods to mitigate the falling profits, coastal merchants during the 1870s and 1880s began to employ bands of well-armed slaves as ivory hunters, which minimalized commodity currency expenditures and also reduced the access of independent local ivory hunters[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-25-55035816).
Its important to note that while Ivory was important to Zanzibar’s economy, its trade wasn’t a significant economic activity of the mainland states[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-26-55035816), and the cotton cloth for which it was exchanged never constituted the bulk of local textiles nor did it displace local production, even in the large cotton-producing regions like Ufipa in south-western Tanzania which was crossed by the central caravan routes.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-27-55035816)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!JgwQ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1f17b392-5937-4df5-9b01-bf99e271dda5_738x408.png)
_**Share of Ivory exports vs coast-produced exports (cloves, gum-copal, rubber, etc) from East Africa, 1848–1900.**_ _**(these are mostly figures from Zanzibar and its environs, as well as Mozambique)**_[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-28-55035816)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!zU6Z!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4aca8503-8913-473d-b6f6-e438a5ae5143_376x581.png)
_**two men holding large ivory tusks in zanzibar**_
**Brief note on slave trade in the south routes, and on the status of slavery in the central caravan route.**
While the vast majority of laborers crisscrossing the northern and central caravan routes were wage earning workers, there were a number of slaves purchased in the mainland who were either retained internally both for local exchanges with slave-importing mainland kingdoms (which enabled them freed up even more men to become porters[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-29-55035816)), or retained as ivory hunters and armed guards, and thus remained largely unconnected to the coast.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-30-55035816) There was a substantial level of slave trade along the southern routes from lake Malawi and from northern Mozambique that terminated at kilwa-kivinje (not the classical kilwa-kisiwani), which is estimated to have absorbed 4/5th of all slaves[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-31-55035816). Zanzibar’s slave trade grew in the mid-1850s, and the island’s slave plantations soon came to produce 4/5ths of the world’s cloves[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-32-55035816), and while Zanzibar was also a major exporter of Ivory, gum-copal, rubber and leather, it was only cloves that required slave labor often on Arab-owned plantations[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-33-55035816). The dynamics of slave trade in the southern region worked just like in the Atlantic, with the bulk of the supply provided by various groups from the mainland who expanded pre-existing supplies to the Portuguese and French , to now include the Omanis, and in this process, it rarely involved caravans moving into the mainland to purchase, let alone “raid” slaves.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-34-55035816)
The low level of slave trade in the central and northern routes was largely due to the unprofitability of the slave trade outside the southern routes, because the longer distances drastically increased slave mortality, as well as because of the high customs duties by the Zanzibar sultans levied on each slave that didn't come from the south-eastern route, both of which served to disincentivize any significant slave imports from the northern and central routes, explaining why the virtually all of caravans travelling into the region focused on purchasing ivory.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-35-55035816)
* * *
**Identifying the Swahili on the Mainland, and Swahili Arab relations under the Zanzibar sultanate.**
Scholars attempting to discern the identities of the coastal people in the mainland of east Africa face two main challenges; the way European writers identified them within their own racialized understanding of ethnic identities (as well as their wider political and religious agenda of; colonization, slave abolition, and Christian proselytization which necessitated moralizing), and the inconsistency of self-identification among the various Swahili classes which were often constantly evolving. The Swahili are speakers of a bantu language related to the Majikenda, Comorians and other African groups, and are thus firmly autochthonous to east-central african region[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-36-55035816).
Until the 19th century, the primary Swahili self-identification depended on the cities they lived (eg _waPate_ from Pate, _waMvita_ from Mombasa, _waUnguja_ from Zanzibar, etc), the Swahili nobility/ elites referred to themselves as _**waUngwana**_, and referred to their civilization as _**Uungwana**_, and collectively considered themselves as _**waShirazi**_ (of shirazi) denoting a mythical connection to the Persian city which they used to legitimize their Islamic identities. “_**The word uungwana embodied all connotations of exclusiveness of urban life as well as its positive expressions. It specifically referred to African coastal town culture, even to the exclusion of 'Arabness'**_“. The Swahili always "_**asserted the primacy of their language and civilization in the face of Arab pretensions time and time again**_"[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-37-55035816), as the 18th century letters from Swahili royals of Kilwa that spoke disparagingly of interloping Omani Arabs made it clear.
But this changed drastically in the 19th century as a result of the political and social categories generated by the rise of the Zanzibar Sultanate, which created new ethnic categories that redefined the self-identification among the Swahili elites and commoners vis-a-vis the newcomers (Oman Arab rulers, Indian merchants, mainland allies, porters and slaves) with varying level of stratification depending on each groups’ proximity to power. The old bantu-derived Swahili word for civilization “_**uungwana”**_ was replaced with the arab-derived _**ustaarabu**_(meaning to become Arab-like), and as the former self-identification saw its value gradually diminished beginning in the 1850s. The influx of freed and enslaved persons, who sought to advance in coastal society by taking on a "Swahili" identity, pushed the Swahili to affirm their "Shirazi" self-identification and individual city identities (waTumbatu, waHadimu, etc[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-38-55035816)). Its therefore unsurprising that the European writers were confused by this complex labyrinth of African identity building.
The Omani conquest and ensuing political upheaval resulted in tensions between some of the Swahili elites who resisted and the Arabs seeking to impose their rule, this resulted in the displacement of some Swahili waungwana and caused them to emigrate from island towns to the rural mainland, where they undertook the foundation of new settlements.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-39-55035816) In the mainland, the meaning of waungwana changed according to location, underscoring the relative nature of the identity, where in its farthermost reaches in eastern congo, everyone from the coast was called mwungwana as long as they wore the coastal clothing and were muslim. The concept of uungwana became so influential that the Swahili dialect in eastern congo is called _kingwana_.
As a group, Swahili and waungwana were influential in the mainland partly because they outnumbered the Arabs despite the latter often leading the larger caravans. The broader category of waungwana influenced mainland linguistic cultural practices more than Arabic practices did, and the swahili were more likely to intermarry and acculturate than their Arab peers. By 1884, a British missionary west of lake Tanganyika lamented the synchretism of Swahili and mainland cultures in eastern congo that; "_**it is a remarkable fact that these zanzibar men have had far more influence on the natives than we have ever had, in many little things they imitate them, they follow their customs, adopt their ideas, imitate their dress, sing their songs, I can only account for this by the fact that the wangwana live amongest them**_".[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-40-55035816)
* * *
**Identifying the Swahili on the mainland.**
Despite the seeming conflation of the Swahili and the Arabs in the interior, the reality of the relationship between either was starkly different as tensions between both groups of coastal travelers in the mainland were reflected in their contested hierarchies within the moving caravans as well as in the bifurcated settlements in their settlements on the mainland which were “self segregated”.
An example of these tensions between the swahili and arabs was displayed in the caravans of Richard Burton and Hannington Speke 1856-1859 which was beset by a dispute arguably bigger than the more famous one between the two explorers. The conflict was between Mwinyi Kidogo, a Swahili patrician who was the head of the caravans’ armed escort, and Said Bin Salim, the Omani caravan leader appointed by the Zanzibari sultan. Kidogo had extensive experience in the mainland, had forged strategic relationships with the rulers along the trade routes and came from an important coastal family, while the latter was generally inexperienced.
Throughout the journey, Salim attempted to assert his authority over Kidogo with little success as the latter also asserted his own high-born status, and proved indispensable to everyone due to his experience, being the only leader in the caravan who knew the risks and obligations faced, such as forbidding the Europeans from paying high-tolls because such a precedent would make future caravans unprofitable. Salim was eventually removed by Burton on the return trip and replaced with a man more friendly with Kidogo. The Sultan would later appoint Salim as his representative at Tabora (though he was forced out later by his Arab peers and died on the mainland), while Kidogo continued to lead other caravans into the mainland.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-41-55035816)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!qwvv!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa39539e9-fce2-4fb9-82c4-2bdf1487222d_702x852.png)
_**Salim’s house in Tabora built in the 1860s, later used by David Livingstone**_
* * *
**Opening up the coast to trade; Mainland-Coastal interface in the mid 19th century by the Nyamwezi and Majikenda.**
The Swahili city-states had for long interacted with several coastal groups before the 19th century, but from the 13th to 16th century, these exchanges were limited to the southern end of the coast through the port of Sofala in mozambique from which gold dust obtained in great Zimbabwe was brought by shona traders to the coast and transshipped to Kilwa and other cities, this trade was seized by the Portuguese in the 16th century, prompting the emergence of alternative ports (eg Angoche), the appearance of alternative commodities in Swahili exports (eg Ivory), and the appearance of other mainland exporters (eg the Yao). But it wasn't until the early 19th century that large, organized and professional groups of commodity exporters from the mainland such as the Nyamwezi and Majikenda begun funneling commodities into the coastal markets in substantial quantities in response to their burgeoning global demand.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-42-55035816)
In the central caravan routes, the Nyamwezi groups augmented older, regional trade routes of salt and iron across central Tanzania, linking them directly to the Swahili markets, and from the latter they bought consumer goods, the surplus of which they transferred to mainland markets and in so doing, pioneered routes that were later used by coastal traders[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-43-55035816). The Nyamwezi, who remained formidable trading competitors of the Arabs and the Swahili merchants on the mainland, often kept the coastal traders confined to towns such as Tabora and Ujiji, where few Nyamwezi were resident as they carried out regional trade along shorter distances.[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-44-55035816) The Nyamwezi constituted the bulk of the porters along the central caravan routes, and contrary to the polemical literature of the western writers, they weren't enslaved laborers but wage earners, nor could enslaved laborers substitute them. As the historian Stephen Rockel explains, "_**the inexperienced, demoralized, sick, and feeble captives who frequently absconded were hopelessly inefficient and could not be used by traders for a round-trip**_"[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-45-55035816).
The northern caravan routes were dominated by the Majikenda who supplied Swahili cities like Mombasa and Lamu with their own produce (ivory, gum copal, grain), But the Swahili (and later Arab) traders resident in Mombasa only occasionally went into the Majikenda hinterland especially when the ivory demand was higher than expected. besides this, the Mijikenda markets traded in relatively bulky goods-goods that were being brought to Mombasa and there was thus little reason to frequent their mainland markets before the mid 19th century.[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-46-55035816)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Z26i!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd07ecfe5-e55a-414a-a463-ad7a79cbb1da_580x470.png)
_**Wage rates for Nyamwezi porters per journey, 1850-1900**_[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-47-55035816)
It was this well-established caravan culture, which was basically Nyamwezi in origin, that provided the foundation for coastal merchants to organise their own and served as the foundation of the multidirectional cultural influences that would result into the spread of Swahili culture into the mainland.[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-48-55035816)
By the 1850s many of the basic characteristics of caravan organization and long-distance porterage were well established including the employment of large corps of professional porters. Trade routes sometimes changed-in response to conflict, refusal of mainland chiefs to allow passage, or general insecurity. In this instances, the outcome of such conflict very much depended on the diplomatic skills of caravan leaders and local chiefs because the balance of power, which-with the exception of very well-armed caravans, usually lay with the peoples of the mainland.[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-49-55035816) or as one writer put it "_**their safety, once in the interior, depended on their good relations with native chiefs**_”, and there are several examples of caravans and caravan towns which were annihilated or nearly destroyed over minor conflicts with the societies enroute especially with conflicts resulting from food and water provisions[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-50-55035816).
The latter reason explains why the caravans opted to pay the relatively expensive tributes to numerous minor chiefs along the trade route; the cumulative cost of which, later European explorers —who were unaccustomed to the practice— considered "_**an irritating system of robbery**_"[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-51-55035816). Further contrary to what is commonly averred, the guns carried by the caravan's armed party didn't offer them a significant military advantage over the mainland armies nor against warriors from smaller chiefdoms (as the Zanzibar sultan found out when his force of 1,000-3,000 riflemen was defeated by the Nyamwezi chieftain Mirambo and the Arab settlement at Tabora was nearly annihilated); and neither did fire-arms guarantee the military superiority of the mainland states which bought them from the caravans, such as Buganda and Wanga, as its covered below.
* * *
**From the coast to the mainland: Swahili costal terminals to Swahili settlements, Bagamoyo to Ujiji.**
Among the coastal terminals of the ivory trade, which extended from Lamu, Mombasa, Saadani, Panga, to Bagamoyo, it was the last that was the least politically controlled by the Zanzibar sultans but relatively one of the most prosperous.
The city of Bagamoyo was established by the Zaramo (from the mainland), in alliance with the Swahili of the shmovi clan, the latter of whom had been displaced from the classical city of Kaole that had been inadvertently destroyed by the Sultan Seyyid in 1844, in an attempt to establish a direct system of administration subordinate to Zanzibar. Bagamoyo however was only nominally under the Sultan’s control and the administration of the city was almost entirely under local authorities after the latter repeatedly asserted their autonomy, something the explorers Henry Stanley and Lovett Cameroon found out while attempting to leverage the Sultan’s authority to outfit their own caravans into the mainland from the city.[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-52-55035816)
Bagamoyo was also the city which exercised the most significant political control over its adjacent hinterland, negotiating with the Zaramo and the Nyamwezi for the supply of ivory, caravans started arriving to the city around 1800 and departing from it into the mainland by the early 19th century, it became one of the most important terminals of the trade and the preferred place of embankment for ivory caravans through the central route. [53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-53-55035816)Bagamoyo had a floating population of 12,000 ivory porters a week compared to a permanent population of 3,000, its vibrant markets, financial houses and ivory stores led to the emergence of a wealthy elite.[54](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-54-55035816)
For most of the 19th century, gum copal (from the coastal hinterland) and ivory (from the mainland) were the two main articles of trade from Bagamoyo[55](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-55-55035816). The city's ivory stock was reportedly 140,000 kg in 1888[56](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-56-55035816), compared to Mombasa's ivory exports 8,000kg (in 1887[57](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-57-55035816)) and Zanzibar's ivory exports of 174,000kg (in 1862[58](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-58-55035816) )
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!vnK2!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb3532adc-aa87-4bed-af77-c23af4383b9a_694x502.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!7noE!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe4c0027b-c8d5-4250-a203-19ab0ecca736_703x596.png)
_**Bagamoyo Street scene with stone houses, ca. 1889 (Vendsyssel Historiske Museum), coffee house in Bagamoyo with African patrons, early 1900s (german federal archives)**_
Carravan movement into the northern route of what is today modern Kenya was rather infrequent, In 1861, a coastal trader was found residing 20 miles inland at a large village beyond Kwale, this trader was identified as Nasoro, a Swahili and caravan leader.[59](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-59-55035816) It appears the northern route was still dominated by mainland traders moving to the coast rather than coastal caravans moving to the mainland, By the 1850s, coastal influences were spreading among the Segeju of the Vanga-Shimoni area (near the present-day border between Kenya and Tanzania) due to intermarriages with the Vumba Swahili of Wasini Island (south of Mombasa), and the Segeju allowed the Vumba to establish themselves on the mainland peninsula[60](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-60-55035816). These segeju latter hired themselves out as porters much like the Nyamwezi did in the central route but to a lesser extent as the nothern routes were less active.
* * *
**“Coastal” towns on the Mainland: Tabora, Ujiji and Msene**
It was at Tabora, Msene and Ujiji in the central mainland that the largest coastal settlements developed. Tabora, some 180 miles south of Lake Victoria and 200 miles east of Lake Tanganyika, was strategically located in a well-watered fertile region at the crucial junction where the central trade route split into two branches, one proceeding west to Ujiji, the other north through Msene, to the western shores of Lake Victoria in the kingdom of Karagwe, to terminate at the lakeport of Kageyi which connected to the Buganda kingdom. Ujiji, located on the eastern shores of Lake Tanganyika, was an important staging point for trade across the lake into the eastern D.R.C[61](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-61-55035816). Carravans from all of these towns primarily terminated at the coastal city of Bagamoyo
While coastal traders travelling through the old central routes had already reached the western side of Lake tanganyika by the 1820s, Tabora (Kazeh) wasn’t established until 1852 with permission from the Nyamwezi chief of Unyanyembe[62](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-62-55035816), it had by the 1860s grown into the most important of the Muslim settlements of the central mainland, Most of the coastal traders who lived in Tabora—were Arabs from Zanzibar, of Omani origins, Swahili traders settled in Msene and reportedly had a “natural aversion” to the Arabs of Tabora, this animosity was due to the social tensions that had developed along the coast (as explained above), tensions that led to the establishment of bifurcated settlements in the mainland in which Arabs and Swahilis lived separately. Msene which was located 70 miles northwest of Tabora, and became a principal trading post of the region leading into the kingdoms of Rwanda, Karagwe, Nkore and Buganda. In Msene’s markets, coastal goods (especially cloth, and glassbeads) were exchanged for mainland commodities (primarily ivory as well as grain and cattle), its vibrancy was such that "_**the temptations of the town rendered it impossible to keep a servant within doors**_"[63](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-63-55035816).
Despite the rather large population of coastal traders, there was an apparent general lack of interest among most them in spreading their religion. Few local Africans seem to have adopted Islam, and those who did generally numbered among the immediate entourage of the merchants[64](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-64-55035816). In the 1860s and 70s, the rise of Mirambo and his conflicts with the merchants of Tabora over unpaid tributes led to several wars with the coastal merchants and disruption of caravan trade, which enabled the emergence of Ujiji. The town's resident merchant colony was governed by a Swahili chief, Mwinyi Mkuu, whose brother Mwinyi Kheri had married the daughter of the king of Bujiji, After acquiring the status of a chief under the ruler of Bujiji, Mwinyi Kheri came to control most of the trade that passed through Ujiji. When Henry Stanley visited Ujiji in 1872, he described "the vigorous mingling of regional and long-distance trade taking place there." and By 1880 Ujiji was home to 8,000 inhabitants.[65](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-65-55035816) many of whom were establishing themselves in the Kingdoms of the mainland such as Karagwe and Buganda.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!CpSV!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F16435f0b-6d7a-422e-883b-b75d04c00acf_704x464.png)
_**street scene in Tabora, 1906, (German federal archives)**_
* * *
**The Great Lakes kingdoms and the east African coast: Trade and swahili cultural syncretism in the 19th century.**
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!2CoJ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Faff9d5a9-7cc1-4a32-bdd2-8c07bc375228_410x610.png)
_**Map of the Great lakes kingdoms in the late 19th century**_[66](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-66-55035816)
**Buganda and the Swahili**
The first itinerant coastal traders arrived in Buganda as early as 1844 during Kabaka (King) Suuna II's reign (r. 1832-1856), following an old trade route that connected the Nyamwezi, Karagwe and Buganda markets. In Buganda, coastal traders found a complex courtly life in which new technologies were welcomed, new ideas were vigorously debated and alliances with foreign powers were sought where they were deemed to further the strength of the kingdom. Aspects of coastal culture were thus gradually and cautiously adopted within the centralized political system of 19th century Buganda, in a way very similar to how aspects of Islamic culture were adopted in 11th century west-African kingdoms of Ghana, Gao and Kanem[67](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-67-55035816).
While the activities of various itinerant Arab traders in Buganda has been documented elsewhere, especially during Kabaka Muteesa I's reign (r. 1856-1884) , it was the Swahili traders who made up the bulk of the settled merchant population and served the Kabaka in instituting several of his reforms that sought to transform Buganda into a Muslim kingdom. The most notable swahili men active in Buganda were Choli, Kibali, Idi and Songoro, the first three of whom came to Buganda in 1867[68](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-68-55035816)in the caravan of the Arab trader Ali ibn Khamis al-Barwani, who returned to the coast after a short stay in the Kabaka’s capital but left his Swahili entourage at the request of the Kabaka. [69](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-69-55035816)
Choli in particular was the most industrious of the group, when the explorer Henry Staney met him at Kabaka Muteesa's court in 1875, he wrote "_**there was present a native of zanzibar named Tori (**_ Choli _**) whom I shortly discovered to be chief drummer, engineer and general jack-of-all trades for the Kabaka, from this clever, ingenious man I obtained the information that the Katekiro (**_ Katikkiro _**) was the prime minister or the Kabaka’s deputy, and that the titles of the other chiefs were Chambarango (**_ Kyambalango _**), Kangau, Mkwenda, Seke-bobo, Kitunzi, Sabaganzi, Kauta, Saruti**_[70](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-70-55035816)_**.**_" and he added that Choli was "_**consulted frequently upon the form of ceremony to be adopted**_" on the arrival of foreigners such as Stanley and other coastal traders.[71](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-71-55035816)
Choli also carried out gun repairing, and soon became indispensable to the Kabaka who appointed him as one of his chiefs (*omunyenya in bulemezi province) and served as one of the army commanders in several of the Kabaka's campaigns including one against Bunyoro (which was the pre-eminent kingdom in the lakes region before Buganda's ascendance in the mid 18th century) Choli was granted a large estate by the Kabaka and lived lavishly near the King’s capital[72](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-72-55035816).
Idi on the other hand was of Comorian origin, from the island of Ngazidja/grande comore ( Comorians are a coastal group whose city-states emerged alongside the Swahili's), he served as Muteesa's teacher and as a holy man, who interpreted various natural phenomena using quaranic sciences, he was appointed a commander in the Kabaka's army and was given a chiefly title as well, and he continued to serve under Muteesa's successors. Another swahili was Songoro (or Sungura) who served in Muteesa's fleet of Lake canoes at the lake port of Kageyi through which carravan goods were funneled into Buganda’s amrkets, and lastly was Muhammadi Kibali who served as the teacher of Muteesa, and from whom the Kabaka and his court learned Arabic and Swahili grammar and writing, as well as various forms of Islamic administration.[73](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-73-55035816)
It was these Swahili that Muteesa relied upon to implement several reforms in his kingdom, and by 1874 (just 7 years after al-Barwani had left) the Kabaka could converse fluently with foreign delegates at his court in Arabic and Kiswahili. Eager to further centralize his kingdom, he established Muslim schools and mosques, instituted Muslim festivals throughout the kingdom which he observed earnestly, he initiated contacts with foreign states, sending his ambassadors to the expansionist Ottoman-Egypt (whose influence had extended to southern Sudan), these envoys were fluent in Arabic corresponded with their peers in the same script, official communication across the kingdom (including royal letters) were conducted in both Kiswahili and Arabic, the former of which spread across the kingdom among most of the citizens.
The coastal merchants also sold hundreds of rifles to Muteesa in exchange for ivory, the Kabaka reportedly had 300 rifles, three cannon and lots of ammunition, "_**all obtained from zanzibari traders in exchange for ivory**_", by the 1880s, these guns were as many as 2,000, and by 1890, the figure had risen to 6,000[74](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-74-55035816). The services of Swahili such as Choli and Songoro proved especially pertinent in this regard, as Henry Stanley had observed that among Muteesa's army of 150,000 (likely an exeggretated figure) were "_**arabs and wangwana (**_ Swahili _**) guests who came with their guns to assist Mutesa**_".[75](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-75-55035816) Although the use of guns and the assiatnce of the coastal riflemen in warfare was to mixed results for Buganda’s military exploits, as a number of records of their defeat against armies armed with lances and arrows reveals the limits of fire-arms.[76](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-76-55035816)
The most visible product of the cultural syncretism between Buganda and the Swahili beginning in Muteesa’s era was in clothing styles. Buganda had for long been a regional center in the production of finely made bark-cloth that was sold across the _Lake kingdoms (Bunyoro, Nkore, Rwanda, Karagwe)_ and its influence in this textile tradition spread as far as the Nyawezi groups of central Tanzania.[77](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-77-55035816)The adoption of cotton-cloths during Muteesa’s reign complemented Buganda's textile tradition, and they were quickly adopted across the kingdom as more carravan trade greatly increased the circulation of cloth and by the 1880s, cotton was grown in Buganda[78](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-78-55035816) and cotton cloths increased such that even some bakopi (peasants) were dressed in what one writer described as "_**arab or turkish costumes**_" of white gowns with dark-blue or black coats and fez hats[79](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-79-55035816). as the Buganda elite adopted more elaborate fashions, as Henry Stanley wrote "_**I saw about a hundred chiefs who might be classed in the same scale as the men of Zanzibar and Oman, clad in as rich robes, and armed in the same fashion**_"[80](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-80-55035816).
The adoption of this form of attire was mostly because of the Kabaka's commitment to transforming Buganda into a Muslim kingdom rather than as a replacement of bark-cloth since the latter's production continued well into the 20th century, and it retained its value as the preferred medium of taxation (and thus currency) that wasn’t be fully displaced until the early colonial era[81](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-81-55035816). A similar but less pronounced cultural syncretism happened in the kingdom of Nkore which had been trading with the costal merchants since 1852 and by the 1870s was an important exchange market for the ivory and cloth trade although its rulers were less inclined to adopt Swahili customs than in Buganda.[82](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-82-55035816) The Kabaka attempted to act as a conduit for coastal traders into the kingdom of Bunyoro but the latter’s ruler was more oriented towards the northern route to the Ottoman-egyptians, nevertheless, evidence of syncretism with Swahili culture among Uganda’s main kingdoms became more pronounced by the late 19th century.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!GeqQ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5937781d-adda-49aa-83bb-0d04dfeeb08a_700x421.png)
_**original photo of “Mtesa, the Emperor of Uganda” and other chiefs taken by H.M.Stanley in 1875, they are all wearing swahili kanzus (white gowns) and some wearing fez hats**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!_8Pd!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2679a958-203f-4611-ac80-f6a5294b4d14_967x619.png)
_**On the royal square on a feast day, men wearing white kanzus and some with coats and hats (early 20th century photo- oldeastafricapostcards)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!yEnA!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F041a04bc-a80e-4833-925d-b42c07090160_940x597.jpeg)
_**Group of kings from the Uganda protectorate, standing with their prime-ministers and their chiefs. They are shown wearing kanzus, some with hats. 1912 photo (makerere university, oldeastafricapostcards)**_
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**Swahili cultural syncretism in the other lake kingdoms; Karagwe, Rusubi, Rwanda and Wanga**
**Karagwe:**
The traders at Tabora and Ujiji whose northern routes passed through the Kingdom of Karagwe attimes assisted the latter’s rulers in administration especially since Karagwe was often vulnerable to incursions from its larger neighbors; Buganda and Rwanda. In 1855, king Rumanyika rose to power in Karagwe with the decisive help of the coastal traders who intervened on his behalf in a succession struggle. Similar form of assistance was offered in Karagwe's neighbor; the Rusubi kingdom, and the Swahili established the markets of Biharamulo in Rusubi and Kafuro in Karagwe, which extended to the South of Lake Victoria at the lake port of Kageyi, from which dhows were built by the Swahili trader Songoro in the 1870s to supplement the Kabaka’s fleet[83](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-83-55035816). In 1894, King Kasusura's court in Rusubi was described as having a body-guard corps equipped with piston rifles, courtesans clad in kanzus, and the sovereign himself dressed in “Turkish” clothes and jackets.[84](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-84-55035816)
**Rwanda:**
In the kingdom of Rwanda (Nyiginya), coastal goods had been entering its markets through secondary exchange, it wasn’t until the 1850s, that a caravan with Arab and Swahili traders arrived at the court of Mwami (king) Rowgera (r. 1830-1853). coincidentally, a great drought struck the country at the time and the king’s diviners accused the caravan of having caused it and coastal merchants were barred formal access to the country, although their products still continued to flow into its markets, and two of Mwami Rwogera’s capitals became famous for their trade in glass beads, and many of the Rwanda elites drape themselves in swahili _kanzus_. The decision to close the country to coastal merchants was however largely influenced by the rise of Rumayika in Karagwe in 1855 who ascended with assistance from the coastal merchants, and the divination blaming a caravan for a drought was used as a pretext.[85](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-85-55035816)
**Wanga**
In western Kenya’s kingdom of Wanga, coastal traders established a foothold in its capital Mumias through the patronage of King Shiundi around 1857, and over the years grew their presence significantly such that Mumias became a regular trading town along the northern route. Swahili cultural syncretism with Wanga increased the enthronement of Shiundi’s successor Mumia, when explorers visited the kingdom in 1883, they found that Islam had become the religion of the royal family of Wanga, and by 1890, King Mumia was fluent in Swahili and the dress and language of the kingdom’s citizens adopted Swahili characteristics.
Just like in Buganda, the coastal traders also played a role in Wanga’s military with mixed results as well, during the later years of Shiundu's reign, the Wanga kingdom had control over many vassals the Jo-ugenya, a powerful neighbor that had over the decades defeated Wanga’s armies and forced the king to shift his capital way from Mumias to another town called Mwilala, and imposed a truce on the wanga that was favourable to them. Upon inheriting a kingdom which "_**had been dimished and considerably weakened by the Jo-Ungenya**_", Mumia enlisted the military aid of the coastal traders who, armed with a few rifles initially managed to turn back the Jo-Ugenya in several battles during the early 1880s, but as the latter changed their battle tactics, the coastal firepower couldn’t suffice and the Wanga were again forced into a truce[86](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-86-55035816). By the 1890s, small but thriving Swahili merchant communities were established within the Wanga sphere of influence at Kitui and Machakos, although these never attained the prominence of Tabora or Ujiji since the northern caravan routes were not frequented.[87](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-87-55035816)
**Eastern congo**
Coastal merchants had reached eastern congo in the early 19th century, and in 1852, a caravan of Arab and Swahili crossed the continent having embarked at Bagamoyo in 1845, and following the central route through Ujiji, eastern Congo, and Angola to the port city of Benguela[88](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-88-55035816). Ujiji served as a base for coastal traders into the eastern D.R.C following old, regional trade routes that brought ivory, copper and other commodities from the region. Despite the marked influence of the Swahili culture, few swahili merchants are mentioned among the caravan leaders and notable political figures of region’s politics in the mid-to-late 19th century.
One anonymous merchant is recorded to have travelled to the region in the 1840s, a German visitor in Kilwa was told by the governor of the city "_**of a Suahili (**_**swahili**_**) who had journeyed from Kiloa (**_ kilwa _**) to the lake Niassa (**_ Nyanza/Victoria _**), and thence to Loango on the western Coast of Africa**_" [89](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-89-55035816)no doubt a reference to the above cross-continental carravan. Few other Swahili caravans are mentioned although several Oman-Arab figures such as Tippu tip (both paternal and maternal ancestors were recently arrived Arabs but mother was half-Luba), and dozens of his kinsmen are mentioned in the region, assisted by local administration.
Tippu tipu used a vast infrastructure of kinship networks that cut across ethnic and geographical boundaries to establish a lucrative ivory trade in the region. But his image as much a product of colonial exoticism and the role his position in the early colonial era, than a real portrait of his stature, and he was in many ways considered an archetype of coastal traders in the mainland.[90](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-90-55035816) He established a short-lived state centered at Kasongo and in which swahili was used as the administrative and trade language and a number of Swahili manuscripts written in the region during the late 19th century have since been recovered.[91](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-91-55035816)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!aqGz!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F33b26553-6b48-41a2-82c4-840e889d2347_701x502.png)
_**Portrait of a coastal family in eastern congo, 1896 (Royal Museum for Central Africa)**_
* * *
**Conclusion: east africa and the global economy.**
A more accurate examination of the economic history and cultural syncretism of 19th century Africa reveals the complexity of economic and social change which transcends the simplistic paradigms within which its often framed. The slave paradigm created In the ideological currents emanating from Europe during the era of imperial expansion and abolition had worked in tandem with more older racist literature to create stereotypes of Africa as a continent of slavery, and Africans as incapable of achieving "modernization", thus providing the rationale for colonial intervention and tropes to legitimize it in colonial literature. Post-colonial historians' reliance on inadequate conceptual tools and uncritical use of primary sources led them to attimes erroneously repeat these old paradigms which thus remained dominant.
But resent research across multiple east African societies of the late 19th century, has revealed the glaring flaws in these paradigms, from the semi-autonomous Swahili societies like Bagamoyo which prospered largely outside Omani overlordship, to the enterprising initiative of the Nyamwezi wage-laborers who opened up the coast to trade with the mainland (rather than the reverse), to the cultural syncretism of Buganda and the Swahili that was dictated by the former's own systems of adaptation rather than the latter's super-imposition.
19th century East Africa ushered itself into the global economy largely on its own terms, trading commodities that were marginal to its economies but greatly benefiting from its engagement in cultural exchanges which ultimately insulated it against some of the vagaries of the colonial era's aggressive form of globalization.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!wkNX!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F284faacd-b14f-4eda-8c37-b4b0f388ea6e_877x557.png)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-1-55035816)
for critical analysis of such travelogues, see “The Dark Continent?: Images of Africa in European Narratives about the Congo” Frits Andersen and The Lost White Tribe by Michael Frederick Robinson
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-2-55035816)
Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 97-101)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-3-55035816)
Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 113)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-4-55035816)
Indian Africa: Minorities of Indian-Pakistani Origin in Eastern Africa edited by Adam, Michel pg 103
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-5-55035816)
War of Words, War of Stones by Jonathon Glassman pg 28-29)
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-6-55035816)
The Island as Nexus by Jeremy Presholdt pg 321
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-7-55035816)
The Swahili by Derek Nurse, Thomas Spear pg 83
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-8-55035816)
The Island as Nexus by Jeremy Presholdt pg 326
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-9-55035816)
Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 96-97 )
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-10-55035816)
The Workers of African Trade by P.Lovejoy pg 18)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-11-55035816)
The Island as Nexus: Zanzibar in the Nineteenth Century by jeremy presholdt pg 317-337)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-12-55035816)
Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 72
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-13-55035816)
Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 128-132)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-14-55035816)
Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 72, 82)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-15-55035816)
Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 135, 141)
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-16-55035816)
Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 212-214
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-17-55035816)
Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg pg 148-151)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-18-55035816)
Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 33 )
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-19-55035816)
Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 12-23
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-20-55035816)
Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 165
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-21-55035816)
Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 88-89)
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-22-55035816)
Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg pg 150-151)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-23-55035816)
A triangle: Spatial processes of urbanization and political power in 19th-century Tabora, Tanzania by Karin Pallaver
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-24-55035816)
Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 57-58)
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-25-55035816)
Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 150-151)
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-26-55035816)
on ivory and elephant hunting in Buganda, Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard J. Reid pg 60-62
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-27-55035816)
On the carravan trade and its effects in eastern africa, and Ufipa’s textile production; “Twilight of an Industry in East Africa” by Katharine Frederick pg 123-126, 174-176
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-28-55035816)
Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 89
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-29-55035816)
Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 6
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-30-55035816)
Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 153)
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-31-55035816)
The structures of the slave trade in Central Africa in the 19th Century by F. Renault 1989, pg 146; Localisation and social composition of the East African slave trade, 1858–1873. by A. Sherrif ,pg 132–133, 142–144)
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-32-55035816)
Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 84, 90)
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-33-55035816)
Slaves, spices, and ivory in Zanzibar by Abdul Sheriff 51-54
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-34-55035816)
Slaves, spices, and ivory in Zanzibar by Abdul Sheriff pg 41-48
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-35-55035816)
Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg pg 154)
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-36-55035816)
The Swahili by Derek Nurse, Thomas Spear
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-37-55035816)
Horn and cresecnt by R. Pouwels pg 34-37, 72)
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-38-55035816)
War of Words, War of Stones by Jonathon Glassman pg 31-39)
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-39-55035816)
The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 277)
[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-40-55035816)
Buying Time: Debt and Mobility in the Western Indian Ocean by Thomas F. McDowpg 80-90)
[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-41-55035816)
Buying Time: Debt and Mobility in the Western Indian Ocean by Thomas F. McDowpg 90-100)
[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-42-55035816)
Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 38-39)
[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-43-55035816)
The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 285)
[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-44-55035816)
The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 288)
[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-45-55035816)
Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 18)
[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-46-55035816)
The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 275-276)
[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-47-55035816)
Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 224
[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-48-55035816)
Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg pg 55-56)
[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-49-55035816)
Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 154)
[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-50-55035816)
Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 154, The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 287),
[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-51-55035816)
Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 145)
[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-52-55035816)
Making Identity on the Swahili Coast By Steven Fabian pg 80-96
[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-53-55035816)
Making Identity on the Swahili Coast By Steven Fabian pg 50
[54](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-54-55035816)
Making Identity on the Swahili Coast By Steven Fabian pg 33-75)
[55](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-55-55035816)
The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 278)
[56](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-56-55035816)
Making Identity on the Swahili Coast By Steven Fabian pg 68)
[57](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-57-55035816)
Slaves, Spices and Ivory in Zanzibar by A Sheriff pg 172
[58](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-58-55035816)
Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg pg 82
[59](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-59-55035816)
The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 279)
[60](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-60-55035816)
The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 282)
[61](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-61-55035816)
The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 288)
[62](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-62-55035816)
Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 49
[63](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-63-55035816)
Buying time: Debt and Mobility in the Western Indian Ocean by Thomas F. McDow pg 100-110
[64](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-64-55035816)
The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 288)
[65](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-65-55035816)
The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 289)
[66](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-66-55035816)
the great lakes of east africa by Jean-Pierre Chrétien pg 483
[67](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-67-55035816)
The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 291-292)
[68](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-68-55035816)
The Arab and Islamic Impact on Buganda during the Reign of Kabaka Mutesa by Oded Arye pg 218, 119)
[69](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-69-55035816)
see Ali’s biography in “sufis and scholars of the sea” Anne K. Bang pg 96, and “Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels” pg 119)
[70](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-70-55035816)
Through the Dark Continent by H.M. stanley pg 244)
[71](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-71-55035816)
Through the Dark Continent by H.M. stanley pg 265)
[72](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-72-55035816)
The Arab and Islamic Impact on Buganda during the Reign of Kabaka Mutesa by Oded Arye pg 220)
[73](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-73-55035816)
The Arab and Islamic Impact on Buganda during the Reign of Kabaka Mutesa by Oded Arye pg 220-223)
[74](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-74-55035816)
The Arab and Islamic Impact on Buganda during the Reign of Kabaka Mutesa by Oded Arye pg 225-227)
[75](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-75-55035816)
Through the Dark Continent by H.M. stanley pg 240)
[76](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-76-55035816)
The Arab and Islamic Impact on Buganda during the Reign of Kabaka Mutesa by Oded Arye pg 226)
[77](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-77-55035816)
Sokomoko Popular Culture in East Africa by Werner Graebner pg 48)
[78](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-78-55035816)
Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard J. Reid pg 28
[79](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-79-55035816)
The Arab and Islamic Impact on Buganda during the Reign of Kabaka Mutesa by Oded Arye pg 230)
[80](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-80-55035816)
Through the Dark Continent by H.M. stanley pg 270)
[81](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-81-55035816)
Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard J. Reid pg 74-75)
[82](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-82-55035816)
Research Paper, Issues 126-128 by University of Chicago, Department of Geography, 1970, pg 165, The Uganda Journal, Volumes 29-30 by Uganda Society, 1965 pg 189
[83](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-83-55035816)
Buying time: Debt and Mobility in the Western Indian Ocean by Thomas F. McDow
[84](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-84-55035816)
The great lakes of africa by Jean-Pierre Chrétien pg 195-198)
[85](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-85-55035816)
Antecedents to modern Rwanda by Jan Vansina pg 157)
[86](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-86-55035816)
Historical Studies and Social Change in Western Kenya pg 58-67)
[87](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-87-55035816)
The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 291, Swahili Language and Society: Papers from the Workshop Held at the School of Oriental and African Studies in April 1982 pg 335
[88](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-88-55035816)
Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 51
[89](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-89-55035816)
Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 51)
[90](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-90-55035816)
Debt and Mobility in the Western Indian Ocean pg 125-145
[91](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism#footnote-anchor-91-55035816)
The arabic script in africa by Meikal Mumin pg 311-317).
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[Aug 30, 2022](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism/comment/8736088 "Aug 30, 2022, 10:14 PM")
The Swahili Culture is such an underrated and misunderstood history often times when anyone brings it up or talks about it slavery is all anyone reduces it to, which is not uncommon with anything African history related hell even so called Afrocentric scholars tend to be guilty of that too it can be frustrating but love this you always come through with great information dude.
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Published Time: 2023-02-12T13:01:41+00:00
Economic growth and social transformation in 19th century Somalia.
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Economic growth and social transformation in 19th century Somalia.
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### Desert caravans, coastal cities and population movements
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During the 19th century, the social landscape of Southern Somalia was profoundly transformed as a result of East Africa’s integration into global trade, reversing the period of stagnation following the collapse of the Ajuran empire.
Camel caravans of enterprising Somali merchants begun trekking across the arid interior, linking the pastoral producers in the interior to the coastal cities, as settlements of migrant pastoralists and cultivators emerged in the fertile hinterlands of the coast. The combined caravan trade and agricultural boom greatly increased the region's prosperity, attracting more settlement and diversifying the region's ethnic mosaic.
This article outlines the social history of southern Somalia during the 19th century, exploring the organization of long-distance trade as well as the patterns of exchange and production in the hinterland of the coastal cities.
_**Map showing the caravan routes of Southern Somalia during the late 19th century[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-1-102236539)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!EwFL!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F482c6642-306a-4931-ac4a-a38fb925f19e_524x762.png)
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**The roots of social and economic change in Southern Somalia: Between the fall of Ajuran and the rise of the Geledi kingdom.**
Following the collapse of Ajuran empire during the 17th century, the intricate trade network which linked the agro-pastoral economy of the interior with the Indian ocean economies through the coastal cities, went into decline.
The continued movement of various Somali clan families and the appearance of Oromo-speaking groups altered the political landscape of the preceding era[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-2-102236539), and the resulting wars necessitated a shift in social organization which led to the creation of 'multi-lingual' settlements. By the early 18th century, Rahanwiin clan-family had settled in the region between the Shebelle and Jubaa rivers, developing a close social and economic relationship with their Borana-Oromo neighbors. They established the trading town of Luuq along the Jubba river which was described as the ‘Timbuktu’ of the region, attracting merchants and diverse groups of settlers from Mogadishu, Brava and Merca. Somali traders in Luuq exchanged pastoral products and ivory acquired from the Borana for coastal goods.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-3-102236539)
The most prominent among the Rahanwiin family was the Geledi clan whose elite Gobroon lineage had subsumed the Silcis (a successor state of Ajuran). Combining their military success with religious prestige, they established the Geledi kingdom in the late 18th century at their capital Afgooye.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-4-102236539)
Geledi's political influence was initially minimal until the outbreak of the Baardheere clerical movement in the 1830s. The Baardheere drew from new forms of legitimacy that weren't readily accepted in the region. Its attacks on the trading towns such as Luuq, and its banning of ivory trade gave further leverage to the Geledi king Yusuf's attempts at mobilizing opposition forces from many clans that in 1843, defeated the Baardheere.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-5-102236539)
Using this war-time alliance, and their religious prestige, Geledi's kings managed to create a loose confederation based on clans which accepted their authority nominally. Its authority extended upto Brava and the hinterland Mogadishu and controlled most of the trade routes terminating at its capital Afgooye. The Geledi kings were also closely associated with the Zanzibar sultan. But the cohesion of the Geledi state was threatened by opposition from the Biimaal clan which defeated Sultan Yusuf in 1848, and later defeated his successor Ahmed in 1878. Although this defeat eroded Geledi's political authority by the early 1880s, the kingdom presided over the apogee of economic growth in the region.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-6-102236539)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!h7ND!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F73b07671-37f4-4be0-99fb-b7474307e6e7_630x567.png)
_**Map showing the Baardheere movement in the 1830s and the Geledi advance in 1843**_
* * *
**Economic currents from Southern Somalia’s coastal cities**
At the coast, the ‘_**Benadir’**_ cities of Brava, Merca, and Mogadishu had settled into a pattern of regular -albeit modest- trade wish ships plying the maritime routes between the Swahili cities of Zanzibar and Lamu archipelago, southern Arabia and western India. The cities attracted the interest of foreign merchants as suppliers of cattle, ivory, cloth, aromatic woods, captives, and, agricultural commodities. External descriptions of the urban settlements of Benadir indicate that they were well past their heyday, with Mogadishu housing a population of about 3,000, but the gradual increase in trade from the mainland slowly revived their fortunes.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-7-102236539)
Part of the commercial growth was derived from the expanded market at Zanzibar for the traditional pastoral products of the Somali mainland. Zanzibar, like Geledi, had a nominal political presence in Mogadishu.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-8-102236539) By the mid-19th century, the non-pastoral exports Benadir's exports to Zanzibar consisted of ivory (valued at nearly 2/3rds of total exports), as well as aromatic woods, gums, and myrhh. The local Benadir weaving industry sought new sources of raw cotton along the Shebelle river in response to the increased imports of foreign textiles.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-9-102236539)
The concentration of commercial opportunities along the Benadir drew enterprising Somalis from other parts of the country toward the south and helped to further a process of territorial integration that had been going on for centuries. As coastal traders and urban Somali groups in the coastal cities became more involved in the emerging patterns of global commerce, their pastoral peers in the interior were exposed to new markets for their livestock products and to new opportunities in long-distance caravan trading.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!_bS6!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F05838486-9449-408e-bb84-edcc93c52fbc_811x557.png)
_**The city of Merca**_
* * *
**The Caravan trade of Southern Somalia in the 19th century**
While long-distance trade between southern Somalia's hinterland and the coastal cities had been pioneered by the Ajuran state, it would be greatly reinvigorated by the rising external demand for African commodities during the 19th century. The initial impetus for the extension of caravan trading into the interior of southern Somalia was the expansion of the ivory frontier from the immediate hinterland of Benadir into the upper regions of the Shebelle and Jubba river valleys.
The southern Somali commercial system was segmented and decentralized circuit encompassing a region occupied by a vast mosaic of independent Somali lineages, clans, and confederations. Each required access to the major conduits of commercial exchange but also guarded its right to regulate its section of the caravan trade as much as it guarded its grazing areas and wells.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-10-102236539)
Goods originating in the upper Jubba basin were brought to the Somali mainland towns such as Luuq and Bardera in caravans manned by traders from upcountry clans of Garre, Ajuraan, as well as the Borana Oromo. From the Jubba River towns, caravans manned by traders from the clans of Gasar Gudda, Eelay, and Garre, carried the goods to the towns of Baydhabo, Awdheegle and Afgooye. These market towns near the coast had relatively small fixed populations that also created their own demand, and this population significantly increased during trading seasons. It's at these towns that the caravans handed over their goods to coastal traders and local brokers to be exchanged for Indian ocean goods.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-11-102236539)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Q-AM!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F021b96fc-b05e-4b4c-8174-c61e06daf2d9_704x610.png)
_**The modern town of Luuq**_
The absence of large centralized state regulating long distance commerce on the mainland didn't impede the efficiency of caravan trade. The different merchant groups utilized several established institutions such as the use of a host/protector (_abbaan_). This was a prestigious member of a respected lineage within the clan controlling a section of the caravan route, and was based on a centuries old institution governing patron-client relations that Ibn battuta had witnessed in Mogadishu in 1331, and later visitors would describe in greater detail.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-12-102236539)
The abbaan was charged with overseeing the transactions, security and accommodation of itinerant merchants, as well as negotiating customs duties expected by clan elders. Abbaans could also double as brokers (dillaal) who collected products and arranged for buyers in anticipation of the Caravan's arrival. Itinerant merchants left goods on consignment with a trusted abbaan and he was allowed to keep a share ranging from 5-25%. Over time, relations between mainland lineages and coastal merchants were developed through this institution, eg between the Afgooye's Abikerow lineage and the Shanshiiye of Mogadishu, between the Biimaal clan in Merca's hinterland and the town's merchants, and between the Tuuni clan in Brava's hinterland and the town's Hamarani merchants.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-13-102236539)
Besides the Abbaan, the other institution that mediated relations between the segmented trade routes was religious specialists. The clerical Reer Mumin lineage, whose members were spread across the route from Mogadishu to Luuq were widely respected and allowed to travel across the region unencumbered. They gave religious sanction to caravans and adjudicated commercial disputes in exchange for fees. [14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-14-102236539)
All institutions involved in ensuring the efficiency of caravan trade obtained a share of the goods through charging duties, taxes, fees, gifts and other forms of tribute that merchants were expected to pay. This ensured that a significant proportion of the wealth was retained within the communities of the mainland, much like the closely related Swahili caravan trade to its south. But unlike Swahili caravans which used paid porters in tse-tse infested zones, the Somali long distance trade could utilize camels with each caravan possessing upto 15-20 camels.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-15-102236539) The lower end of the Shebelle river was also navigable, allowing merchants to offload their goods to ferrymen (bahar) who then rowed down to Afgooye before continuing to the coastal cities.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-16-102236539)
[African History Extra Economic growth and cultural syncretism in 19th century East Africa: Trade and Swahili acculturation on the African mainland Much writing about 19th-century East Africa historiography has been distorted by the legacy of post-enlightenment thought and colonial literature, both of which condemned Africa to the periphery of universal history. Descriptions of East-African societies were framed within a contradictory juxtaposition of abolitionist and imperialist concepts that depi… Read more 4 years ago · 8 likes · 1 comment · isaac Samuel](https://isaacsamuel.substack.com/p/economic-growth-and-cultural-synchretism?utm_source=substack&utm_campaign=post_embed&utm_medium=web)
Unlike the largely credit-fuelled expansion of trade from the east African coast into the mainland during the mid-19th century, which enabled coastal Arab and Swahili merchants to subsume the preexisting trade of the Nyamwezi, the caravan trade of southern Somalia remained in local hands. One consequence of this was that despite the ecological advantages, the volume of trade flowing into the Benadir cities was relatively less than that flowing into the Swahili cities, accounting for about 1/4 of Zanzibar's exports. Since caravans were smaller, wealth was more dispersed and no single merchant or 'trading class' could amass the kind of wealth and political influence attested along the Swahili caravan routes.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-17-102236539)
The various tributes and expenses incurred by caravan traders along the trade routes meant that only high value commodities could be traded profitably. The main commodity that could meet this requirement was ivory, whose selling price at Mogadishu tripled between 1847 and 1890, and constituted half of Brava's exports during the 1840s. Most Somali caravaneers were themselves not involved in hunting but instead initiated complex exchanges with Oromo herdsmen in the upper Jubba basin for cattle, and used that cattle to pay hunters for ivory. They used similar exchanges to obtain commodities such as coffee, salt, aromatic woods, as well as captives, in exchange for coastal cloths and copper, but most were retained locally. By the last quarter of the 19th century, agricultural commodities from the lower Shebelle had become the main export of the mainland, rivaling ivory exports.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-18-102236539)
* * *
**Agricultural production in the Shebelle valley: Pastoral politics, Client-cultivators and Captives.**
The Shebelle river runs parallel to the Benadir coast for 200 miles, creating a fertile river plain that could supply the coastal cities with agricultural surpluses. While the semi-arid mainland was primary occupied by Somali-speaking pastoralists, the fertile Shebelle valley was settled by mixed groups of sedentary agro-pastoralist groups speaking Cushitic-languages related to Somali, as well as Sabaki-languages of the Bantu subgroup[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-19-102236539). The impetus of external trade attracted different nomadic Somali clans from the mainland such as the Biimaal and Geledi, who settled in the valley and became semi-sedentarised.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-20-102236539)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!a8Em!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2c6f2ad2-f1ed-498a-9933-316d9428ae89_754x484.png)
_**Map of the lower Shebelle valley 1850-1910**_
The semi-sedentarised pastoral clans syncretized social institutions in this region to create a new political system. Clan elders were in charge of distributing land and defending it from external aggression, clan lineages divided the land and resolved disputes, and individual clansmen planted the land, working alongside clients groups. These client groups were typically pre-existing sedentary cultivators who acquired the status of dependents within the new pastoral political system. This client relationship was founded on a preexisting pastoral institution of _sheegad_ where smaller clans were allowed to graze on lands of larger clans as dependents. But since the semi-sedentarised pastoral clans had little use for cultivation, the client cultivators retained significant autonomy by forming corporate arrangements with pastoral lineages to mediate disputes.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-21-102236539)
This client relationship could sustain the modest agricultural trade of the mid-19th century in which cereal, cotton and cattle, that were sold to the Benadir cities from where they were exported into the western Indian ocean. In 1843-7, one visitor stated that the grain grown in the hinterland of the Benadir cities “supplies the whole coast of Hadramaut and Oman”. Estimating that 3,182 tones of millet were exported annually from Mogadishu to Zanzibar and southern Arabia, and over 50 tones of sesame seed were exported annually from the cities.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-22-102236539)
The export of cattle and cow-hides in particular created a new type of exchange that would augment pre-existing patterns of agricultural production. The establishment of; the British colony of Aden in 1839; the French colonial settlements on the Mascarenes islands, and arrival of New England (American) leather traders on the east African coast, created demand for cattle products which the Benaadir cities supplied to a tune of 3,000 annually by the late 19th century.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-23-102236539)
The coincidence of increasing demand for agro-pastoral products from southern Somalia, with the falling demand for captives in the western Indian ocean, compelled Benadir merchants to exchange the cattle and other pastoral products which they acquired from Somali caravaneers with captives from the Zanzibar based merchants.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-24-102236539) The volume of this trade in captives was relatively low at about 600 a year in the 1840s, rising in the 1860s before collapse by the late 1880s.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-25-102236539)The importation of captives into the Shebelle valley was not isolated trade but involved a mixed variety of imports including cloth, yarn, and manufactures from the Indian ocean world, and the Somali cow-hides were inturn re-exported from Zanzibar to American buyers[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-26-102236539).
However, the bulk of the servile population on the Somali mainland and coast remained local in origin, being derived from the clan conflicts and pastoral wars between the Somali clans and the neighboring Oromo groups. Some of these local captives were sent to the Benadir cities as domestic servants, and many were retained in the Shebelle valley among the population of client-cultivators. [27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-27-102236539)
Given the dispersed nature of the trade, individual merchants rarely retained many of the slaves; some were given to client cultivators to augment agricultural production, but most were exchanged in internal trade for cattle which remained the primary form of wealth among the pastoral clans. This internal exchange of slaves rather than concentration under individual owners was also determined by the restrictions on land acquisition by clan elders which constrained the capacity of wealthy merchants to set up large plantations.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-28-102236539)
The enslaved population was therefore not confined to plantations and quickly formed free communities especially in the lower Jubba's Gosha region as early as the 1840s. These free communities chose their own rulers, and also engaged in agricultural production for subsistence and export.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-29-102236539) Both the freed and servile class of southern Somalia was therefore a diverse group, the majority of whom eventually spoke Somali dialects and adopted Somali clan identities despite their diverse origins[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-30-102236539), and they shouldn't be conflated with the creation of very recent social constructs such as 'Somali Bantu'.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-31-102236539)
The overall population increase in the cultivator population led to a significant boost in agricultural exports from the Shebelle valley with the cultivation of millet, sesame, and cotton. By 1896, more than 5,729.3 tons of millet were exported worth M.T. $125,512, and upto sesame seed occupying a distant second with exports of 368.4 tons of sesame seed worth M.T. $22,576.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-32-102236539)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!S4g7!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcaec74f5-6621-4485-840a-fb782172005c_670x413.png)
_**Re-exports of hides, rubber, and gum copal from Zanzibar to the US, UK, and Bombay, 1836–1900. notice that the trade in hides peaked in the 1880s.**_[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-33-102236539)
* * *
**From economic prosperity to decline on the eve of colonialism**
The prosperity of the Shebelle valley attracted more groups from the Somali mainland as well as the northern coast. Merchants from the northern cities of Hobyo and Majeerteenia came to Merca and to the new town of Kismaayo to engage in grain trade with southern Arabia. The Daarood clan families, especially the Haarti clan, also moved into the Shebelle valley, bringing with them more clients and captives derived from the regional wars of neighboring Oromo groups. The new trade routes to Kismaayo would later rival established caravan routes. [34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-34-102236539)
Indian financiers who had fueled the expansion of Swahili ivory trade also became active in Benadir cities during the late 19th century, setting up financial houses and extending credit to ivory caravans. The American traders who were concentrated on Zanzibar also expanded their activities to the Benadir cities.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-35-102236539) The Benadir cloth industry also underwent a period of rapid expansion; rather than relying solely on cotton from the valley, Benadir weavers begun importing yarn from Bombay, with upto 2.5 million pounds of yarn imported in 1894.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-36-102236539)
The increased export of agricultural surpluses gave the pastoral clans more political influence over the Benadir cities which counteracted the expansionist policies of the Zanzibar sultan. While the cities of Merka, Mogadishu and Brava had allowed the construction of Zanzibari forts locally in 1860-1880s, the immediate hinterland remained out of Zanzibar Sultan's political orbit and the sultanate's presence in the cities was itself nominal. And just as foreign merchants had been restricted from moving inland, foreign agriculturalists were restricted from setting up plantations in the Benadir's immediate hinterland.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-37-102236539)
By the late 19th century, foreign powers were increasingly interested in exploiting the agricultural potential of the Shebelle valley and the interior caravan trade. In the interior, competition between Italian and British officials to lure the caravan trade toward ports in their respective spheres of influence exacerbated inter-clan rivalries which made caravan routes insecure. And in the Shebelle river valley, the opening of alternative caravan routes through northern Kenya, and a severe rinderpest epidemic dealt a major blow to the cattle trade.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-38-102236539)
The Benadir ports were "ceded" to Italy by the sultan of Zanzibar in 1892, although Italian forces did not move inland to occupy the Shebelle valley until 1908.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-39-102236539) The collapse of caravan trade, the increased importance of agriculture, and the creation of new social identities in the early colonial era would have a profound influence on the succeeding governments of the modern era.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-40-102236539)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!eTpZ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2012bc85-5681-4b5e-9e08-9d464f7572b6_874x615.png)
_**Mogadishu in the early 20th century**_
* * *
For nearly a century, the dynasty of **an African king named Abraha controlled vast swathes of modern Saudi Arabia and Yemen ruling over a diverse Christian and Jewish population just before the emergence of Islam**.
read about it here;
["THE ETHIOPIAN RULER OF THE ARABS"](https://www.patreon.com/posts/ethiopian-ruler-78169632)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!4ikr!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd35f179c-7715-4575-b120-63507cc75a8f_480x900.jpeg)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-1-102236539)
this and other Maps in the article were made by Lee Cassanelli
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-2-102236539)
Somali Sultanate: The Geledi City-state Over 150 Years by Virginia Luling pg 17
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-3-102236539)
The Hadrami Diaspora: Community-Building on the Indian Ocean Rim By Leif Manger pg 89-90
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-4-102236539)
Historical dictionary of Somalia by Mohamed Haji Mukhtar pg 28-29)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-5-102236539)
The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 137-140, Somali Sultanate: The Geledi City-state Over 150 Years by Virginia Luling pg 23-24
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-6-102236539)
The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli 187-189)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-7-102236539)
Muqdisho in the Nineteenth Century by EA Alpers pg 442-446)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-8-102236539)
Muqdisho in the Nineteenth Century by EA Alpers pg 446-448)
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-9-102236539)
The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 150, 148)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-10-102236539)
The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 155)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-11-102236539)
The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 154)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-12-102236539)
Tradition to text: writing local somali history by Lee Cassanelli pg 62-63)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-13-102236539)
The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 157-158)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-14-102236539)
The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 159)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-15-102236539)
The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 156, 160
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-16-102236539)
The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 155)
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-17-102236539)
The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 159-160)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-18-102236539)
The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli 153, 161)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-19-102236539)
Unraveling Somalia: Race, Class, and the Legacy of Slavery By Catherine Besteman pg 52-53
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-20-102236539)
The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 163)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-21-102236539)
The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 164-165)
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-22-102236539)
Muqdisho in the Nineteenth Century by EA Alpers pg 449)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-23-102236539)
The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 178-9, Tradition to text: writing local somali history by Lee Cassanelli pg 59)
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-24-102236539)
The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 174,
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-25-102236539)
Unraveling Somalia: Race, Class, and the Legacy of Slavery By Catherine Besteman pg 55, “Gendered Narratives,” History, and Identity by Francesca Declich pg 98-99)
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-26-102236539)
Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by K Frederick pg 94
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-27-102236539)
Translocal Connections Across the Indian Ocean by F Declich pg 93-110, Unraveling Somalia: Race, Class, and the Legacy of Slavery By Catherine Besteman pg 57-58
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-28-102236539)
The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 173)
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-29-102236539)
Two Centuries Along the Juba River among the Zigula and Shanbara Francesca Declic pg 95-96, The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 192-193)
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-30-102236539)
Unraveling Somalia: Race, Class, and the Legacy of Slavery By Catherine Besteman pg 63-69
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-31-102236539)
Translating Race across Time and Space: The Creation of Somali Bantu Ethnicity by Catherine Besteman
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-32-102236539)
Muqdisho in the Nineteenth Century by EA Alpers pg 449)
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-33-102236539)
Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by K Frederick pg 92
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-34-102236539)
The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 180-181)
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-35-102236539)
Muqdisho in the Nineteenth Century by EA Alpers pg 453-454, Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by K Frederick pg 95
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-36-102236539)
Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by K Frederick pg 226
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-37-102236539)
The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 175-176)
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-38-102236539)
The Hadrami Diaspora by Leif Manger pg 91-93. The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 182, 191-193, Renewers of the Age by Scott Reese pg 106-7
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-39-102236539)
The Scramble in the Horn of Africa by Mohamed Osman Omar pg 245-247)
[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/economic-growth-and-social-transformation#footnote-anchor-40-102236539)
Unraveling Somalia: Race, Class, and the Legacy of Slavery By Catherine Besteman pg 87-130
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Published Time: 2022-12-18T14:01:05+00:00
Empire building and Government in the Yorubaland: a history of Oyo (1600-1836)
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Empire building and Government in the Yorubaland: a history of Oyo (1600-1836)
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### Why Africa's internal political processes explain African history better than external actors.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Dec 18, 2022
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For over two centuries, the region of south-western Nigeria populated by Yoruba-speakers was home to one of the largest states in west Africa after the fall of Songhai.
The rise of Oyo empire as the dominant state of the Yorubaland owed much to its complex political structure, whose elaborate system of government that distributed authority among different institutions, enabled Oyo to project its power across a relatively vast region covering nearly 150,000 sqkm. The gradual evolution of these same political structures that enabled Oyo’s success, eventually led to the empire’s decline.
This article outlines the political history of Oyo from the rise of the empire to its collapse, including a description of its internal political organization, in order to explain why pre-colonial Africa’s internal politics explain the trajectory of Africa’s history better than external actors.
_**Map showing the maximum extent of the Oyo empire at its height in the late 18th century**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!uike!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F03c3f27a-90ec-4761-9a35-7dd1c23f4b55_841x687.png)
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* * *
**Origins of Oyo; from the city-state to kingdom to empire. (12th-16th century)**
The early history of Oyo is inextricably entwined with the settlement of the Yoruba-speakers in what is now south-western Nigeria and their creation of monarchical forms of government in this region between the late 1st and early 2nd millennium. The emergence of Imperial Oyo in the 17th century is predated by the establishment of the kingdom of Oyo during the 14th century around its capital Oyo-ile, which was itself first occupied between the 8th and 12th century.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-1-91226295)
The city of Oyo-ile was at the center of the much of Oyo’s political and cultural history, and like many cities in the Yorubaland, Oyo's urban settlement was closely associated with political power. It consisted of a relatively dense but dispersed settlement pattern divided into the built-up area with its palaces, religious buildings, specialist workshops, houses, and the agricultural area, all of which were enclosed in a series of concentric system of walls and ditches as new additions were made after a significant increase in the city's population[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-2-91226295). Covering over 52 sqkm, Oyo-ile was among the largest cities of west-africa due to the nature of its settlement which housed an estimated 100,000 at its height from the 17th and 19th century. Accounts from the 1820s described the city as a large cosmopolitan city surrounded by multiple walls over 20ft in height.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-3-91226295)
Early in the 16th century, the kingdom of Oyo had been subjected in dramatic fashion to the influence of its northern neighbors in events that were distantly related to the political transformations that followed the displacement of the Mali empire by Songhai (whose power extended to **Borgu**/Ìbàrìbá in the north of the modern Benin republic) and the establishment of the Bornu empire west of lake chad (whose power extended to the Hausalands in northern Nigeria). Oyo was overrun by invaders from **Nupe** to its north-east, forcing parts of its royal dynasty to seek temporary refuge in Ibariba in the north-west and others to relocate their capital southwards to the city of Igboho, from where they eventually managed to defeat the Nupe.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-4-91226295)
Oyo remained a state of minor importance until the early 17th century when its ruler Aláàfin Abípa re-established and resettled the old capital Oyo-ile. The state then underwent a period of expansion under Abípa's successors Obalokun and Ajagbo during which it extended its political influence southwards over large parts of the Yorubaland at an imperial scale, and greatly transformed its institutions of governance which were then spread across much of the region.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-5-91226295)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!3hft!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7d2e7f20-8fc6-48d2-a316-5a82d1f768e8_663x692.png)
_**Perimeter walls of Òyó-Ilé**_[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-6-91226295)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!o6G5!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2bebaf6f-7b64-4595-b5d5-6d9f9d335e9a_768x508.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!qmbR!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8cac64b2-d53f-4016-bb62-da4194c3b082_1051x782.jpeg)
_**a few of the ruined sections of Oyo-ile’s walls still standing at just under 4 meters, the city was sacked and abandoned in the 1830s and most of its ruined structures quickly deteriorated in the humid climate**_
* * *
**The government in Imperial Oyo: political intuitions in the 17th century**
From the 17th century, Oyo had a system of government in which the power of the king, or Aláàfin, was balanced by the _**òyómèsì**_, a seven-person state council comprised of the heads of prominent lineages in the capital Oyo-ile that acted as a check on the Aláàfin’s power. Their offices in order of seniority were; _**Basorun**, Agbakin, Samu, Alapini, Laguna, Akiniku_ and _Asipa_. They met with the Alaafin in the palace to make all laws and take the highest decisions of government including the election of a new Alaafin from a pool of royal candidates, and when dissatisfied with the reigning Alaafin could order his deposition by instructing him to take his own life.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-7-91226295)
The Alaafin was in charge of approving the state's offices of administration and acted as the highest judicial authority, while the _Basorun_ served as the commander of the army, who also nominated war chiefs serving under him called _Eso_, that supplied the cavalry forces of the army. Relations between the state council and the Alaafin were in turn mediated by the priestly leaders of the _**Ogboni**_ cult of the earth of whom the state councilors were members but held little power over.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-8-91226295)
Below these were several administrative offices and councils, especially the palace offices often populated by eunuchs, most notably; the _Ona Efa_ (Eunuch of the Middle), the _Otun Efa_ (Eunuch of the Right), and the _Osi Efa_ ('Eunuch of the Left). Below the eunuchs were the _ajele_ who were drawn from the palace by the Alaafin and appointed as provincial governors of Oyo settlements. Below these were the royal messengers called _ilari_, some of whom served as envoys to foreign kingdoms, relayed requests from the capital to the provinces, and collected tribute from vassal states.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-9-91226295)
Within the army, the cavalry forces became the backbone of Oyo military strength and sustained its imperial expansion. While Oyo wasn't self-sufficient in horse breeding --being located along the margin of the tsetse-infested forest zone-- it could replenish its horses through trade with its northern neighbors, most notably the Nupe at the market town of Ogodo, as well as from Borgu and the Hausalands. Horses could survive in the northern provinces of Oyo where they were primarily kept and tended to by servants from the north (often Hausa), the latter of whom are also introduced horse-equipment to Oyo including horse-bits, saddles and stirrups.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-10-91226295)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!1r7h!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff6bace2c-047f-46fb-bd3f-f89c9e721f37_609x480.png)
_**The Alaafin of Oyo and his officers on horseback, surrounded by attendants, National archives U.K, 1911**_
* * *
**Strategies of Oyo expansion and settlement until the late 17th century**
Oyo’s imperial expansion proceeded in a number of ways including; the creation of **Oyo settlements** in the frontier that were populated by loyal elites and subjects from the capital; the creation of **client states** through both diplomacy and warfare; and the creation of **vassal states** often through warfare. Oyo's authority was primarily expressed indirectly; in the Oyo settlements it was done through resident provincial governors who were inturn supervised by the royal messengers, in the client states it was done through the preexisting rulers (_oba_/king or _baale_/chief) that were approved by the Alaafin, and in vassal states it was exercised through the royal messengers who collected tribute[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-11-91226295). For the core territories of Oyo, the system of government at the capital was repeated on smaller scale in the provincial towns from which taxes and duties were collected from traders in exchange for increased security through military protection. The expansion of Oyo utilized a mixture in the use of these different strategies.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-12-91226295)
An example is in the upper-osun region that was contested between Oyo and the kingdom of Ilésà. The forces of Oyo moved against Ilesa during the reigns of 17th century Alaafins; Obalókun and Àjàgbó, ostensibly to punish Ilesa for brigandage activities in the region, but more likely to extend Oyo's hegemony over the emergent kingdom. This conflict ultimately ended with a stalemate as Ilesa was at best only a client state of Oyo, the latter of which was allowed by the former to establish an Oyo settlement at Ede-ilé.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-13-91226295) Recent archeological excavations indicate that the 82ha town of Ede-ile was established in the early 17th century, the presence of Oyo-ile ceramics, spindle whorls, cowries, as well as iron and cloth dyeing workshops, horse remains, and baobab trees indicate that the town was established by settlers from Oyo-ile.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-14-91226295) Similar Oyo settlements were established across the empire including as far north as at Okuta and as far south as at Ifonyin in Egbado.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-15-91226295)(see blue lines on the map below)
Conversely, Oyo's attempts at military-driven expansion during this early stage produced mixed results. Its attempts to conquer regions to its south-east especially in Ijesha, during the reign of the Alaafin Obalókun, were met with defeat when the cavalry forces failed to take the forested regions; "the Oyos being then unaccustomed to bush fighting".[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-16-91226295) Oyo's forces saw better success northwards in parts of Borgu approaching town of Bussa, as well as in the north-east where the towns of Ògòdò and Jebba were taken from the Nupe and westwards where it established suzerainty over Sábe kingdom.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-17-91226295)
Oyo’s most important institutions crystalized during this period (in the 1st half of the 17th century). Most of these changes were influenced by the decisive role played by the alliances made between the exiled Oyo dynasties of the 15th century and the various groups which harbored them[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-18-91226295). These included the elevation of the office of the state council’s leader the _Basorun_ who was also the head of the army and often of Ibariba origin, and the _Alapini_ was from the allied Nupe factions.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-19-91226295) But to counteract the power of the state council and to discontinue personal command of the army, the Alaafin Ajagbo also instituted the title of _Are ona Kakamfo_, who served as the commander-in-chief of the provincial forces.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-20-91226295)
The long reign of Alaafin Ajagbo which ended in the late 1680s was followed by a succession of 9 short-lived rulers who were often deposed by the state council, and their campaigns of expansion were mostly unsuccessful. This period produced the first recorded instance of an Alaafin (Odarawu) being forced by the council to abdicate and take his life, the first instance of Oyo's army storming its capital to fight its own Alaafin (Karan) after he deposed the council, and the increasing importance of the crown prince's office called Aremo. This interregnum of internal political turmoil in Oyo ended with the ascension of Alaafin Ojigi in the mid-1720s, who is credited for Oyo's greatest expansion.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-21-91226295)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!2K5w!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F25386289-28b6-45ff-bcc1-7d9a4ad6a7ef_575x667.png)
_**Map showing the settlements and military conquests of Oyo between the 17th and 18th century**_
* * *
**The era of military expansion in the early 18th century**
For its south-western expansion, Oyo utilized a mix of diplomacy and military intimidation, enabling it to turn the kingdoms of Sabe and Kétu into client-states by the early 17th century, and opening the way for a further expansion south into the Egbado polities by 1625 (shown as 'Gbado' in the map above). Oyo settlements were also established in this region at Ìlarò, and Ifonyin among others, of which Ìlarò became the most dominant under its founder Òrónà who extended political control over several polities and communities in the region.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-22-91226295) The governors of these Oyo settlements were were typically recalled to the capital after serving 3 years, but by the late 18th century were required to abdicate office upon the ascension of a new Alaafin.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-23-91226295)
Further westwards, Oyo expansion relied almost entirely on military conquest. The extension of Oyo's political influence over the rest of Egbado between the 1670s and 1680s had brought it into conflict with the kingdom of Allada, a powerful state whose vassals included Wydah and Dahomey. After some internal political conflicts in Allada, a group of its subjects travelled to Oyo-ile in 1698 and petitioned the Alaafin to intervene against their King's "mis-governance", to which the latter sent envoys to the king of Allada who promptly killed them. Oyo's cavalry invaded Allada in 1698/9 and overrun its capital forcing its king to flee and loosening Allada's suzerainty over its vassals Dahomey and Whydah, but Oyo didn't consolidate its victory over Allada.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-24-91226295)
Succession disputes in Allada following Oyo's invasion further degraded its internal politics. A dispute between King Soso of Allada and his brother Hussar, saw the latter seeking the aid of king Agaja of Dahomey to install him, while Soso averted this alliance by allying with Whydah in 1722, this proved ephemeral as Agaja invaded Allada in 1724. Agaja took up residence in Allada's capital, forcing Hussar out.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-25-91226295) Hussar, fled to Oyo-ile and petitioned Alaafin Ojigi to intervene, who then dispatched a cavalry force which invaded and defeated Agaja's army in Allada in May 1726, forcing the king of Dahomey to flee from the capital. But Oyo's forces withdraw shortly after since the horses couldn't survive long in the region, and Agaja re-occupied Allada's capital, leaving Hussar an exile in Whydah. Agaja later conquered Whydah's capital Savi during march 1727 after a political conflict over trade customs with its king Hufon.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-26-91226295)
While king Agaja's envoys had sent presents to the Alaafin's court to placate the latter's dreaded cavalry, but the deposed king Hufon of whydah appealed to Oyo for military aid to reinstall him in his capital Savi, even as Agaja was also offering Hufon his throne back in exchange for tribute. Hufon opted to ally with Oyo, which promptly invaded Dahomey's capital Abomey several times nearly every year from 1728-1732.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-27-91226295) In the first of the Oyo invasions led by the _Basorun_ Yau Yamba in 1728[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-28-91226295), Dahomey’s king Agaja evacuated his capital and took his subjects into the forested regions which forced the Oyo armies to turn back, allowing him to return and rebuild. In the 2nd invasion of 1729, Oyo's forces dispatched units to hunt down Agaja in the forests and occupied Dahomey as long as they could (from May to July) to force them into submission[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-29-91226295). Oyo's 3rd invasion of Dahomey in 1730 forced Agaja to negotiate; sending his prince (the future king Tegbesu) to Oyo-ile as a hostage, arranging a royal intermarriage, and gifting the Alaafin Ojigi with many presents/tribute[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-30-91226295)
Ojigi also sent Yau Yamba to the eastern frontiers of the empire into the region of Ibolo during the early 1730s. This campaign used the Oyo settlement at Offa as the launching ground for the campaign, but Oyo’s forces were withdrawn after their commander had fallen with his horse.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-31-91226295) Back at the capital, the increased power of Ojigi's crown-prince was strongly opposed by the state council, they therefore instructed both Ojigi and the Aremo to take their life in 1830, and greatly reduced the office of the crown prince.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-32-91226295)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!U7c7!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd1765f4f-abd1-4eac-ae6b-d338090b808f_901x572.png)
_**Entrance to Dahomey’s king Behazin's palace in Abomey, Benin republic, showing the ruins of King Agada’s palace that was built around 1720,**_ photo from quai branly
* * *
**The era of consolidation in the mid 18th century**
Ojigi was succeeded by a relative weak Alaafins; Gberu and Amuniwaiye who were unable to counter internal opposition from the state council. The former attempted to influence the council by appointing an allied lineage head named Jambu as the _Basorun_, but the two didn't get along and both eventually took their lives the latter after the former. Alaafin Amuniwaiye didn't fare any better, being compelled to eliminate the deceased _Basorun_ Jambu's allies in the council before he was himself forced to take his life.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-33-91226295)
The campaign against Dahomey in 1730 had reduced the Mahi kingdom (sandwiched between Dahomey and Oyo) into a vassal state that allied with Oyo against Dahomey. Agaja retaliated by besieging Mahi's capital Gbowele in 1731-2 and ceasing the payment of tribute to Oyo, but internal circumstances after Alaafin Ojigi's death in 1730 (exlained above), prevented Oyo from invading Dahomey.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-34-91226295) The ascension of the more capable Alaafin Onísílé in 1746 altered Oyo's relations with Dahomey and the latter was invaded in 1742 and 1743 forcing the king Tegbesu to retreat from Abomey which along with the city of Cana was burned by Oyo's cavalry before they withdraw. Between 1745-7, Tegbesu tried placating Oyo with gifts but neither of the kings could agree on the amount of tribute to be paid, and in 1748 Oyo's forces invaded Dahomey and forced Tegbesu to flee, before the latter negotiated a higher tribute that was acceptable to Oyo.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-35-91226295)
However, Onisile was instructed to take his life by the state council after an act of sacrilege to his palace, its during this time that the _Basorun_ Ga (also spelt Gaa/Gaha) rose to prominence. After Onisile, two Alaafins reigned in close succession; Labisi (r. 1754), Awonbioju (r. 1754) and they were both deposed after being compelled to take their lives by Ga who increasingly subjected the crown and government to his personal rule.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-36-91226295) Alaafin Awonbioju was succeeded by Alaafin Agboluaje (r. 1754-1768) who managed to survive relatively longer than his predecessors because he submitted to Ga's authority. As the _Basorun_, Ga had a lot of influence which was enhanced by the circumstances of his rise, he took over collection of tribute and customs from the settlements and provinces using his sons instead of the royal messengers, and reduced the Alaafin to receiving a stipend. Ga was likely an expansionist and he requested the Alaafin Agboluaje to attack the vassal ruler of Ifonyin (the Oyo settlement) named Elehin-Odo, but when the Alaafin refused, Ga instructed him to take his life. Atleast one frontier war occurred under Ga in 1764 when an Oyo army stationed in the area of Atakpame (modern Togo) defeated an Asante army (from modern Ghana).[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-37-91226295)
Oyo under Ga underwent a period of consolidation during when there were no major additions to the empire. Its during this time that Dahomey remained a loyal vassal state paying tribute annually and contining to do so for over 70 years (1748-1818/23). Some Oyo institutions were adopted by Dahomey including royal seclusion, use of eunuchs in offices, as well as messengers (_wensagon/lari_), and the master of the horse (_sogan_). Unlike Oyo's more proximate provinces, these institutions weren't introduced to Dahomey by Oyo settlers (since the Oyo messengers only came to collect tribute at Cana) but by the Dahomean elite to enhance their own power.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-38-91226295)
The Alaafin Agboluaje was succeeded by Alaafin Abíódún, who bid his time to overthrow the _Basuron_ Ga by raising forces of loyal supporters in the provinces that were opposed to the conduct of Ga's sons. Around 1774, Ga instructed Abiodun to take his life after losing confidence in his short reign, but Abiodun rejected the instruction. The allies of Abiodun led by the provincial commander Oyabi of ajase, battled with Ga's forces who they later defeated and killed.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-39-91226295)
The Oyo empire attained its greatest territorial extent under Abiodun with the formal integration of the small coastal polities centered at Badagry and Porto Novo.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-40-91226295) But Oyo's armies were less formidable at the frontier as they had earlier been, an invasion of Borgu in 1783 in order to suppress a rebellion was met with defeat[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-41-91226295), and the Alaafin chose to rely on his dependencies notably Dahomey under Kpengla (1774-1789), whose armies were allowed by Oyo to attack other vassals like Badagry and Wèmè that were perceived to be rebellious, but were restrained from attacking loyal vassals like Arda.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-42-91226295)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!7YHv!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7199fba5-ef8f-4b2b-8859-bf501bfbaa7d_938x608.png)
_**Porto-Novo in the early 20th century. The port settlement was established by exiled Allada royals, was called Àjàsé while under the Oyo empire (not to be confused with the similarly named Ajase of the governor Oyabi mentioned above)**_[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-43-91226295)
* * *
**The domestic economy of Oyo during the 18th century**
There were no major changes made in Oyo's political structure during the reign of Abiodun save for the formation of a short-lived standing army, and the prominence of the offices of the crown prince and provincial commander at the expense of the council. Oyo’s internal economic structure is best understood during this period. State revenues were collected from the extensive use of turnpike tolls, market levies, and taxes that were collected from the capital, the Oyo settlements in the provinces, and as tribute from the client states and vassal states. These taxes and tribute were primarily paid in cowries, but also in commodities such as cloth, and in tribute such as slaves, as well as horses and agricultural products.[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-44-91226295)
The bulk of Oyo's population —as in most pre-modern societies— was involved in agriculture, but there was also a substantial crafts industry employing specialist laborers who supplied local markets with domestic manufactures. The best described local industry was the production of embroidered and dyed textiles made from the various cotton and indigo fields whose cotton and dyes were worked by specialist weavers in towns across the empire as described by various visitors in the early 19th century. An external account of a visit to the town of Ìjànà in 1826 noted that it had “several manufactories of cloth.” and “three dye-houses, with upwards of twenty vats or large earthen pots in each,” all busy producing excellent indigo and “durable dye,” which formed an important capital in local trade. Other industries include leather goods, iron smelting, ivory and bronze casting, wood carving and pottery.[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-45-91226295) (despite the internal turmoil of the early 19th century, explorer accounts of Oyo still describe an empire that was economically vibrant, generally peaceful, and safe for travelers[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-46-91226295))
External trade southwards to the Atlantic coast increased during the 18th century when many of the ports in the ‘_bight of Benin_’ were under Oyo's suzerainty. Like all states along the Atlantic coast, captives from Oyo came from very dispersed sources and were often procured by private merchants, as the state was more focused on taxing trade (in general) rather than creating the supply.[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-47-91226295) Since enslaving Oyo subjects was forbidden and often strictly enforced as long as the state was powerful enough to do so, private traders would purchase captives from frontier markets in the north, or would acquire those captured after war, or those enslaved locally or as punishment for crimes.[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-48-91226295) Oyo's external trade northwards towards the Hausalands, Borgu and Nupe markets was primarily focused on the acquisition of horses, salt, natron, and captives, as well as manufactures such as leatherworks and dyed-textile clothing to supplement the locally manufactured products.[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-49-91226295)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!jskt!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4aa6fb4b-d6a3-4610-a066-55f7129aac00_1217x569.png)
_**Indigo-dyed cotton textiles from yorubalands**_, early 20th century, quai branly
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!mw2P!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F878999bd-bf2d-42eb-b456-05ff3aee878e_860x608.png)
_**Indigo-Dyed cotton wrapper from Oyo**_, early 20th century, British museum Af1991,14.1
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Crnd!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3d8f072c-f54f-4e3c-99e5-2d3e3fdb3b2b_1246x627.png)
_**Embroidered robes made from the city of Ilorin,**_ late19th/early 20th century, State museum Berlin
* * *
**Breakdown and collapse in the late 18th and early 19th century**
The Alaafin Abiodun passed away in 1789 and the state council re-asserted their eroded power in opposition to the crown-prince Adesina who briefly reigned before he was instructed to take his life by the _Basorun_ Asamu. The Alaafin Awólè was elected by the state council which hoped to influence his administration as he was perceived to be weak. But Awole clashed with Asamu over restitution of a Hausa trader's belongings, quarreled with the _Owota_ (an _Eso_ who was one of the top military officers) named Lafianu over an execution, and nearly committed an act of sacrilege by ordering an attack on the city of ile-Ife which harbored a rebel, his forces were also defeated by the Nupe in 1890-1.[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-50-91226295)
The most significant internal crisis under Awole was the increasing opposition from Afonja, who was the provincial commander and was based in the city of Ilorin. Afonja's grandfather Pasin and father Alagbin had fought in the revolts against the _Basorun_ Ga leading upto 1774, and had been appointed to Ilorin by Awole to keep him away from the capital as Awole feared that Afonja harbored ambitions to succeed him. As relations between the two continued to sour, Awole ordered Afonja to attack the near-impregnable city of Iwere hoping to get rid of him, but Afonja organized a mutiny instead and allied with the disgruntled _Basorun_, the _Owota_ and several other provincial nobles who besieged Alaafin Awole in Oyo-ile and instructed him to take his life, ending his reign in 1796.[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-51-91226295) (_**This was the first instance of a Basorun -the head of the armies of Oyo- requiring military aid to depose an Alaafin**_)
The Empire begun its long decline following the death of Awole. The Egba provinces broke off in 1797 and Afonja's city Ilorin emerged as a rival center of power after he was betrayed by the _Basuron_ who chose a different candidate as Alaafin because he feared the former’s strength. Afonja replaced many provincial governors in the central regions of Oyo with his own using his own army, during which time 3 Alaafins were elected in close succession between 1897-1802 and a failed attempt was made to dislodge Afonja from Ilorin when the _Basorun_ organized a military alliance with mercenaries from Ibariba. A weak Alaafin Majotu (r. 1802-1830) was elected unleashed centrifugal forces across the empire as powerful vassal states such as Dahomey effectively became independent by 1818-1823, and Afonja's Ilorin fully seceded from Oyo and allied with Sokoto empire (which by then controlled the Hausalands). Effective power in the capital lay with the crown-prince Adewusi who briefly reigned after Majotu's passing in 1830 before he was removed by the _Basorun_.[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-52-91226295)
By the 1830s, the southern provinces of Egba were fully independent and the northern provinces of Oyo had been overrun by Sokoto’s forces —which also killed Afonja and seized Ilorin—. The last Alaafin of the Oyo empire fell in battle against the Sokoto forces in 1836 and the empire's old capital was abandoned, the kingdom was later reconstructed in a much reduced state with its capital at Ọ̀yọ́-Àtìbà (new-Oyo).
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Ygr8!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7e315ab0-6115-4009-b923-0075a9876ee6_1000x631.png)
_**Alaafin's palace at new-Oyo**_, 1911, British museum
* * *
**The government in Oyo, and how Africa’s internal political institutions determined African history.**
The organization of power in the empire of Oyo provides an excellent example of the dynamic nature of political institutions in pre-colonial Africa that allows us to understand the evolution of social complexity within the African context.
Oyo's distribution of power between the Alaafin and the state council, was a product of the complex nature that enabled the empire's emergence through alliances between autochthonous and foreign elites.[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-53-91226295) This form of distribution of power (which is also attested in a number of African kingdoms from the Hausa and Swahili city-states to the kingdoms of Kongo and Loango) enabled Oyo to overcome initial constraints in territorial expansion by providing it with a demographic and military advantage to establish distant settlements, and build up its formidable cavalry forces. But the equilibrium between the two institutions often shifted during transitional periods of military expansion and election of new Alaafins, and it gradually reinforced the state council's position against the Alaafin, who was inturn forced to secure his authority by creating an alternative military system using provincial nobles. The involvement of militant provincial nobles by the Alaafin could only be sustained when the center was strong, but when the center weakened so much that even the _Basorun_ required military aid, provincial nobles (eg Afonja) used the opportunity to carve out their own states.
A similar evolution in government occurred in Kongo, where the shifting balance of power between the Kings, the state council, and the provincial nobles (the daSilvas of Soyo), which had earlier enabled the kingdom's expansion, eventually led to its disintegration. (Its not particularly unique to Africa either, since its a common theme in the rise and fall of empires across the world)
[African History Extra The kingdom of Kongo and the Portuguese: diplomacy, trade, warfare and early Afro-European interactions (1483-1670) The kingdom of Kongo is one of Africa's most recognizable pre-colonial states, but its history is often narrated with the theme of tragedy, from the virtuous and sympathetic king who was betrayed by his shrewd European "brother" that undermined his authority and rebuffed his complaints, to a kingdom torn apart by slavery caused by European interlopers, … Read more 4 years ago · 9 likes · isaac Samuel](https://isaacsamuel.substack.com/p/the-kingdom-of-kongo-and-the-portuguese?utm_source=substack&utm_campaign=post_embed&utm_medium=web)
The government in Oyo is another case in which internal Africa political processes rather than external actors, provide us with a better understanding of African history in its local context. It was the evolution of political institutions of Oyo that enabled its expansion and decline; **the trajectory of the Oyo empire did not depend on the ebb and flow of the Atlantic world’s economic demands, but on the internal political processes of the Yorubaland.**
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!BtOB!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F486d3c9b-6360-4bd7-ad82-7443f5c6bcbb_593x907.png)
_**The view from Ọ̀yọ́-Àtìbà, 1953**_
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During the ancient times; **Africans travelled and lived in the Roman Europe just as Romans travelled into Africa**; read about this and more in;
[AFRICANS IN ROME AND ROMANS IN AFRICA](https://patreon.com/posts/75714077)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-1-91226295)
Revisiting old Oyo by C. A. Folorunso pg 8, Urbanism in the Preindustrial World by Glenn R. Storey pg 155)
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-2-91226295)
African Civilizations: An Archaeological Perspective by Graham Connah pg 155-156)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-3-91226295)
Urbanism in the Preindustrial World by Glenn R. Storey pg 155-157)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-4-91226295)
The Yoruba: A New History by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 163-173)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-5-91226295)
Kingdoms of the Yoruba By Robert Sydney Smith pg 34-35)
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-6-91226295)
The Yoruba: A New History by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 243
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-7-91226295)
Kingdoms of the Yoruba By Robert Sydney Smith pg 36, The Constitutional Troubles of Ọyọ in the Eighteenth Century by R. C. C. Law pg 28)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-8-91226295)
The Constitutional Troubles of Ọyọ in the Eighteenth Century by R. C. C. Law pg 29-30)
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-9-91226295)
A History of the Yoruba People by Stephen Adebanji Akintoye pg 262, The Constitutional Troubles of Ọyọ in the Eighteenth Century by R. C. C. Law pg 30-31)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-10-91226295)
A West African Cavalry State: The Kingdom of Oyo by Robin Law pg 4)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-11-91226295)
Kingdoms of the Yoruba By Robert Sydney Smith pg 37, The Yoruba from Prehistory to the Present by By Aribidesi Usman pg 128
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-12-91226295)
Power and Landscape in Atlantic West Africa by J. Cameron Monroe, Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 242-243)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-13-91226295)
The Yoruba: A New History by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 207-208)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-14-91226295)
Power and Landscape in Atlantic West Africa by J. Cameron Monroe, Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 239-240)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-15-91226295)
The Yoruba: A New History by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 192
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-16-91226295)
The Constitutional Troubles of Ọyọ in the Eighteenth Century by R. C. C. Law pg 10).
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-17-91226295)
The Yoruba: A New History by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 198)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-18-91226295)
_**This paragraph condenses two seemingly contradicting statements about the origins of the Basorun vs the Oyo dynasty, the former of whom is considered by some scholars to be autochthonous and that the latter was “foreign” resumably Ibariba or Nupe,**_ see; Early Oyo history reconsidered by B. A Agiri pg 8-9
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-19-91226295)
_**This contradicts with the footnote above by reversing the identities of the Basorun vs the Old oyo dynasty by using the names of the basorun to argue for their non-yoruba identity**_, see The Yoruba: A New History by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 191-192
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-20-91226295)
The Constitutional Troubles of Ọyọ in the Eighteenth Century by R. C. C. Law pg 31)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-21-91226295)
The Constitutional Troubles of Ọyọ in the Eighteenth Century by R. C. C. Law pg 30-32)
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-22-91226295)
The Yoruba: A New History by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 209)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-23-91226295)
The Cambridge History of Africa. Volume 4 pg 232)
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-24-91226295)
The Kingdom of Allada by Robin Law pg 113)
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-25-91226295)
The Slave Coast of West Africa, 1550-1750 by Robin Law pg 278-280)
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-26-91226295)
Wives of the leopard by Edna G. Bay pg 58, The Slave Coast of West Africa, 1550-1750 by Robin Law pg 281-282, Ouidah by Robin Law pg 52)
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-27-91226295)
Ouidah by Robin Law pg 53, Wives of the leopard by Edna G. Baypg 83)
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-28-91226295)
The Cambridge History of Africa. Volume 4 pg 241)
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-29-91226295)
The Slave Coast of West Africa, 1550-1750 by Robin Law pg 289-291)
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-30-91226295)
Wives of the leopard by Edna G. Bay pg 53,64)
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-31-91226295)
A History of the Yoruba People by Stephen Adebanji Akintoye pg 259)
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-32-91226295)
The Constitutional Troubles of Ọyọ in the Eighteenth Century by R. C. C. Law pg 32)
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-33-91226295)
The Constitutional Troubles of Ọyọ in the Eighteenth Century by R. C. C. Law pg 32-33)
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-34-91226295)
The Slave Coast of West Africa, 1550-1750 by Robin Law pg 293-295)
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-35-91226295)
The Slave Coast of West Africa, 1550-1750 by Robin Law pg 320-324)
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-36-91226295)
Kingdoms of the Yoruba By Robert Sydney Smith pg 38)
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-37-91226295)
The Constitutional Troubles of Ọyọ in the Eighteenth Century by R. C. C. Law pg 33-34, Kingdoms of the Yoruba By Robert Sydney Smith pg 38,
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-38-91226295)
Wives of the leopard by Edna G. Bay pg 110-118)
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-39-91226295)
The Constitutional Troubles of Ọyọ in the Eighteenth Century by R. C. C. Law pg 37)
[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-40-91226295)
The Constitutional Troubles of Ọyọ in the Eighteenth Century by R. C. C. Law pg 25-26)
[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-41-91226295)
Kingdoms of the Yoruba By Robert Sydney Smith pg 35)
[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-42-91226295)
A History of the Yoruba People by Akintoye, Stephen Adebanji pg 259)
[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-43-91226295)
The Constitutional Troubles of Ọyọ in the Eighteenth Century by R. C. C. Law pg 36, n47
[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-44-91226295)
The Yoruba: A New History by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 263-264)
[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-45-91226295)
The Yoruba: A New History by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 263-266)
[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-46-91226295)
A History of the Yoruba People by Akintoye, Stephen Adebanji pg 184
[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-47-91226295)
A History of the Yoruba People by Akintoye, Stephen Adebanji pg 264-5, 278-279)
[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-48-91226295)
The Yoruba from Prehistory to the Present by Aribidesi Adisa Usman pg 141-151)
[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-49-91226295)
The Yoruba: A New History by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 243)
[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-50-91226295)
Kingdoms of the Yoruba By Robert Sydney Smith pg 39)
[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-51-91226295)
The Constitutional Troubles of Ọyọ in the Eighteenth Century by R. C. C. Law pg 39
[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-52-91226295)
The Constitutional Troubles of Ọyọ in the Eighteenth Century by R. C. C. Law pg 40-41
[53](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in#footnote-anchor-53-91226295)
_**see footnotes 18 and 19 above**_
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[Dec 20, 2022](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/empire-building-and-government-in/comment/11281551 "Dec 20, 2022, 10:54 AM")
Liked by isaac Samuel
Great article and very interesting. I noticed small typos (though it is obvious in context the dates that are meant):
I think that in this paragraph you meant to type 1726 and not 1626: "Hussar, fled to Oyo-ile and petitioned Alaafin Ojigi to intervene, who then dispatched a cavalry force which invaded and defeated Agaja's army in Allada in May 1626, forcing the king of Dahomey to flee from the capital."
And I think that here you meant 1731-2:
"Agaja retaliated by besieging Mahi's capital Gbowele in 1831-2 and ceasing the payment of tribute to Oyo, but internal circumstances after Alaafin Ojigi's death in 1730 (exlained above), prevented Oyo from invading Dahomey."
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[At the close of the 19th century, the Yorùbá region of South-west Nigeria was one of the most urbanized places in Africa.](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-city-states-of-the-yoruba-a-history)
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Published Time: 2021-09-26T10:43:04+00:00
Eurocentrism, Afrocentrism and the need to decolonize African history.
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Eurocentrism, Afrocentrism and the need to decolonize African history.
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### Moving beyond racist theories and fictitious pasts
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Sep 26, 2021
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**The foundation of Eurocentrism and the Hamitic race theory**
Western historiography of Africa is considered to have begun -in large part- after Napoleon's "discovery" of ancient Egypt in 1798. Prior to that, European scholars had little knowledge of ancient civilizations on the African continent as a whole; both north and sub-Saharan Africa (except for some flirtations with it in the writings of early explorers and Arab writers), and, having to acknowledge the impressive historical achievement of Egypt, Europeans were forced to reconcile this new discovery with their presumption of their own racial superiority by reclassifying the ancient Egyptians, whom they had previously been regarded as "black", as racially white.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-1-41817896)
It was then that European scholars came up with several theories on how to bring African history into their racial-geographic understanding of world history which was at the time heavily influenced by scientific racism notably by the Gottingen school of History that subdivided the world into three major races; the Caucasoids in Europe, the Mongoloid in Asia and the Negroid in Africa. These classifications had no real basis scientifically but they were nevertheless relevant to rationalizing European expansionism, slavery, and the racial caste system in the Americas and seemed to complement the prevailing interpretations of the "curse of Ham" in Abrahamic religions (which initially associated Ham-ites with barbarism and slavery rather than civilization)
These categories not only entered mainstream discourse in various academic disciplines, they also became the very foundations of such; particularly anthropology and history, and were popularized in the philosophies of Friedrich Hegel and the writings of Francis Galton.
It was within this context that the Hamitic hypothesis arose. This elaborate racialist anthropological theory was refined in the early 20th century by British ethnologist Charles Seligman; it posits that "Hamites were European (ie; racially white) pastoralists, who were able to conquer indigenous agriculturalists because they were not only better armed (with iron weapons, which they are suggested to have introduced into sub-Saharan Africa), but also supposedly "quicker witted".
The Hamitic theory reversed the earlier view about ‘Ham’ (the son of Noah) and his progeny, from the archetypical barbarian to the harbinger of civilization in Africa, it incorporated the idea of white racial superiority and completely erased and denied the existence of "black African" states, inventions and cultural achievements instead attributing them to the influence of outsiders . This was the foundation of the Eurocentric interpretation of African history where African cultural accomplishments were ultimately tied with or derived from Western civilization —a vague categorization that includes all Mediterranean civilizations that Europeans appropriated as their own such as the ancient Sumerians, Phoenicians, and Egyptians.
* * *
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The foundations of Eurocentrism were laid by, among others, Georg Hegel from whom the modern arbitrary divisions of north and sub-Saharan Africa are attributed
Hegel claimed "Africa consists of three continents which are entirely separate from one another, and between which there is no contact whatsoever" he classifies Africa into "European Africa" which is northern Africa (from the Atlantic coast including Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia) he claims this region has always been subject to foreign influences, that "this is a country which merely shares the fortunes of great events enacted elsewhere, but which has no determinate character of its own", next in his classification is Egypt which he gives a triple classification as in Asia, Europe and its on its own. He writes that Egypt became the "center of a great and independent culture" and lastly “Africa proper” identified as sub-Saharan Africa which he claims "has no historical interest of its own and remains cut off from the rest of the world"[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-2-41817896). It was on this foundation of deliberate erasure and dismissal that the themes in the modern of African history were constructed; scientific racism and social Darwinism.
Eurocentrism was thus not just a perverse underbelly in the interpretation and understanding of African history; it was the very basis of its creation; European anthropologists, philosophers, historians, and explorers formed these pre-conceived theories about what Africa was, how it came to be and who its people were even before stepping foot on the continent itself but were nevertheless regarded as authoritative figures from whom the authoritative and accurate interpretation of African history was to be sourced.
* * *
**An outline of Eurocentrist founders of the modern studies of African history**
It was within this racialist context that the so-called "founders" of the different branches of African historiography established their respective fields of study often based on blatantly racist ideologies that were at times criticized even by their contemporaries.
In the late 19th century in southern Nigeria, Leo Frobenius one of the earliest and influential historians of Yoruba society, claimed to have found evidence of the mythical city of Atlantis in Ile-ife, the cultural birthplace of the Yoruba claiming that that the Yoruba preserved the last remnants of a sea-faring Etruscan civilization, that one of the Yoruba deities - Olokun was the Greek god Poseidon, and that "the gloom of negrodom had overshadowed him" hence the Yoruba’s decent from glory to their then primitive state[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-3-41817896) Frobenius would influence later Yoruba historians such as Saburi Biobaku[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-4-41817896)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!3XRW!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4b960f26-ce72-4dcf-ae84-c0832b752b63_751x1000.jpeg)
_the 13th century head depicting a royal from ife, it was seized by Frobenius from ile-ife_
In the 1920s in Nubia, George Reisner -considered the father of Nubiology, wrote about Kerma (the first Nubian kingdom) that "the social mingling of the three races, the Egyptian, the Nubian and the Negro resulted in the production of offspring of mixed blood who don't inherit the mental qualities of the highest race, in this case the Egyptian"[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-5-41817896) and "that a proportion of the offspring will perpetuate the qualities of the male parent and thus the highest race will not necessarily disappear"[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-6-41817896) and when he encountered what was "unambiguously” Nubian material from the 25th dynasty, he still dismissed it and intentionally misattributed the artifacts and the entire dynasty's origin to the light-skinned Libyans beginning a “debate” on the origins of the Napatan Kingdom (which eventually conquered Egypt) solely based on a premise that the black Nubians couldn't have possibly established the dynasty themselves.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-7-41817896), Reisner inturn influenced later historians such as Anthony John Arkell's history of the sudan[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-8-41817896)
In the 1900s, in southern Africa at the ruins of Great Zimbabwe; archeologists Theodore Bent and Richard Hall —who are the pioneers in the studies of zimbabwe culture, believed that Africans could not have possibly built or even founded the city of Great Zimbabwe, Richard Hall, went on to destroy much of surface materials in the ruins claiming that the materials were recent bantu corruptions of the original white/Semitic builders, some of what was destroyed unfortunately included several constructions, materials and graves of royals and other notables that contained invaluable artifacts which later historians were deprived of in reconstructing the Zimbabwean past.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-9-41817896)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!pHJF!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd65d9762-23d6-47d7-aa9c-5f33acfd100a_1536x1018.png)
_the great enclosure at great zimbabwe_
In Ethiopia, historian Conti Rossini claimed that the civilized elements of Ethiopia such as food production and state form of political organization were introduced by south Arabian groups who colonized the north horn of Africa region from the red sea.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-10-41817896) This speculative account of Ethiopian history remained unchallenged well into the 1950s
On the east African coast in the 1920s the British colonial administrators seeking to suppress Swahili identity and their cultural history concocted the fictional Persian colonial state called the “Zinj empire” centered at the city of Kilwa which they claimed was in control of the entire coast in the medieval era. These ideas were given academic merit by British historians Reginald Coupland and James Kirkman who were the first professional modern historians of the Swahili.
Reginald claimed that the entire coast was ruled by immigrant colonists who engaged in grand slave trading that affected the kingdoms of the interior and relegated the Swahili to slaves or wives of these Arab/Persian immigrants. Kirkman claimed that the Swahili ruins "belonged not to Africans but Arabs and Persians with some African blood" claiming Africans were incapable of such achievements.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-11-41817896)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!HH-o!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbc23ca06-2a91-4dcf-aad0-5c9ec7269699_935x553.jpeg)
_the ruined mosque of kilwa kisiwani in the 1910s before the bushes were cleared_
Similar ideologies were present In the “western Sudan” where the (light-skinned) Berbers were assumed to have introduced state building, metallurgy, and domesticated crops to their (dark-skinned) southern neighbors such as the Mandinka. And in the great lakes region of eastern central Africa, where these so-called Hamitic groups (claimed to be the Tutsi or Hima) are said to have immigrated to, invaded, displaced, and conquered autochthonous groups, and supposedly introduced civilization, metallurgy, and statecraft to “negroid” groups who apparently had no knowledge of such.
These wildly inaccurate theories were given credibility by professional historians, archeologists, linguists, and anthropologists working in concert with the colonial governments to deny, erase, and deliberately misattribute African civilizations to the “white-adjacent” and fictitious Hamitic groups.
While critiques of Euro-centrist themes have been offered multiple times, especially by historians and archaeologists of Africa often taking up much of the introductions to their books, these critiques fall short of identifying the root of the problem with Eurocentrism which is that the premise of these Hamitic theories and Diffusionism theories was the underlying prejudice against non-western people rather than a genuine attempt at scientific inquiry in non-western history.
The “debate" on who built great Zimbabwe wasn't premised on a scientific comparison with the Middle Eastern cities (of its supposed builders), but on a racist conception that the Shona people (and other Bantu-speaking groups) couldn't build such structures. The misattribution of Swahili ruins to Arabs wasn't built on rigorous research between Arab and Swahili construction materials and styles, nor was it based on extensive studies of the Swahili language and its history, but instead on the prejudiced thinking that the Swahili couldn't have been the originators of their civilization and couldn’t be the builders of the ruins found along the east African coast. The same bad faith is behind the theories of West African metallurgy being introduced from Carthage, claims of African cereals being solely introduced from the middle east, and African cities existing only as foreign outposts.
* * *
**The rise of Afrocentrism**
As these historians dressed colonial racist interpretations of African history under the cloak of academic credibility, a counter-movement was growing among scholars of African descent In the Americas and the diaspora, one that in many ways mirrored the race-centered ideologies of colonial scholars but inversed their hypothetical center of world civilizations from “Western civilization” to Africa, specifically: Ancient Egypt, in large part drawn from the writings of 19th century Egyptologists. This movement later came to be known as Afrocentrism the foundations of which were laid in the racially-segregated US where history and race were politicized and considered central to people's identity and government policy.
While the US produced professional archaeologists like James Henry Breasted —who studied ancient Egypt and created the "great white race" hypothesis in which ancient Egyptians were supposedly the origins of the white race and all civilizations— there was also a growing crop of amateur scholars studying ancient Egypt that belonged to fraternal orders in the American white and black middle class. This resulted in the proliferation of masonic, theosophical, spiritualist, and esoteric writers in ancient Egypt which influenced the black-American middle class. The most notable of these lodges was the Prince Hall Grand Lodge in Boston which had major figures like William Monroe Trotter and Booker T. Washington.
The most influential of the masonic writers to early Afrocentrist scholars were the writings of Albert Churchward, an amateur English Egyptologist and adherent of freemasonry who claimed the secrets of freemasonry descended directly, unaltered from ancient Egyptian wisdom and customs. He advanced a very hyper-diffusionist Egypto-centric worldview with Egypt as the origin of all civilization, religion, laws of nature, code of laws and everything else; claiming that no other nation had improved upon them since. He claimed that Egyptians sent out colonies all over the world and that all other religions were mere imitations of Egyptian wisdom and that the belief systems of the Greeks, Romans, Jews only practiced pervasions of ancient Egyptian beliefs[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-12-41817896)
Despite Churchward’s racist beliefs about Africans (outside of Egypt), Afrocentrists nevertheless held onto his writings in search for historical sources of pride to counter the Eurocentrist’s prejudices because Egypt was the only African civilization that Europeans held in high regard. Having adopted Churchward’s theories, Afrocentrists then needed only to prove that all ancient Egyptians (or at least the majority) were racially Black.
Among those who adhered to Churchwards's hyperdiffusionist theories of ancient Egypt was the writer Molefi Asante; a black American who grew up In segregated Georgia. The central theme of Asante's works involves ascribing the origin of all civilizations to Africa -specifically Egypt. He writes that Egypt formed the basis of African cultures and its technologies and philosophies spread to the ancient Greeks and other civilizations, that Europeans then conspired to brainwash Africans of this past knowledge, and that Africans both home and in the diaspora should reclaim their glorious past[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-13-41817896). Asante also cites two older influential Afrocentrist scholars like chancellor Williams and Cheick Diop
Cheick Diop is credited with the popularization of ancient Egypt as a genuine black African civilization; he claims that the emergence of all civilization and the biological origin of all humanity took place in Africa, that Egypt was a black civilization and that ancient Greece and the Europeans took everything of value from the Egyptian culture.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-14-41817896)Diop emphasized that Africans should draw their intellectual, political and social inspiration from ancient Egypt, just as the Europeans did from Greco-Latin civilization, that African humanities should draw from pharaonic culture, ancient Egyptian and Meroitic writing should replace Latin and Greek and that Egyptian law should replace roman law. Diop also espoused race realism, claiming that Africa was culturally distinct from Eurasia. Much of Diop's work overwhelmingly quotes the writings of 19th century historians like Charles Seligman and Leo Frobenius[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-15-41817896)
Few Afrocentrists covered regions outside Egypt, one region of much attention was Meso-America and the supposed pre-Colombian landings of Africans in America based on a selective list of alleged similarities between Mesoamerican and Egyptian cosmologies, architecture and the Native American’s artistic sculptural self-depictions. From the Mayan pyramids to the presence of dark-skinned Native American groups, to the Olmec heads’ peculiar phenotype (which Europeans had, in their arbitrary constructions of race, reserved for “Black Africans”). A few books have been published by Afrocentrists like Ivan Sertima and Barry Fell, both of whom derived most of their theories from the writings of Leo Weiner's attempts at documenting Africans in pre-Columbian America[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-16-41817896)
A general critique of Afrocentrism is offered by Stephen Howe who observes that Afrocentrism is premised on three fallacies; _**unanimanism**_ : belief that Africa was culturally homogenous, _**diffusionism**_ : the belief that human phenomena have one common origin and _**primordialism**_ : that present customs and identities are derived from an ancient past in unbroken continuity[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-17-41817896).
Perhaps the most potent critique of Afrocentrism comes from the African historian and archeologist Augustin Holl to Cheick Diop; he says of Diop that “he behaved as If nothing new had occurred in African archeology”. This was indeed a valid critique because when Diop first published his "Nations nègres et culture" in 1954, the overtly racist interpretation of African history was mainstream as i have outlined, but Diop continued writing his theories as late the as 1974 in "The African Origin of Civilization: Myth or Reality" when most of these racist themes had been replaced by more professional and much more academic interpretation of African history[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-18-41817896)
* * *
**Between Eurocentrism and Afrocentrism: the rise of “"moderate” scholarship**
Contemporaneous with the rise of Afrocentrism was the shift to a “moderate” reading of African history between the 60s and late 80s which coincided with the independence wave in Africa and the civil rights movements in the US that witnessed a rejection of the overtly racist Eurocentric themes of African history
While the overtly racial elements of eurocentric theories were being abandoned in the formative years of the post-colonial academic historiography of Africa which began in the 1950s and 60s , the diffusionist and Hamitic models continued to influence early historians, especially when it came to African metallurgy, complex state formation and growth, plant and animal domestication, the rise and fall of states, writing, adoption, use and innovation of new technologies, etc.
This moderate model of diffusionist and Hamitic theories, without the racial elements, can be observed in the theories of various historians like John Fage's work on ancient Ghana and west African empires in which he overstated the Berber influence on its rise, wealth and fall and the other early states of west africa[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-19-41817896), Lanfranco Ricci's work on the formation of early Ethiopian states where he exaggerated the Sabean influence in pre-Aksumite era of the northern horn of africa[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-20-41817896), James Kirkman who misinterpreted Swahili oral history and origin myths as a factual events[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-21-41817896) , Neville Chittick on the Swahili coast who saw the Swahili as an African civilization with heavily Arabic and Persian influences in its foundation in his interpretation of the Shirazi myth[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-22-41817896), in Nubia was William Y. Adams who characterizes the Nubian 25th dynasty as a classic example of a former barbarian people turning the tables on their former oppressors[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-23-41817896) and many other historians focusing on west Africa and southern Africa
* * *
**The relative influences of Eurocentrism and Afrocentrism on Africans and on the study of African history.**
In terms of reviews, citations and circulation of their publications, Afrocentrist scholars are dwarfed by their Eurocentric and moderate peers, and they are often relegated to a footnote. In contrast, Eurocentrism wasn't (and isn't) just a minor perversion of an otherwise unbiased inquiry in the field of African historiography: it’s the very foundation of the field, and its adherents were the pioneers of African history and the self-appointed "founders" of their respective fields.
Eurocentric theories formed the core of the way African history is discussed and its eurocentric scholars that set the themes and topics of African history, from the fundamental eg determining if Ethiopian and Nubian historiography should be categorized as middle eastern, to the trivial, eg the tour guidebooks and museum guidebooks of African ruins and relics that were written during the colonial era and are still used today despite containing discredited theories on African history.
Worse still was Eurocentrism’s effects on the social institutions and psyche of African groups. History is political and has always been politicized whether as a source of cultural pride or as a way of “othering” groups of people to legitimize authority or justify atrocities.
For example in Rwanda, the Tutsi and Hutu were until colonization; a simple caste system in a complex relationship between the elites of several kingdoms vis-à-vis their subjects. This caste system was far from unique to Rwanda but was present in much of the eastern half of central Africa eg in the kingdoms of Nkore (in Uganda) and Karagwe (in Tanzania) and various groups in eastern Congo. During the precolonial period, some of these kingdoms were ruled by Tutsi elites and others by Hutu elites but this relationship was greatly transformed by colonial authorities into a racial designation by promoting and enforcing the Hamitic race myth, stating that “a Tutsi was a European under black skin”[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-24-41817896), forcefully annexing independent Hutu-led kingdoms under the larger Tutsi-led Nyiginya kingdom, segregating schools by educating sons of Tutsi chiefs and leaders and feeding them on a steady diet of their supposed racial superiority over the Hutu, appointing them in colonial administration and physically creating the racial category by measuring the lengths of noses, the shape of skulls with calipers, separating relatives and siblings using arbitrary phenotypical differences and issuing “race” cards to maintain this segregation[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-25-41817896) (a very divisive policy that was maintained well into the 1990s).
This process fueled animosity between these two groups sparking a series of mass murders primarily against the Tutsi first in 1959 and later –more infamously- in 1994 where 800,000 Tutsi and moderate Hutus were killed in less than three months in one of the world’s worst genocides based solely on the Hamitic theory as was best demonstrated in the dumping of bodies in the Kagera river that ultimately pours its waters into the Nile which the Interahamwe extremists claimed, was the fastest way to send the Hamites (meaning Tutsis) back to their homeland (Ethiopia and Egypt). The effects of this war spilled over into the D.R.C which sparked the first and second Congo war – one that involved over 7 African countries, claimed over 5 million lives in the most disastrous war since world war 2, and retarded the growth of the country for close to a decade.
The above example is just one of many conflicts created by the deliberate politicization of Eurocentrism in Africa, not including justifying the brutal apartheid system of white minority rule in South Africa based on the myth of empty land[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-26-41817896), legitimizing the plunder and colonization of Zimbabwe and the later establishment of the segregated state of Rhodesia on false claims of a lost white builders of great Zimbabwe[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-27-41817896), the effects of both still plague southern Africa today.
* * *
**The case for Decolonisation of African history**
Eurocentrism continues to plague mainstream discourses of African history attimes drowning African historians in vapid meta-commentary of discrediting the racist misconceptions about African history that they don't find the time to engage in the more rigorous work needed to highlight African history itself
The latter would require them to unearth new African archeological discoveries, translate and interpret old African documents, carefully examine the themes of African art, architectural styles, and social dynamics
As Toni Morison stated: _**"the very serious function of racism is distraction. It keeps you from doing your work. It keeps you explaining, over and over again, your reason for being. Somebody says you have no language and you spend twenty years proving that you do… somebody says you have no art, so you dredge that up. Somebody says you have no kingdoms, so you dredge that up"**_
Decolonisation requires nothing less than re-centering African history with the African societies that made it instead of bringing up African history only as meta-analytical critiques of Eurocentrism (the latter at times counter-intuitively legitimizes Eurocentrism as a valid theory of the African past)
Rather than dredging up art in response to Eurocentrists who claimed it didn't exist, the task for African historians is to dredge up African art to better understand the society that made it, rather than "digging up African kingdoms to idealize them so as to ridicule the cartoonish racist theories of eurocentrism that deny their existence, African kingdoms should be studied as a way of correcting colonial and post-colonial institutional deficiencies, instead of treating African achievements as trophies in the mundane tug of war against dismissive eurocentrist ideologues, African accomplishments should be seen as the stepping stone which African societies use to chart a clearer path for their progress by taking lessons from the past.
History is best useful when it helps those engaging it to grasp the present
* * *
**Conclusion**
Fortunately, many African historians are aware of the need to decolonize African history and some have taken on this task more assertively than others even without having to mention explicitly that they are ridding the field of Eurocentrism. Most notably in the study of Swahili history where historians such as John Sutton write that "the ruins at Kiowa, Songo Mnara and elsewhere on the coast and islands of Tanzania and Kenya, are therefore the relics of earlier Swahili settlements, not those of foreign immigrants or invaders ('arabs', 'shirazi' or whatever) as is commonly averred, although the mosques and tombs are by definition Islamic, they are not simple transplants from Arabian or the Persian gulf. their architectural style is one which developed locally, being distinctive in both its forms and its coral masonry techniques of the swahili coast".[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-28-41817896)
Other attempts at decolonizing history can also be seen in the study of West African history where historians such as Augustin Holl and Roderick Macintosh have re-oriented the origin and growth of the classic West African empires through their discoveries of the Tichitt neolithic's primacy on West African domestication, state building and architecture, and the unearthing of the city of Djenno Djenno which radically altered the understanding of pre-islamic trade and urbanism in west africa. Another region that's seen significant effort in decolonization is in the study of Zimbabwe cultural sites where archeologists like Shedrack Chirikure and Thomas Huffman have shifted the interpretations of the hundreds of Zimbabwe ruins away from mythical foreign builders to instead investigate their rightful origins among the shona groups.
Unfortunately, these attempts at decolonizing African history remain largely overshadowed by the legacy of their predecessors' Eurocentrism which still requires a concerted effort of decolonization from both the historians themselves and school systems in Africa and outside the continent. These educational systems perpetuate outdated products of Eurocentric thought into tour guide-books, in museums in modern journalism and political thought, all of whose perspectives on African history remains stuck in colonial thinking and require a complete overhaul in their approach to understanding the rich history of the continent.
* * *
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-anchor-1-41817896)
Robin Law, The "Hamitic Hypothesis" in Indigenous West African Historical Thought
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-anchor-2-41817896)
Teshale Tibebu, Hegel and the Third World: The Making of Eurocentrism in World History. Pg 172
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-anchor-3-41817896)
Frieder Ludwig et al, European Traditions in the Study of Religion in Africa. Pg 189
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-anchor-4-41817896)
Ancient Egypt in Africa, David O'Connor pg 86
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-anchor-5-41817896)
George Andrew Reisner, Excavations at Kerma. pg 556
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-anchor-6-41817896)
willeke wendrich, egyptian archaeology.
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-anchor-7-41817896)
Steffen Wenig, Studien Zum Antiken Sudan: Akten Der 7. Internationalen Tagung Für Meroitische Forschungen Vom 14. Bis 19. September 1992 in Gosen/bei Berlin. Pg 6
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-anchor-8-41817896)
Papers in African Prehistory jd fage pg 46
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-anchor-9-41817896)
Pikirayi Innocent, The Zimbabwe Culture: Origins and Decline of Southern Zambezian States pg 14
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-anchor-10-41817896)
Peter Robert shaw, A history of African archaeology. Pg 97
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-anchor-11-41817896)
Allen, James De Vere, Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture and The Shungwaya Phenomenon pg 4-6
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-anchor-12-41817896)
Stephen Howe, Afrocentrism: Mythical Pasts and Imagined Homes. Page 67
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-anchor-13-41817896)
Stephen Howe, Page 232
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-anchor-14-41817896)
Douglas Northrop, A Companion to World History
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-anchor-15-41817896)
Stephen Howe, Page 164-174
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-anchor-16-41817896)
Stephen Howe, Page 220
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-anchor-17-41817896)
Stephen Howe, Page 232
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-anchor-18-41817896)
Stephen Howe, page 167
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-anchor-19-41817896)
Robin Law, The "Hamitic Hypothesis" in Indigenous West African Historical Thought
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-anchor-20-41817896)
Rodolfo Fattovich, The northern Horn of Africa in the first millennium BCE: local traditions and external connections
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-anchor-21-41817896)
Allen, James De Vere, Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture and The Shungwaya Phenomenon pg 4
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-anchor-22-41817896)
Allen, James De Vere, Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture and The Shungwaya Phenomenon pg 9
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-anchor-23-41817896)
David O'Connor, Ancient Egypt in Africa. Page 161
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-anchor-24-41817896)
Alain Destexhe, Rwanda and Genocide in the Twentieth Centur, pg 39
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-anchor-25-41817896)
Mahmood Mamdani, When Victims Become Killers: Colonialism, Nativism, and the Genocide in Rwanda pg 76-101
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-anchor-26-41817896)
Shula Marks, “South Africa: 'The Myth of the Empty Land
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-anchor-27-41817896)
Scientific Racism in Modern South Africa. By Saul Dubow pg 87
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/eurocentrism-afrocentrism-and-the#footnote-anchor-28-41817896)
G sutton; kilwa A history pg 118
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Published Time: 2022-09-18T14:13:35+00:00
Foundations of Trade and Education in medieval west Africa: the Wangara diaspora.
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Foundations of Trade and Education in medieval west Africa: the Wangara diaspora.
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### networks of gold and learning.
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As the earliest documented group of west African scholars and merchants, the Wangara occupy a unique position in African historiography, from the of accounts of medieval geographers in Muslim Spain to the archives of historians in Mamluk Egypt, the name Wangara was synonymous with gold trade from west Africa, the merchants who brought the gold, and the mines from which they obtained it. But "Wangara" remained wrapped in mystery that confounded the external writers who described them and their confusion over the word’s usage, colored the medieval conception of west African societies.
In west Africa however, the Wangara were far from mysterious, but were the quintessential group of scholar-merchants who came to characterize the political and social landscape of the region. From their merchanttowns and scholarly centers that extended from Senegal to northern Nigeria, the Wangara oversaw a sophisticated commercial and intellectual network that greatly shaped the fortunes of pre-colonial west Africa. As one 17th century west African chronicle written by one of their scholars states "_**there was no land in the West that was not inhabited by the Wangara**_"
This article explores the history of the Wangara diaspora in west Africa, from their dispersion across west Africa to their legacy in scholarship and trade.
_**Map of west Africa showing the dispersion routes taken by the Jakhanke (yellow), Juula (green) and Wangarawa (red)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Jg1s!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F47379540-b055-43b0-b21f-824168996710_1014x608.png)
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**Wangara Origins:**
The name Wangara is one of several common ethnonyms including; Serakhulle; Juula; Jakankhe, which refers to closely related groups of northern Mande-speakers (Soninke and Maninka/Malinke languages) who were identified primarily by their involvement in long-distance trade and Islamic scholarship and are associated with the establishment of the medieval empires of Ghana and Mali. ‘Wangara’ originally denoted a loosely defined social-economic reality tied to the two factors of trade and learning, but later gave way to ethno-linguistic claims in some regions, while in other regions it was used by autochthonous groups to identify their communities of Mande scholar-merchants.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-1-73726927)
The Wangara are known in external accounts as gold traders as early as the 11th century where they first appear in the descriptions of west Africa by al-Bakri as the "_**Gangara**_", and in al-Idrisi's texts who described the inland delta of the Niger as "_**the country of Wangara …its inhabitants are rich, for they possess gold in abundance.**_" A 14th century account by Ibn Battuta identifies the "_**Wanjarat**_" town of Zaghari (Dia-Zagha/Dia-kha) that is home to many "_**black merchants**_" and scholars and is "_**old in Islam**_".[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-2-73726927)
In the mid-15th century, the Portuguese at El-mina (Ghana) had identified the “_**Mandingua**_” (ie Mande; a group which the Wangara belong) as their main suppliers of gold, and in 16th century external accounts, the Serakhullé are placed in the Senegambia region as important traders whose network extended to Egypt. The 17th century Timbuktu chronicle Tarikh al-fattash (whose author was a Wangara scholar) makes the distinction that the Malinke and Wangara are of similar origins but the former were Mali's soldiers while the latter were merchants, and other internal 17th and 19th century documents mention the “_**Wangarawa**_” as having arrived in the Hausalands between the 14th and 15th century.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-3-73726927)
The heyday of the Wangara trade and scholarship prior to their dispersion was at the height of the Ghana and Mali empires between the 10th and 14th century when both Soninke and Malinke speakers inhabited a broad swathe of territory from the Senegal river to the Niger river. The Soninke in particular are associated with the Neolithic civilization of Dhar tichitt and the early urban clusters around the ancient cities of Dia and Jenne-jenno in the inner Niger delta region (see the green circle on the map) which grew to include the old towns of Kabara and Diakha (Jagha), while the Malinke are associated with the founding of Mali.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-4-73726927)
Kābara was the dispersion point for Wangara scholars moving eastwards. These scholars became prominent in Timbuktu during the Mali era when the city is described as "_**thronged by sūdānī students, people of the west who excelled in scholarship and righteousness**_"; (sūdānī here being “black” west African in contrast to the bidan/“white” sanhaja-Berbers). The most prominent among whom was the scholar Modibbo Muhammad al-Kābari who moved to Timbuktu in 1446 along with 30 Kābara scholars and taught the (sanhaja) scholars Umar Aqit and Sidi Yahya, both of whose families were predominant at Timbuktu during the Songhay era. (the latter has a Mosque/school named after him).[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-5-73726927)
While Diakha became the point of dispersion for Wangara scholars and clerics moving south and west, and were known as Diakhanke/Jakhanke, they initially moved to Jenne (where virtually all scholars known have Wangara names) and later to Begho (where Jenne's merchants traded) and to the Senegambia regions. The most notable among whom was Muhammad Baghayogho al-Wangari of jenne (d.1593) who was also active in Timbuktu, the teacher of the famous Songhay scholar Ahmad baba as well as the Kunta scholars of the Sahel. The Baghayogho surname was prestigious across west africa including at Timbuktu where the Baghayogho family were the imams of the Sidi Yahya Mosque[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-6-73726927), it also among the many soninke names of the Qadis of the jenne mosque, and appears among the Juula scholars who migrated southwards and who claim genealogical links to Jenne. Jenne was a major center of scholarship predating and rivaling Timbuktu with an estimated 4,200 scholars in the 12/13th century when its Great mosque was built, according to the 17th century Timbuktu chronicle tarikh al-sudan.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-7-73726927)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!uZVd!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F18dcc6e6-4f3b-4287-b439-3052777e336f_702x468.jpeg)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!br8d!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd73a5fa4-67e0-49f7-a06b-bdf493186434_1024x657.png)
_**the 15th century Sidi yahya mosque Timbuktu and the 13th century Great Mosque of Jenne.**_
A seminal figure among the Wangara scholars and merchants during their dispersion from Diakha was the scholar AI-Hajj Salim Suware. He is the subject of numerous hagiological references in writings that circulate widely among the Juula and Jakhanke groups and is said to have been born and educated in the city of Dia (Diakha or Ja) and travelled to mecca several times, after which he settled to teach in the city. The exact era in which he flourished is still a subject of debate with some scholars placing him in the 12th/13th century while others place him in the 15th/16th century.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-8-73726927)
AI-Hajj Salim Suwari established, among Jakhanke and Juula alike, a pedagogical Suwari-an tradition which enjoined the repudiation of arms in favor of peaceful witness and moral example. His principle dicta which regulated the Wangara's relationships with non-Muslims, placed emphasis on pacifist commitment, education and teaching as tools of proselytizing, but it firmly rejected conversion through war (Jihad) which Suwari said was an interference with God's will.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-9-73726927) His teachings enabled the Jakhanke and Juula to operate within non-Muslim territories without prejudice to their distinctive Muslim identity, allowing them access to the material resources of this world (through trade) without foregoing salvation in the next.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-10-73726927)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!dmye!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F009d51e8-c91b-4cfc-bdc7-8a5ef3c3f9f0_925x593.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!MwmL!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F22d0693a-6ef9-400d-87a8-58823a0af06c_960x640.jpeg)
_**The old Wangara cities of Dia and Jenne**_
* * *
**The arcs of Wangara dispersion**
Trade appears to have been secondary to education/teaching according to most written and oral accounts among the Wangara diaspora which subscribed to the Suwarian tradition, as they focus not on those who went to do business, but on those who traveled to teach. Despite this emphasis on scholarship, many of the Wangara settlements (especially for the Juula groups) were established along gold trading routes, which betrays their commercial interests.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-11-73726927) Over the course of their migration, there were three common ethnonyms used for the Wangara scholar-merchants; in the Volta basin region (Burkina Faso to Ghana and ivory coast) they were called **Juula**(Dyula) which simply means merchant, while in the central Sudan (northern Nigeria and Niger) they were referred to as **Wangarawa**, and in the western-most region from Senegambia through Guinea to Sierra Leone, they are primarily identified as **Jakhankhe**. (although these terms attimes overlapped)[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-12-73726927)
**The Southern expansion of the Juula**
The earliest waves of expansion by the Juula following the southern direction into the Volta basin occurred in the 15th and 16th century with the establishment of the town of Begho by merchant-scholars from Jenne . According to a chronicle written in 1747 titled “_**Kitab Ghanja**_” written by Sidi Umar bin Suma -a direct descendant of the original Juula founders of Begho, the town of Begho was founded by a Mali general Nabanga, who had been sent to defend the declining empire's gold supplies, but Nabanga instead stayed there to found the kingdom of Gonja. The Timbuktu chronicle _tarikh al-sudan_ on the other hand, simply mentions Begho as a mine frequented by Jenne traders. These account have been partially collaborated archeologically with the findings of Islamic material culture, burials and long distance trade goods in Begho dated to 1400-1700. Begho's collapse led to the dispersion of many of the Juula groups who are credited with the establishment of the towns of Bondouku, Salaga, Buna and Bole during the 17th/18th century.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-13-73726927)
To the east of Begho was the 17th century kingdom of Dagomba (in northern Ghana), its non-Muslim King Na Luro (d.1660) is said to have invited the Juula scholar Abdallah Bagayogo from Timbuktu who built a mosque and school that was run by his son Ya'muru, the latter then taught the Dagomba prince Muhammad Zangina that became the kingdom's first Muslim ruler in 1700. A visiting north-African merchant in the 18th century described the Muslim kingdom of Dagomba and its characteristically Suwarian tradition of tolerance that "_**the Musselman and the Pagan are indiscriminately mixed that their cattle feed upon the same mountain, and that the approach of evening sends them in peace to the same village**_"[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-14-73726927). A similar trajectory occurred in the kingdom of Wa (northern Ghana) where the Wangara scholar from the city of Dia named Ya'muru Tarawiri (who was the grandson of Suwari's student Bukari Tarawiri the 16th century Qadi of Jenne), got acquainted with prince Saliya of Wa and made Tarawiri the Wa kingdom's first imam.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-15-73726927)
In other regions, the Juula were converted by their hosts rather than the reverse, including in the region surrounding the city of Bobo (southern Burkina Faso) and Tagara (northern Ghana). From the Juula’s perspective, this threat of backsliding necessitated the need for constant renewal from newer waves of immigrants, so the Juula’s Saganogo clan took on the role of renewers, initiating a wave of construction across the various Juula settlements with mosques and schools built at Kong in 1785, at Buna in 1795, at Bonduku in 1797 and at Wa in 1801. These cities became major centers of learning, especially Buna which the explorer Henrich Barth described in the 1850s that "_**a place of great celebrity for its learning and its schools, in the countries of the Mohammedan Mandingoes to the south.**_"[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-16-73726927)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!rPcr!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F32196dfe-4b81-4826-bd29-20e7e5486a90_990x562.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!6Nk9!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7ae0279c-6d9c-403b-ad96-e944035e77d8_1000x667.jpeg)
_**the juula city of Bonduku in Ivory coast and Wa Na’s residence in Ghana**_
The Juula established themselves in the Asante kingdom (central Ghana) during the 18th century. Some decades after the 18th century Asante conquest of northern states including Gonja (which is bitterly recounted in Sidi Umar's chronicle _**Kitab Ghanja**_ mentioned above ). Umar's great-grandson Muhammad Kamagate eventually became a close confidant of the Asante king Osei Tutu, assumed the role of leader of the Juula quarter in Asante's capital Kumase and served as a go-between in the king Osei's correspondence with his Gonja subjects. The Juula merchant-scholar network in Kumase overlapped with other commercial diasporas including the Hausa.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-17-73726927)
In some rare exceptions, the Juula accompanied military conquerors, as was the case with the Mande general Shehu Watara (d. 1745) who established the Kong kingdom between Ivory coast and Burkina Faso, and subsumed various already-established Juula settlements including at the cities of Kong, Bonduku and Bobo-Dioulasso. Despite the militant circumstances of its founding, Suwarian precepts were upheld in Kongo with one writer in 1907 noting that Kong was "_**a place distinguished, one might almost say, by its religious indifference, or at all events by its tolerant spirit and wise respect for all the religious views of the surrounding indigenous populations**_".[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-18-73726927)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!tYZ-!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1fcd240f-6fb8-4334-8bcb-54ea505bd423_815x533.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!9LVN!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd8336e9d-ac92-4e00-a9e1-395a33949bb1_1011x576.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!EGJG!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F50ee0416-f4ce-4fbf-80bb-3b401759a828_1000x646.jpeg)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!lPOX!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F147391bc-1be9-4b99-866a-ed9c13930cd0_1200x608.jpeg)
_**the 18th century Juula mosques of Bobo-Dioulasso in Burkina Faso and Kong in Ivory coast**_
* * *
**Eastern expansion of the Wangarawa**
The eastern wave of the Wangara migration begun during the 14th century according to 17th and 19th century chronicles from the Hausaland which recount the arrival and influence of the Wangara scholar-traders on the political and commercial institutions of the region. In the city-state of Katsina during the mid 14th century a Wangarawa (Hausa for Wangara) named Muhammad Korau established a new dynasty, around the same time when a Malinke warlord named Usumanu Zamnagawa seized the throne of Kano and ruled between 1343-1349, but was succeeded by a Hausa ruler king Yaji (r. 1349-1385) under whose reign a group of 40 Wangara scholars are said to have come from Mali and influenced Yaji’s institution of Muslim administrative titles (imam and alkali). His second successor king Kanajeji (1390-1410) acquired cavalry equipment and chainmail from the Wangara, but his mixed military performance forced him to cut ties with the Wangara and reinstate traditional religion, his successor king Umaru (1410-1421) would instead turn to Bornu scholars and traders to play the role previously dominated by the Wangara.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-19-73726927)
A chronicle written in 1650 from the city state of kano titled _**asl al-Wangariyyin alladhina bi-Kanu**_ (The Origin of the Wangara in Kano) describes the journey of 3,636 scholars from the Mali empire, who travelled against the wishes its emperor in the year 1431, and arrived in Kano in the late 15th century. This group was led by Abd al-Rahmán Jakhite (Zaghayti /Diakhite; whose nisba denotes his origin from the city of Dia), the group was placed under the patronage of king Rumfa of kano (1463-1499) and remained prominent scholars in the city where they reportedly settled in the Madabo quarter.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-20-73726927)
In the region of Borgu in northern Benin, the Wangara established themselves at an uncertain date during and after the fall of Songhai in the 16th century, becoming the dominant commercial diaspora in the towns of Djougou and Nikki by the 18th and 19th century where their networks overlapped with those of other commercial diasporas such as the Hausa and Yoruba.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-21-73726927)
* * *
**Western Expansion of the Jakhanke**
The Jakhanke ethnonym represents the western wing of the northern Mande-speaking trade system, their geneological accounts (tarikhs) written in the 19th century say that under al-Hájj Sálim’s leadership, clerical learning shifted westward from the old city of Dia, toward the 17th century kingdoms of Bundu, Khasso, and Futa Jallon after fall of Mali. In the senegambia, the earliest jakhanke community was established at the town of Sutukho by the scholar Mama Sambu Gassama, this town also appears in several external (European) accounts from the 15th century as a major center of learning and trade where the Portuguese obtained a lot of gold (reportedly 5,000 ounces a year), and whose schools and private libraries are described as "monasteries". Sutukho was later abandoned in the 18th century when the Jakhanke moved to the town of Didecoto in Bundu kingdom, this state that was less militant than its peers due to the influence of Suwarian ideology carried by Didecoto’s main jakhankhe scholar Muhammad Fatima (d.1772) who also taught Bundu's rulers and influenced their adoption of Islamic offices in administration.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-22-73726927)
Over the course of the 18th century, the Jakhanke expanded their clerical networks into the region of Futa Jallon led by the scholar al-Hajj Salim Gassama (b. 1730-d. 1824) who was born in Didecoto to Muhammad Fatima, and his name pays homage to the Suwarian founder. Gassama had travelled widely for advanced learning, including the cities of; Kounti (Gambia), Djenne and Massina (Mali), Kankan (guinea), and established several settlements for his students across the region before settling late in his life to found the city of Touba in Guinea in 1804.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-23-73726927)
Touba became a major center of scholarship in the region and Touba's scholars eventually established other smaller centers of learning such as at Casamance (Senegal), Sutukung (Gambia) and Gbile (sierra-Leone). the Americo-Liberian Edward Blyden visited Gbile in 1872 where there was a ‘university’ run by the jakhanke scholar Foday Tarawali, cwhich Blyden called; “_**the Oxford of this region—where are collected over 500 young men studying Arabic and Koranic literature**_.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-24-73726927) The scholar's name Tarawiri (which in French is "Traoré) is a common nisba among the Jakhanke and Juula, and their settlement in Gbile (Kambia district, sierra Leone) marks the furthest expansion of the Wangara scholarly network
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!MSGS!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa4752d03-2405-4e65-922a-4848dc569bf6_1013x686.png)
_**19th century copy of copy of Maqāmāt Al-Ḥarīrī with extensive in Soninke, Senegal**_[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-25-73726927)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ZfQR!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F99de773a-8c54-4e68-ae27-0c6f62f0cf21_918x625.png)
_**Quranic manuscript with glosses in Soninke, from Casamance, Senegal**_[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-26-73726927)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!xvMD!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc4e5a3b8-f422-45d5-9047-cbc173a778b5_823x519.png)
_**Late 19th/early 20th century manuscripts from the private collection of the jakhanke descendants of Karang Sambu Lamin of Sutukung, stored in large metal boxes**_[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-27-73726927)
* * *
**The Wangara as a commercial diaspora**
The earliest mention of the Wangara’s trading activities comes from al-Bakri (d.1094), who describes them as a “_**non-Arab sūdān who conduct the commerce in gold dust between the lands**_” ie; from the goldfields of Bure and Bambuk (between Senegal and Mali) up to the markets of ancient Ghana. But despite his mention of Ghana’s scholars (presumably Wangara as well) in Andalusia (Spain) in the same text, his description of the Wangara as traders shows them still confined to their core territories. It wasn’t until the 15th century that accounts of Wangara traders appear outside their ethnic homeland as a commercial diaspora.
15th century accounts of the gold trade at the Portuguese El-mina castle credit the "Mandingua" (identified as Wangara) as the most prominent among the major trading groups that were responsible for the rapid influx of gold arriving at the fort, which in less than a decade had risen from 8,000 ounces in 1487 to 22,500 ounces in 1494, and prompted the Portuguese to send an envoy to Mali through the Wangara’s auspices in the 1490s.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-28-73726927)
Contemporaneous accounts by external writers in north Africa also record the Wangara trading gold northwards through Jenne and Timbuktu and into north African markets, and by the 1540s, the Wangara had extended their trade westwards to the Gambia where the Portuguese had established a small trading town. An external account from 1578 notes that the Wangara travelled south from Gambia to obtain their gold on orders of the Mali emperor who'd also ordered the occupation of Begho (mentioned above) which ultimately led to the rapid decline of Elmina's gold trade.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-29-73726927)
An example of a sophisticated Wangara network was the family of Karamo Sa Watara a resident of Timbuktu and Jenne. Karamo's brothers were established in Massina, Kong, and Buna and according to a biography written by his son, Karamo's business activities extended to the Hausalands where he was married to the daughter of a prominent local merchant Muhammad Tafsir in Katsina, to whom he sent a caravan of gold from Buna in the 1790s to which Tasfir paid for with Egyptian silks. Around the same time in 1790, a Wangara trader named aI-Hajj Hamad al-Wangari of Timbuktu organized a caravan of 50 camels carrying 4,000 ounces of gold and gum acacia, that was bound for the town of Akka in southern Morocco as payment for a large consignment of Flemish and Irish cloth.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-30-73726927)
In the Hausalands, the Wangara were involved in the early establishment of the region's famous dyeing and textile industry as well as cotton growing, with al-Dimashqi (d.1327) referring to a Wangara state in near the Hausalands where "_**the Muslims inhabit the town and wear sewn garments**_" and where "_**cotton grows on great trees**_". The Wangara’s early association with characteristically Islamic chemises and mantles may point to the origin of the Hausa riga, and the wangara group accompanying Abd al-Rahmán Jakhite to Kano in the 1490s specialized in tailoring expensive gowns and its likely that his group joined earlier groups settled in Gobir and Katsina that were also involved in textile production at this early stage, although both activities would later be taken over by the Hausa.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-31-73726927)
By the 18th century, trade in the Hausa city of Katsina was dominated by the Wangara and this continued through the 19th century despite the disastrous sack of their settlement at Yandoto during the Sokoto conquests that eventually led to their gradual displacement by other commercial diasporas such as the Agalawa-Hausa[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-32-73726927). The explorer Heinrich Barth in the 1850s mentions that "_**almost all the more considerable native merchants in Katsena are Wangarawa**_", these traders occupied a ward which bore their name and one of its oldest quarters was called Tundun Melle.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-33-73726927)
In the Volta region, the Asante's northern conquests in the 18th century are also associated with an influx in Kola-nut and Gold into Juula-dominated markets in Bonduku, Wa, Kong, Bobo and Nikki. Asante's extensive road network was grafted onto pre-existing regional trade routes especially those coming from the city of Salaga, and ultimately connecting the regions of Borgu and the Hausalands[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-34-73726927)
In Borgu, Wangara traders with northern-Mande clan names (jamuw/dyamuw) constituted some of the wealthiest traders and craftsmen especially the Kumate and Traore, the former coming to the Hausalands and Volta region in the 14th century from Mali, while the latter came from the same place around the 17th/18th century. The Kumate and Traore were also indigo dyers and were extensively engaged in textile trade, and while the Hausa dominated textile dyeing in the Hausalands, it was the Wangara that were the preeminent textile dyers and traders across the rest of the region from northern Benin through Burkina Faso to Côte d’Ivoire.[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-35-73726927)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!a_Cf!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe7fdbeb8-f879-41c9-91f7-af319b16be5a_963x548.png)
_**Dye-pits outside Bobo**_
In the Senegambia region, the Jakhakhe were associated with closely related merchant groups and were also engaged in long distance trade themselves, despite being primarily identified with clerical/scholarly activity . Jakhanke traders dominated the regional commerce from Bundu in the 18th century, and were the wealthiest merchants in the Gambia according to 17th/18th century external accounts.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-36-73726927)
In the region extending from Gambia to sierra Leone, the Jakhankhe are associated with crafts-groups of leatherworkers and blacksmiths called the _**garankew**_ who are of soninke origin and accompanied (or more likely preceded) the migrating Jakhankhe clerics, and augmented the regions’ trade networks. Both explorers Mungo Park (1799) in Gambia and Thomas Winterbottom (1803) in Sierra Leone describe the trade and leatherworking activities carried out by "karrankea/garrankees" craftsmen that primarily involved making footwear and horse equipment.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-37-73726927)
These merchant craftsmen were the southernmost community of a broader commercial diaspora, extending from Senegal to northern Nigeria, and from Sierra Leone to Ghana, making the Wangara diaspora the most widely attested community across West Africa.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!-91s!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc25041f7-00c1-4762-9626-205e09d74c45_731x571.png)
_**Bonduku rooftops**_
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-1-73726927)
Outsiders and Strangers by Anne Haour pg 65-66)
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-2-73726927)
The History of Islam in Africa pg 97, Beyond Jihad by Lamin Sanneh pg 83
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-3-73726927)
The wangara an old soninke diaspora by Andreas W. Massing pg 282-285, The Role of the Wangara by Paul E. Lovejoy pg 175)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-4-73726927)
See a more detailed discussion in my article on
[African History Extra State building in ancient west Africa: from the Tichitt neolithic civilization to the empire of Ghana (2,200BC-1250AD) The Tichitt neolithic civilization and the Ghana empire which emerged from it remain one of the most enigmatic but pivotal chapters in African history. This ancient appearance of a complex society in the 3rd millennium BC west Africa that was contemporaneous with Old-kingdom Egypt, Early-dynastic Mesopotamia and the ancient Indus valley civilization, ov… Read more 4 years ago · 6 likes · 13 comments · isaac Samuel](https://isaacsamuel.substack.com/p/state-building-in-ancient-west-africa?utm_source=substack&utm_campaign=post_embed&utm_medium=web)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-5-73726927)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John O. Hunwick pg 68-69)
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-6-73726927)
Social history of Timbuktu by E. Saad pg 72
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-7-73726927)
Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John O. Hunwick pg xxviii-xxix,lvii, 18-19
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-8-73726927)
Beyond Jihad by Lamin Sanneh, Al-Hajj Salim Suwari and the Suwarians by Ivor Wilks pg 45-46
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-9-73726927)
Al-Hajj Salim Suwari and the Suwarians by Ivor Wilks 47
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-10-73726927)
The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 97-99)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-11-73726927)
Al-Hajj Salim Suwari and the Suwarians by Ivor Wilks pg 50
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-12-73726927)
The walking Quran by R. Ware pg 93, Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 4. Writings of Western Sudanic Africa byJohn O. Hunwick. pg 539
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-13-73726927)
The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 99, Outsiders and Strangers by Anne Haour pg 71-72, The wangara an old soninke diaspora by Andreas W. Massing pg 297)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-14-73726927)
Al-Hajj Salim Suwari and the Suwarians by Ivor Wilks pg 40
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-15-73726927)
The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 100-101)
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-16-73726927)
The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 101, 104)
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-17-73726927)
The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 105)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-18-73726927)
The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 106)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-19-73726927)
Government In Kano by M. G. Smith pg 115-121)
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-20-73726927)
Beyond Jihad by Lamin Sanneh pg 103-106)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-21-73726927)
Commerce caravanier et relations sociales au Bénin by Bregand Denise
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-22-73726927)
Beyond Jihad by Lamin Sanneh pg 91-92, 94-100, Pragmatism in age of jihad by Michael A. Gomez pg 29-30, 65-67)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-23-73726927)
Beyond Jihad by Lamin Sanneh pg 132-143, 197
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-24-73726927)
Beyond Jihad by Lamin Sanneh pg 164
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-25-73726927)
[link](https://eap.bl.uk/archive-file/EAP1042-2-1)
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-26-73726927)
[link](https://eap.bl.uk/archive-file/EAP1042-9-1)
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-27-73726927)
Beyond Jihad by Lamin Sanneh pg 166)
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-28-73726927)
Wangara, Akan and Portuguese in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries I by Ivor Wilks pg 338-339)
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-29-73726927)
Wangara, Akan and Portuguese in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries II by Ivor Wilks 466-471)
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-30-73726927)
The History of Islam in Africa pg 103)
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-31-73726927)
Being and becoming Hausa by Anne Haour pg 189, The Role of the Wangara by Paul E. Lovejoy pg 185)
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-32-73726927)
Sects & Social Disorder by Abdul Raufu Mustapha pg 29
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-33-73726927)
Borgu and Economic Transformation 1700-1900 by Julius O. Adekunle pg 3)
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-34-73726927)
Asante in the Nineteenth Century by Ivor Wilks pg 245)
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-35-73726927)
Two Thousand Years in Dendi, Northern Benin by Anne Haour pg 300-304)
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-36-73726927)
Merchants versus Scholars and Clerics in West Africa: Differential and Complementary Roles by Nehemia Levtzion pg 31-33, Pragmatism in the Age of Jihad by Michael A. Gomez pg 66-67)
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/foundations-of-trade-and-education#footnote-anchor-37-73726927)
Status and Identity in West Africa by by David C. Conrad pg 137-143
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Published Time: 2022-04-03T14:30:15+00:00
From an African artistic monument to a Museum loot: A history of the 16th century Benin bronze plaques.
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From an African artistic monument to a Museum loot: A history of the 16th century Benin bronze plaques.
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### The manufacture, function and interpretation of an African masterpiece
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Benin as it appears in documents of the seventeenth century was a wealthy and highly centralized kingdom, early European visitors never failed to be impressed with its capital; the Portuguese compared it with Lisbon, the Dutch with Amsterdam, the Italians with Florence, and the Spaniards with Madrid, Its size was matched by dense habitation; houses built close to each other along long, straight streets, it was orderly, well laid out, and sparkling clean so that the walls of the houses appeared polished, its ruler’s impressive royal palace, a city within the city, had countless squares and patios, galleries and passageways, all richly decorated with the art that has made Benin famous.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-1-51500476)
The Benin bronzes are among the most celebrated works of African art in the world, but unlike the majority of the corpus of Benin art that was continuously made since the kingdom’s inception, such the bronze commemorative heads which were were needed by each successive king to honor his deceased predecessor, or the ivory, bronze and wood carvings that were made from the 14th-19th century, the commission of the Benin plaques is often attributed to just two rulers in a fixed period during the 16th century and was likely undertaken within a relatively short period that spanned 30-45 years between the reigns of Oba Esigie and Oba Orhogbua, the bronze plaques were later stashed away during the 17th century and safely kept in the palace until the British invasion of 1897.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-2-51500476) The destruction of the palace, the removal of the plaques and the apathy by western institutions towards restitution, has complicated the analysis of their function, installation and interpretations of the symbolism and scenes that they depicted.
This article explores the historical context within which the Benin plaques were made using recent studies of the artworks to interpret their symbolic function.
_**Map of Benin at its height in the 16th century (Courtesy of Henry B. Lovejoy, African Diaspora Maps Ltd.)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!j5ty!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F10870258-6a79-4f5c-a9a0-87335fa72e2e_650x578.jpeg)
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**Benin history until the reign of the ‘Warrior-Kings’:**
The rise of Benin kingdom and empire was a long and complex process of state formation, Benin’s formative period begun in the late 1st millennium and lasted until the founding of the Eweka dynasty in the 13th century with the introduction of the title of Oba (king), the gradual reduction of the Uzama N'ihinron (an autochthonous body of territorial lords who governed Benin city before the establishment of the Eweka dynasty, they influenced the kingdom’s politics and the Oba’s succession to the throne), and the expansion of the kingdom from its core territory around Benin city to neighboring towns in a drawn out process that was best accomplished under Oba Ewuare in the early 15th century who introduced several centralizing institutions that were later expanded and reinforced by his successors of the so-called "warrior-king" era which lasted from 1440AD-1606AD and is generally considered as the golden age of Benin.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-3-51500476)
**Ozolua’s reign:**
Despite the warrior-king era's status as a period of increasing prosperity and political stability; Benin underwent a period of political upheaval and socioeconomic changes during the reigns of Oba Ozolua (1480s-1517) and Esigie (1517-1550s). The Oba Ozolua, also called Ozolua the conqueror, is one of the greatest Obas in Benin's history, and is credited with transforming the moderately sized kingdom into an empire with his many conquests reportedly involving 200 battles, he is also immortalized in Benin's art with depictions of him in a long chainmail tunic, an iconographic motif that signifies his power, successes and military prowess, and the memory of Ozula's conquests and successes was so great that all of Benin's later rulers styled themselves as emperors[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-4-51500476) But the complete history of his reign contains accounts about internal strife and tumultuous court politics including rebellions in Benin city itself involving low ranking officials, thus painting a more nuanced portrait of his reign and a reflection of the challenges his legitimacy faced. Ozula was briefly overthrown during a period of uprisings across the empire beginning with the province of Utekon, that forced him into exile to the town of Ora, where he briefly ruled before regaining his throne at Benin. Ozolua remained a polarizing figure at the court and this ultimately led to his demise, the Oba was killed by his own men when campaigning in the province of Uzea in the year 1517, the mutiny was likely a result of his incessant wars.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-5-51500476)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!hUrS!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3bbfefc0-fbce-46f1-8001-d8eec288bbb4_870x593.png)
_**16th century plaques of a high ranking edo figure often identified as Oba Ozula**_[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-6-51500476)_**(numbers III C 8209, III C 8397 at the Ethnologisches Museum, berlin).**_
**Esigie’s reign:**
Ozolua's death sparked a succession crisis at Benin as the exact order of birth between his sons Aruanran and Esigie was dispute with the latter supposedly being born immediately after the former, nevertheless, Esigie (r. 1517-1550) ascended to the Benin throne and Aruanran promptly moved to Udo (a provincial town close to the capital of Benin), where he prepared for war against his brother. Esigie invaded Udo and fought Aruanran's armies in a costly battle that resulted in many causalities on both sides, but the former ultimately emerged victorious, killing Aruanran's son and forcing the father to commit suicide. Despite the depletion of his feudal armies from the devastation after the Udo war and his father's campaigns, Esigie was still faced with the need to protect his father's vast empire with its newly acquired vassal provinces that took advantage of critical moments of internal strife to remove themselves from Benin's central authority, and the most powerful among the rebellious territories was Igala, ruled by a kinglet named Ata of Idah. The so-called ‘Idah war’ was one of the most decisive in Benin's history, the Atah of Idah was a renowned military leader and is said to have founded the kingdom of Nupe (a powerful state north-east of Benin), his army had mounted soldiers and was reputed to be the strongest in the region, Benin's armies on the other hand were almost entirely infantry forces, while some elite soldiers and courtiers rode horses (and are depicted as such), the vast majority of Benin’s soldiers fought on foot since horse-rearing was nearly impossible in this tsetse-fly infested forest zone of West africa. Esigie's armies, which had been thoroughly exhausted by the Udo war and his father's incessant campaigns, now faced an existential threat that threatened the Benin capital itself, a dreadful feat that wasn’t repeated by any foreign army until the British invasion. The Oba enlisted assistance from his mother Idia who provided her own forces and spiritual leadership, and he also enlisted the Portuguese mercenaries with whom his kingdom had recently been in contact, the Oba also went to great lengths to convince the feudal lords into devoting more levees to the war effort and when they finally relented, they also brought with them wooden, life-like statues of soldiers to the war as a ruse for the enemy. On their war to the war, a bird flew over the Oba's armies signifying (or prophesizing) defeat, but Esigie shot the bird and carried it with him, announcing that "_**he who would succeeded in life could not listen to false prophesy**_". The war was bitterly fought and one of the soldiers of the Queen mother Idia is said to have assassinated the Atah of Idah, ending the battle in Esigie's favor, the Oba brought back with him the dead bird which he cast in bronze to remind people of his ability to overcome fate.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-7-51500476)
**Esigie’s triumph and the Benin plaques:**
Esigie instituted two festivals to commemorate his victories in Udo and Idah, the first was _**Ugie Ivie**_ which is a bead ceremony commemorating the victory over his brother at Udo where Aruanran is said to have possessed a large bead of coral suspended on multiple coral strands that Esigie seized after concluding his victory. The second festival that immediately follows the first was _**Ugie Oro**_, a procession ceremony in which the Uzama N'ihinron, accompanied by high priests and other Benin courtiers, pass though Benin city's streets beating the bronze effigies of the "bird of prophesy" that had warned of Esigie's defeat, and in the process symbolically acknowledge their mistake at initially failing to support their Oba while also reminding Esigie's subjects of his military prowess in the face of an existential threat. Also accompanying the courtiers were igala dancers captured from the Idah war who were formed into the emadose guild specifically for this festival trumpeting his success in the Idah war. The elaborate public displays that occurred during these festivals that took place for every five days for three months of a year, demonstrated the authority of the Oba, and his magnanimity for a war fought with few resources and little internal support, "_**Esigie's festival creates a tableau of courtly harmony across Benin's social order from the most powerful courtiers to the lowliest captives, allowing viewers to draw a message of power from an event that became the memorial of a decisive battle**_"[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-8-51500476), Its within this context that the famous Benin plaques were commissioned; a unique iconography of the Oba’s power that converted Esigie's near failures into legendary successes through monumental art commission. By illustrating an overwhelming panoply of courtiers in their ideal portraits as loyal, devoted nobles carrying out the two royal festivals, visitors to the palace were left with an indelible image of political harmony that contradicted with the fractious reality of Esigie's early reign. One glaring example of this fractious reality was the continued resistance of the _Uzama N'iHinron_ to Esigie's rule even after the successful Idah war, they are said to have refused to take part in the royal festivals, forcing Esigie to work around this affront by creating the _Uzama N'Ibie_, a new group of titled officials fiercely loyal to the Oba, that were placed immediately below the N'ihinron in the kingdom’s political hierarchy but were awarded fiefs and substituted the _Uzama N'ihinron_'s place at the festival. Furthermore, the Uzama N'Ihinron are said to have used their _Ukhurhe_ ancestral altar staffs to pray for their ancestors to plague the Oba, but a member of the Benin bronze casting guild stole their _Ukhurhe_ staffs and gave them to his guild head who then gave them to the Oba Esigie, revealing that the bronze guild remained loyal to the Oba through this turbulent time. Esigie ultimately prevailed over his rebellious courtiers but at the expense of declining control over his vassals who gradually weaned themselves off the capital. His son and successor Orhugbua (r. 1550-1578) thus spent the greater part of his reign pacifying and consolidating the empire, using the coastal provinces including Lagos as a base for conquests into neighboring regions, by this time, the court was firmly under the Oba’s control and it remained largely loyal despite the Oba's lengthy absence. The courtiers would later plead for Orhugbua’s return to the capital which Orhogbua eventually did, establishing a positive relationship between the court and the Oba for the first time, that lasted until the late 17th century. The period of stable rule enjoyed by Orhogbua reveals that Esigie's institutions and elaborate artistic creations were successful in augmenting the power of the Oba, Orhogbua later expanded the plaque tradition and is often attributed with several innovations to the motifs and decorations in the plaque corpus.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-9-51500476)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!M0-s!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F243541f2-b1ec-495e-8906-323527be0959_966x550.png)
_**plaques depicting a high-ranking Benin figure often identified as the Oba Esigie**_[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-10-51500476)_**(numbers: III C 27507; Ethnologisches Museum berlin, af1898,0115.44 at the british museum)**_
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**Dating the Benin plaques, their manufacture and the expression of history through Art.**
**Dating:**
Bronze casting was present in Benin since the 13th century but the plaques were made during the first half of the 16th century as a unique iconographic device, while some scholars had suggested that Benin's art originated from Ife, the consensus among historians is that Benin's art tradition was independent of ife's and that the association is a result of political expediency rather than a historical fact.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-11-51500476) There is some early external documentation about the display of the Benin plaques that allows us to date their first appearance and when they were removed from public display. The Dutch geographer Olfert dapper in 1668, wrote that: "_**the king's court is square and stands at the right hand side when entering the town by the gate of Gotton (Gwato).. It is divided into many magnificent palaces, houses and apartments of the courtiers, and comprises beautiful and long square galleries, about as large as the exchange at Amsterdam, but one larger than another, resting on wooden pillars from top to bottom covered with cast copper on which are engraved the pictures of their war exploits and battles, and are kept very clean… every roof is decorated by a small turret ending in a point, on which birds are standing, birds cast in copper with outspread wings… cleverly made after living models**_" the reference of copper "pictures" is clearly about the plaques, dapper based this on an account from Bloemmaert, who inturn gained his information from Dutch traders visiting Benin before 1644 during Oba Ohuan's reign (1608-1641).
The plaques were likely stored away not long after, because when another dutch visitor to Benin city in 1702, David van Nyendael, wrote about the palace, he confirmed Dapper's earlier account and added details about a large copper snake that was cast on a wooden turret ontop of one of the gates to the palace, but observed that the galleries of the palace had "_**planks upon which it rests are human figures which my guides were able to distinguish into merchants, soldiers, wild beat hunters, etc**_" these figures were more likely carved wooden reliefs rather than plaques, representing a new commemorative art medium that had been commissioned by the 17th century Obas. While the 17th century decline in Benin's wealth has been blamed for the end of the bronze plaque tradition, the 18th century resurgence witnessed increased production of royal sculptural artworks in bronze, ivory and wood, showing that the plaque tradition was only one medium out of several, and that it represented a continuous tradition of palace ornamentation in bronze, ivory wood, and terracotta.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-12-51500476)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!T043!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9e4dd167-18bf-443d-904a-e369ffc02afa_1200x907.jpeg)
_**“De stadt Benin” (The Benin City) by Van Meurs in Olfert Dapper’s “Description de l'Afrique”**_
**Manufacture: on the metal sources for the Benin plaques and cire perdue casting**
While scholars in the past suggested that the Benin plaques were cast using the copper manillas whose importation into Benin increased with the coming of the Portuguese to a tune of 2 tonnes a year, the metallurgical properties of the manillas traded during this period differ significantly from the metallurgical properties of Benin plaques, and archeological excavation around Benin city provided evidence for bronze casting as early as the 13th century, the more likely source for the Benin copper used in the plaques would have been from the Sahel through a northern trade route[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-13-51500476), The sahel region was also where the bronze casters at Ife in the 14th century derived most of their copper.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-14-51500476) but some local sources were also available and were used by Igbo ukwu bronze casters in the 8th century, the Benin plaques were thus a combination of these sources.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-15-51500476) The choice of plaque-form representation, quatrefoil decorations and other foliate designs used by the Benin sculptors is still subject to debate but is probably not dissimilar from that used on the square panel reliefs on carved wooden doors and the textile designs common in the region’s art.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-16-51500476)
The vast majority of bronzeworks from Benin including the plaques were made by a specialized guild of artists headed by the _Ineh n'Igun Eronmwom_ who supervised the completion of the Oba's commissions, training new guild members and standardizing the artworks. The highly stylized figures of Benin which are fairly similar and of fairly equal dimensions, were more difficult to make than individualized artworks thus requiring a higher degree of central control. The artists made their plaques from a special section in the palace, and they employed the lost-wax method of casting where the wax sheet was put ontop of a clay core created with a preformed mold, the quatrefoil decoration was then added after this primary composition had been formed, and the brass was then poured into the mold, after cooling, the wax was carefully scrapped and the plaque tied to the palace pillars in orderly fashion.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-17-51500476)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!uH19!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd6877d90-6bbe-4a91-abaa-019ba6ae558e_1155x625.png)
_**plaque showing high ranking courtiers with one holding a double-faced gong, the back side of the plaque shows the nail-holes, side flanges, and provides the shape of the clay mold that was used to attain the raised relief. (Af1898,0115.68, british museum)**_
**Expressing history and the sculptural art style of the Benin plaques:**
In the Edo language, the verb "to remember" is literary translated as "to cast a motif in bronze", guides in the city during the 17th century told visitors that plaques depicted their battles and war exploits, the Benin plaques were thus part of a larger assemblage of artworks that create a historical narrative of the empire.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-18-51500476) One eldery palace courtier who was a palace attendant prior to 1897 recalled that the plaques were kept like a card index up to the time of the punitive expedition, referred to when there was a dispute about court etiquette"[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-19-51500476).
like the oral history recounted by the Benin court guilds, the plaques elide specificity, the fluidity of oral history, its ability to change in order to meet the needs of the reigning court, is reflected in the visual narrative conveyed by the plaques; a purposeful embrace of the contingent narrative produced by oral transmission that allows the work to become part of many discourses, rather than illustrating a fixed moment in time, the plaques collapse several historical moments into one event, in a way that achieves narrative multiplicity, allowing viewers to make out key figures, regalia, dressing, architecture, fauna and flora, activities and motifs in the majority of the plaques, without dictating the rationale behind their depiction.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-20-51500476) The Benin plaques were conceived as an installation artwork which joins many compositions into a single aesthetic statement, although a select few of the plaques convey a specific historical narrative, the majority of the corpus don't, but instead offer detailed ambiguity and may have likely portrayed a more dynamic narrative of historical events depending on their original installation pattern that is unfortunately now lost.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-21-51500476) Furthermore, the decision to represent almost all figures on the Benin plaques with the same facial and somatic types and predominantly frontal body position, despite the Benin artists' exposure to the naturalistic, individualized artworks of Ife and the Benin artist's own ability to create individualized artworks such as the Iyoba head, was a deliberate artistic choice; the plaques don't celebrate individuals but the entire social order of the court.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-22-51500476) The plaque figures’ wide open eyes that are spaced apart, with detailed outlines of the eyelids and iris, also serve to create a sense of immediacy for viewers and accentuate the figures' strong gaze.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-23-51500476)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!5ErO!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2078cc87-48ad-487d-a177-42cc207a384f_407x611.png)
_**16th century bronze commemorative head of the queen mother (iyoba) thought to depict Esigie’s mother Idia. This naturalistic, nearly life-size sculpture, while departing from the stylized figures of the benin plaques, shows that the latter style was a conscious choice by the Benin artists. (III C 12507 at the Ethnologisches Museum, also see Af1897,1011.1 at the british museum)**_
* * *
**Figures, Scenes and interpretations : the Oba, palace courtiers, soldiers, pages, and events.**
The pinnacle of Benin's system of control rested with the Oba, Benin's bureaucratic rule which sought to control large areas of social, political and economic life in the empire; comprised of state appointed officers (courtiers) who served in limited terms and were responsible to their superiors including vassal rulers, forming a hierarchy that led directly to the Oba. The Oba's power was based ideologically on his divinity, his control of the army and his ability to grant official titles. The Palace was the nucleus of Benin’s administrative structure, accommodating a large population of officials and other attendants that included high ranking soldiers and titled courtiers who were often present at the palace of the Oba for all major festivals[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-24-51500476), as well as guilds and palace pages the latter of whom served as the Oba’s attendants. Courtiers such as the _Eghaevbo n’Ogbe_ (palace chiefs) were non-hereditary titled officials who constituted the palace bureaucracy.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-25-51500476) Benin's standing army was the royal regiment divided into two units, namely the _Ekaiwe_ (royal troops) and the _Isienmwenro_ (royal guards); its high command was constituted by four officers: the Oba as Supreme military commander, _Iyase_ as general commander, _Ezomo_ as senior war Commander, and _Edogun_ as a war chief and commander of the royal troops[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-26-51500476). Both soldiers and courtiers are often depicted wearing slightly different clothing to signal their rank in the palace hierarchy or identify as vassal rulers.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-27-51500476) Also present at the court were the Oba's pages, there are several groups of these but the exact identification of which pages are represented remains elusive, the _Iweguae_ is the closest candidate, its a palace association which constitutes personal and domestic servants of the Oba tasked with various duties, such as the _Omada_ and the _Emada_; the _Omada_ were a non-hereditary guild enrolled in the palace system that served as attendants for courtiers and the Oba, manufactured and sold artworks and used their earnings to purchase titles[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-28-51500476), The _emada_ were the last of the pages, often represented nude save for several ornaments, they were granted permission to marry by the Oba after reaching a certain age.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-29-51500476)
**The Oba:**
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!B0VD!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F87dc6372-6c27-4c71-8455-c4086c3db2d9_1347x595.png)
_**the Oba depicted with mudfish legs and his enobore attendants hovering above two leopards, the Oba grasping two leopards by the tail with mudfish legs, the Oba grasping two leopards with mudfish belt**_[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-30-51500476)_**. the symbolism of these two animals is discussed below. (numbers: af1898,0115,29, Af1898,0115.30, Af1898,0115.31, at the british museum)**_
**Soldiers and courtiers:**
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!E0a0!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1b979ff4-f490-4c63-ada4-e9a872b35477_1349x603.png)
_**procession of a high ranking soldier with several attendants including miniature Portuguese figures; procession of a mounted courtier flanked by multiple attendants including emada pages and other the higher ranking pages; procession of a mounted courtier wearing a deep-beaded collar with a smaller figure of page holding a rope tied to his horse, with two large attendants**_[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-31-51500476)_**(numbers; III C 7657, III C 8056, at the Ethnologisches Museum, and af1898,0115.45 at the british museum)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!_hwV!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F17b5a234-acca-4b91-b801-20fd812a6540_1300x570.png)
_**Plaques depicting benin soldiers dressed In full battle gear, the firstfigure holds a shield and staff, the second two figures hold an ekpokin gift box and wear distinctive helmets, the third multiple figures show a procession of three soldiers and their attendants and horn-blowers, they hold various weapons including the ceremonial eben sword, with disntictive shields (Numbers: 16086 at the Museum of Ethnology Dresden, L-G 7.29.2012 at the boston museum, Af1898,0115.86 at the british museum)**_
**The Oba’s pages:**
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!pRBw!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F5b26cc9c-dd06-46a4-8b19-e211cd466c61_1198x604.png)
_**Plaques depicting four pages standing infront of the Oba's palace, the outermost figures are emada pages, between them are two pages of higher rank, behind them on the palace pillars are miniaturized figures of titleholders, soldiers and portuguese merchants, this same pattern is repeated in the second plaque but in reverse order**_[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-32-51500476)_**(number af1898,0115.46 british museum)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Vfcb!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fffa20a9c-a34d-469a-ad3c-b58e9573a82d_1344x598.png)
_**Plaque depicting a drummer sitted cross-legged while playing two slit gongs, plaque depicting a hornblower with a helmet, plaque depicting an emada page carrying an ekpokin bag, plaque showing a dignitary with drum and two attendants striking gongs (Af1961,18.1 at the british museum, 16090 at the Museum of Ethnology Dresden, III C 8254 at the Ethnologisches Museum berlin, L-G 7.32.2012 boston museum)**_
**Other figures:**
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!liUv!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd79862f8-d9c7-44be-be8c-3489eb701cc4_1270x604.png)
_**figure bearing an ekpokin (gift box), priest figure often identified as an Olokun priest, two high-ranking title-hodlers offering libation**_[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-33-51500476)_**(numbers; III C 8271, III C 8207, III C 8211 at the Ethnologisches Museum Berlin)**_
**Depictions of foreigners in Benin art: Portuguese mercenaries and traders, and high ranking war captives.**
The Portuguese figures are often portrayed either with military accouterments or as merchants reflecting the roles they played in Benin history; as mercenaries that assisted in his idah war and as the merchants who bought Benin's pepper, ivory and cloth[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-34-51500476). They are often shown wearing costumes typical of fashion in the 16th century with long skirts, embroidered doublets and split sleeves. The depiction of the Portuguese figures with sharp attenuated limbs, long hair and long nose was a deliberate representation of the European "other" in contrast to the smooth, rounded bodies of the Benin figures who represented the "self".[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-35-51500476) Other foreigners are often shown in battle scenes that comprise a small group of compositions among the wider corpus, the foreign status of the high status captives is often denoted by their facial scarifications, they are often shown wearing battle gear including protective armor, helmets and swords, and are all shown riding a horse perhaps a reference to the cavalry forces of the Atah of Idah or to the infamous foe himself.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-36-51500476)
**Portuguese:**
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!nXik!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7e35ef86-091f-4d94-9f60-28ec598bdf19_1341x604.png)
_**portuguese figure holding a crossbow and a bird, portuguese figure holding a dreizack three-pronged spear, portuguese figure holding a manilla copper currency ring**_[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-37-51500476)_**(numbers: III C 8352, III C 8358, III C 8360 at the Ethnologisches Museum berlin)**_
**Battle scenes that include war captives:**
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!64OH!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F54d92ca5-1852-40bb-9c10-bdc65dc8a111_1330x582.png)
_**Plaques depicting a battle scene showing a high ranking benin soldier puling an enemy from his horse, thefacial marking on the enemy's cheek denote his foreign status (numbers: L-G 7.35.2012 at the boston museum, Af1898,0115.48, Af1898,0115.49 at the british museum)**_
**Depictions of Fauna in Benin plaques: Leopards, mudfish, bird of prophesy, and crocodiles.**
Animals such as leopards, cows, goats and sheep represent various attributes and powers of the Oba and were sacrificed at the Igue ceremony, the leopard, which in Benin tradition was considered the “king of the forest" represented the Oba's ferocity and speed, leopard hip ornaments, teeth necklaces, skins and prints are badges of honor bestowed upon war chiefs, high ranking courtiers and serve as both protective devices and symbols of power[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-38-51500476), and the Oba is known to have kept many tame leopards in his palace that were captured by leopard hunter's guild, and Ewuare is often credited with the use of the leopard as a visual metaphor for the Oba[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-39-51500476). Mudfish has many meanings in Benin's art, it’s the preferred sacrifice to the sea god Olokun and refers to the Oba's relationship with the deity, as well as his ability to pass between land and water; between the human world and the world of spirits, it thus represented the Oba's mystical powers.[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-40-51500476) The identification of the bird of prophesy has proved elusive, as it may represent an extinct species or may not be representation of the actual bird captured by the Oba but rather a more symbolic and fictions composite, it nevertheless features prominently in the Benin plaques as a representation of the triumph of Esigie.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-41-51500476)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!IaSJ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcf55878f-dc2e-46be-8f1c-065bbfae8ad0_829x614.png)
_**Leopard and her cubs eating an antelope, like the human figures, the animal figures emphasize the head and eyes over the rest of the body) (number III C 27486, Ethnologisches Museum Berlin)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!-H3b!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F79514044-4dab-413c-90b1-6362f78634e2_749x1202.png)
_**plaque depicting a leopard in motion with a small animal between its teeth, plaque depicting a crocodile, plaque depicting the bird of prophesy with outstretched wings**_[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-42-51500476)_**(numbers: 26227 at the Museum of Ethnology Dresden, and III C 8270, III C 8427 at the Ethnologisches Museum berlin)**_
**Other plaque scenes: hunting, sacrifice, harvesting**
The Majority of these plaques were most likely composed during the latter period; ie, under the Oba Orhogbua's reign, they depict figures engaged in distinct activity and portray complex social narratives including hunting, drumming, animal sacrifice, games, plant harvesting and other activities, with different figures given their own motions.[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-43-51500476) The plaque of the rider and the captive for example depicts a high ranking Benin soldier escorting a foreign captive, the of this plaque portrays a single action of the Benin soldier guiding the captive to a define place[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-44-51500476), the "bird hunt" plaque is considered one of the best among these expressive plaques, rather than the front-facing position of most figures, the hunter is shown turning in the direct of the bird which he aims at with a croswbow.[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-45-51500476) The leopard hunter is remarkable for its use of synoptic vision, the vegetation seen from above, while the leopards are in profile and the hunters between the two[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-46-51500476) and the plate of the amufi acrobats that shows two acrobats at the Amufi ceremony whose members climb trees for certain ritual purposes, for this ritual, they climb into a very tall tree, which they secretly prepare with ropes at night. After reaching the highest branch in the next day's ritual, they wrap the rope around themselves and throw themselves into the air, arms and legs spread, to swing in large circles in the air. They move their arms, which are hung with rattles, as if they had wings. At the very top of the relief panel in the top branches of the tree sit three large birds.[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-47-51500476)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ZYXf!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6cc9477c-bf29-4b53-a573-4df2dae9bd71_461x614.png)
_**plaque with a figure of a man hunting a bird using a cross-bow**_ _**(number : III C 8206 at the Ethnologisches Museum Berlin)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!BhlF!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4137ef96-dc0e-43d3-84f5-f437b3a7590c_1030x555.png)
_**plaques depicting the Oba’s pages harvesting a sacrificial plant (numbers: III C 8383 at the Ethnologisches Museum berlin, and MAF 34545 at the GRASSI Museum of Ethnology in Leipzig)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!03zl!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb2f5ef9b-9aba-4ac3-ba76-ea36d9c8f6a3_975x642.png)
_**plaque depicting a cow sacrifice, considered one of the masterpieces of the corpus, the cow hovers over the entire scene creating a three dimensional effect. plaque depicting a leopard hunt with five figures hunting two leopards in the forest. (numbers: Af1913,1211.1 at the british museum, IIIC27485 at the Ethnological Museum)**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!RPbt!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9abfd326-66ab-40cc-a3c2-5fb067f2bd9c_994x607.png)
_**plaque depicting two acrobats in the amufi ceremony, with three large brids at the top of the tree, plaque depicting a Benin soldier guiding a captive on horseback (The National Commission for Museums and Monuments Nigeria, Af1898,0115.47 at the british museum)**_
* * *
**Conclusion: the end of the bronze plaque tradition, Benin’s decline, the British invasion, displaying the loot in museums and debating African art.**
**Benin decline and end of the bronze plaque tradition:**
Tradition holds that the Oba Ahenzae (1641-1661) gambled away the treasury and couldn't afford to obtain the bronzes needed to make the plaques, the plaques were most likely stored away during his reign and replaced by more modest wood carvings observed by the Dutch visitor Nendael a few decades later[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-48-51500476), the traditions about gambling away the treasury may reflect the decline of power and wealth that Benin underwent in the 17th century, the primary factor seems to have been the increased power of titled officials and bureaucracy that reduced the power of the Oba at a critical point when there was no eligible successor, the Oba was confined to his palace where he couldn't led military campaigns and some of his authority was restricted, secondly were radical shifts in export trade, Benin still maintained its ban on exporting slaves that had been in place since the early 16th century and the Dutch who had been purchasing Benin's pepper and ivory for nearly a century since the Portuguese left, had started purchasing significant quantities of textiles whose production was less centrally controlled, allowing for the decentralization of wealth into the hands of the lower bureaucracy. This shift in power eventually devolved into a civil war pitting some of the Oba's higher ranking officers against his allies, beginning In 1689 and ending around 1720s, resulting in the shattering of the hierarchically organized bureaucratic associations and the establishment of a multi-centered, autonomous associations. while Benin was restored in the 18th century and a lot of art was commissioned , it gradually went into decline such that by the late 19th century it had been reduced from a regional power to a minor kingdom.[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-49-51500476)
**The British invasion, sacking and looting of the Benin plaques, debating African art.**
The brutal expedition of 1897 in which the British sacked the city of Benin, killed tens of thousands of edo civilians and soldiers, and looted the palace of approximately 10,000 bronzes, ivories and other objects; including around 1,000 plaques, resulted in many of the artworks being sold to several western museums and collectors[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-50-51500476). When the looted Benin artworks arrived in western institutions, they caused a sensation, the “remarkable old bronze castings” were considered "the most interesting ethnographic discovery since the discovery of the ruins in Zimbabwe" and came at a time when theories of scientific racism were at their height in popularity, among these theories was the Hamitic race theory which posited that all forms of civilization in Africa were derived from a "Caucasoid"/"Semitic” race of immigrant Hamites. Colonial scholars such as the then British Museum curators Charles Read and Maddock Dalton, wrestled with how to fit these excellent works of African art into the Hamitic theory, questioning how could a “highly developed” art, comparable in quality with Italian Renaissance art, be found amongst the members of an “entirely barbarous race”, they thus attributed the bronze-works to Portuguese, and to the ancient Egyptians whom they claimed introduced this form of art to the Benin sculptors, but even then, some of their peers such as Henry Roth disagreed with them saying that questioning the “expressed opinion of Messrs Read and Dalton,” that the Benin art “was an imported one” from Europe, observing that Benin was discovered by the Portuguese in 1486 and by the middle of the 16th century “native artists” produced art of a “high pitch of excellence" and that the artistic skills of the natives could not have developed so rapidly, because “I do not think the most enthusiastic defender of the African will credit him with such ability for making progress.”[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-51-51500476) Over time however, these racist studies of Benin art were discredited and they gave way to more professional analysis of the famous artworks that recognize them as African artistic accomplishments, proving that the technique of lost-wax bronze casting was ancient in the region, that Benin's art tradition predated the Portuguese arrival and is one of several art traditions in the region. [52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-52-51500476)
The Benin plaques were iconographic symbols of the Oba Esigie's triumph that depicted Benin’s courtly life in the 16th century; the last vestige of a glorious era in Benin’s past.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!z6XI!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3457e6e4-5980-4491-b461-e27b7a6d34f6_1656x1163.jpeg)
_**Looters in the Oba’s palace, february 1897. the plaques are shown in the foreground.**_
* * *
_**Read more about Benin history, the British expedition and download african history books on my Patreon account**_
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[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!1I8I!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fcda84f0d-b821-4858-b68a-adb4bb9f8826_1046x556.png)
[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-1-51500476)
Civil War in the Kingdom of Benin, 1689-1721 by Paula Ben-Amos Girshick and John Thornton 358-359)
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-2-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 115, 28)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-3-51500476)
the military system of benin kingdom c.1440 - 1897 by OB Osadolor pg 50-83)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-4-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 29)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-5-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 30-33)
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-6-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 29
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-7-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 30-35)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-8-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 36-37)
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-9-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 38-41)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-10-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 35
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-11-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 120)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-12-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 48-51)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-13-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 18
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-14-51500476)
Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Preston Blier pg 281
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-15-51500476)
The Lower Niger Bronzes: Beyond Igbo-Ukwu, Ife, and Benin By Philip M. Peek
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-16-51500476)
Royal Art of Benin by Kate Ezra pg 121
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-17-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 106-110)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-18-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 45)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-19-51500476)
Royal Art of Benin by Kate Ezra pg 118
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-20-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 60-62)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-21-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 123)
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-22-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 65-67)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-23-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 88)
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-24-51500476)
Civil War in the Kingdom of Benin, 1689-1721 by Paula Ben-Amos Girshick and John Thornton pg 359-362)
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-25-51500476)
the military system of benin kingdom c.1440 - 1897 by OB Osadolor pg 82-83)
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-26-51500476)
the military system of benin kingdom c.1440 - 1897 by OB Osadolor pg 94)
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-27-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 132)
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-28-51500476)
Royal Art of Benin By Kate Ezra pg 253-254)
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-29-51500476)
Royal Art of Benin By Kate Ezra pg 70)
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-30-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 82,121
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-31-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 84, 87)
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-32-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 62)
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-33-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 65,67
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-34-51500476)
Royal Art of Benin By Kate Ezra pg 128-129)
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-35-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 47, 86)
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-36-51500476)
Royal Art of Benin By Kate Ezra pg 33)
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-37-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 90,93)
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-38-51500476)
Royal Art of Benin By Kate Ezra pg 20-34, 156)
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-39-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 16
[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-40-51500476)
Royal Art of Benin By Kate Ezra pg 93)
[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-41-51500476)
Royal Art of Benin By Kate Ezra pg 200),
[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-42-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 147
[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-43-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 115)
[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-44-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 64)
[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-45-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 67)
[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-46-51500476)
Divine Kingship in Africa by William Buller Fagg pg 42
[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-47-51500476)
Two Thousand Years of Nigerian Art pg 235
[48](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-48-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 50)
[49](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-49-51500476)
Civil War in the Kingdom of Benin, 1689-1721 by Paula Ben-Amos Girshick and John Thornton pg 369-375)
[50](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-50-51500476)
The Brutish Museums by Dan Hicks pg 137-151)
[51](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-51-51500476)
Displaying Loot: The Benin Objects and the British Museum by Staffan Lundén pg 281-303)
[52](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument#footnote-anchor-52-51500476)
The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 198)
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[Apr 4, 2022](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument/comment/5884925 "Apr 4, 2022, 7:39 PM")Edited
Liked by isaac Samuel
Interesting summary. The plaque with number III C 8271 in the Ethnologisches Museum Berlin that is labeled as "figure bearing an ekpokin (gift box)" might be holding something else, since most of the depictions of figures holding gift boxes do not depict the gift boxes as flat rectangular objects. Also a comment about a probable typo: I think that where you wrote "Inch n'Igun Eronmwom" you probably meant to write Ineh n'Igun Eronmwon.
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[Apr 9, 2023](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/from-an-african-artistic-monument/comment/14382439 "Apr 9, 2023, 1:49 AM")
Idk if you saw the recent live science article that claims that the metals found for the Benin Bronze were mined in Germany originally though seems off because the art tradition itself predates any contact between Germany, Portugal and Benin
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Published Time: 2022-03-20T11:35:09+00:00
Global encounters and a century of political transformation in a medieval African empire: the emergence of Gondarine Ethiopia 1529-1636
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Global encounters and a century of political transformation in a medieval African empire: the emergence of Gondarine Ethiopia 1529-1636
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### the African experience of early-modern globalization
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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The connection of the Indian ocean world to the Atlantic world in the 16th century was the arguably the most defining moment in human history, initiating an unprecedented explosion of cross-cultural exchanges of ideas, techniques and people, and stimulating states to think in global terms and to formulate political ideologies and practical strategies on the vast world stage.
The ancient states of Ethiopia (the Aksumite kingdom 100-700, the Zagwe kingdom 1100-1270 and the Solomonic empire 1270-1632-1974) had for long participated in the currents of Afro-Eurasian trade and politics, with Aksumite fleets sailing in the western Indian ocean, Zagwe pilgrims trekking to the holy lands and Solomonic ambassadors travelling to distant European capitals. But in a decisive break form the past, the arrival of foreign armies, priests and new weapons in the horn of Africa presented a cocktail of unique challenges to the then beleaguered empire which directly resulted in a radical metamorphosis of its intuitions, religion and military systems that enabled the emergence of a much stronger Gondarine state whose structures provided the foundation of Ethiopia's political autonomy.
The experience of early-modern globalization presented challenges and opportunities for the Solomonic state, but also provided it with flexible spaces for institutional growth and cultural accommodation, enabling it to defeat its old foe —the Adal kingdom, strengthen the Ethiopian orthodox church's theology and re-orient its foreign political and trade alliances.
This article explores the global and regional context in which the transformation of the medieval Solomonic empire into Gondarine era occurred, tracing events from the near annihilation of the Solomonic state in 1529 to the expulsion of the Jesuits and founding of a new capital at Gondar in 1636.
_**Map of the Solomonic empire in the early 16th century including its main provinces and neighbors**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!2cVI!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe2ce2981-259b-4693-8aa9-0d7f3244c312_570x745.jpeg)
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**The Solomonic global entanglement; from the Adal-Ethiopia war to the arrival of the Portuguese.**
The Adal conquest of Ethiopia came after the Solomonic empire had been through nearly half a century of terminal decline, caused by succession disputes and other internal power struggles that undermined the centralizing institutions of the monarchy.
Between 1478 and 1494, the empire was ruled by regents on behalf of child-kings, and despite the crowing of a stronger ruler; the emperor Na'od in 1494, the centrifugal forces that had been set loose by his predecessors continued to weaken the empire; his battle with the now resurgent Adal kingdom ended in disaster, and his attempts to strengthen weak frontier territories (especially the Muslim-majority south-east), ultimately claimed his life in 1508 at the hands of the Adal armies.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-1-50595648)
His successor Lǝbnä Dǝngǝl fared a little better, inflicting disastrous defeats on the Adal armies and forcing them to shift their capital from Darkar to the old city of Harar in 1519, Lǝbnä's military campaigns, which targeted the permanent settlements, enhanced the influence of the only partially governed nomadic groups on the frontier regions and drove both mercantile and agricultural communities into the arms of the Adal kingdom which itself was undergoing a transformation with the emergence of the war party. The latter, guided by a series of charismatic leaders, defined their goals in Islamic terms, they side-stepped the older aristocratic establishment, and declared holy war against Christian Ethiopia, the strongest of these was Ahmad Ibn Ibrahim (Gran) who ascended to the Adal throne in 1525 and moved his capital to Zeila.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-2-50595648)
Only a year later, Gran's armies were skirmishing in Ethiopia's eastern provinces and in 1527, he launched a major campaign into the Solomonic provinces of Dawaro and Ifat, and in 1529, he struck in the Ethiopian heartland with his entire army which possessed several artillery and a few cannons, eventually meeting the vast army of Lǝbnä Dǝngǝl at Shembra koure where he inflicted a devastating defeat on ethiopian army that sent the king to flight, Gran's armies grew as many disgruntled Ethiopian groups joined its ranks and by 1531 he was pacifying most of the Solomonic state’s territories and bringing them firmly under his rule, completing the conquest of most of Ethiopia by 1533 when he subsumed the regions around Lake Tana.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-3-50595648)
The devastation wrought by Gran's armies forever altered the psyche of the Solomonic state, the destruction of its literary works and its architectural and cultural heritage, and the horrors that the population experienced was recorded by many contemporary chroniclers : "_**nothing could be saved, from men to beasts: everything came under Gragn's rule. They carried off from the churches everything of value, and then they set fire to them and razed the walls to the ground. They slew every adult Christian they found, and carried off the youths and the maidens and sold them as slaves. The remnant of the Christian population were terrified at the ruin which was overtaking their country, nine men out of ten renounced the Christian religion and accepted Islam. A mighty famine came on the country. Lebna Dengel and his family were driven from their house and city, and for some years they wandered about the country, hopeless, and suffered hunger and thirst and hardships of every kind. Under these privations he was smitten with grievous sickness and died, and Claudius [GalawdewosJ ,one of his younger sons, became king in his stead."**_[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-4-50595648)
Soon after his ascension in exile, Gälawdewos re-established contacts with the Portuguese who coincidentally were wrestling control of the maritime trade in the western half of the Indian ocean from the Ottomans by attacking the latter's positions in the red sea. In the early 16th century Portuguese and Ottoman expansions had been on an inevitable collision course. The Ottomans had advanced into the Indian Ocean world after defeating Mamluk Egypt in 1517 and claiming hegemony in the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf in the same decade. A few years earlier, the Portuguese had found their way into the Indian Ocean, sacking the Swahili cities and western Indian cities between 1500-1520s as they advanced northward, and in their attempts to monopolize the lucrative the Indian ocean trade out of Arab, Indian, Swahili and now Ottoman hands, the Portuguese blockaded access to the Gulf and the Red Sea while diverting traffic to the their colonial enclaves.
Following some skirmishes, war between the two empires began in earnest in 1538, when the Ottoman lay siege to Diu and quickly spread throughout the western Indian Ocean basin, involving a variety of client states, one of these was Yemen and this is when Gran took the opportunity to formalize relations between his now vast empire and the Ottomans.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-5-50595648) In 1541, a vast Portuguese fleet arrived in the red sea hoping to strike at the heart of the Ottoman naval enterprise in Suez, the battle ended in an Ottoman victory but fortunately for the Ethiopians, it had brought enough soldiers for Gälawdewos who had spent a year skirmishing with Gran's forces, turning what was until then a regional conflict, into a global conflict.
The first skirmishes between this Portuguese army of 400 arquebusiers ended with an initial defeat of Gran's forces, but this prompted Gran to seek more concrete Ottoman support in exchange for turning his empire into an client state as these small defeats had led to desertion in his army, its then that a large arsenal of artillery was given to Gran including 800-900 arquebusiers and 10 cannons[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-6-50595648), and in 1542, Gran's forces crushed the Portuguese army and executed its commander Cristóvão da Gama, leaving less than 50 men of the original force who then retreated further inland, but disputes broke out between his Ottoman contingent and it was dismissed leaving only a few dozen behind.
In 1542, Galawdewos met up with the remnants of the Portuguese force and scored a few small but significant victories against Gran's armies, and On 22 February 1543 at Dembiya, Gran's army suffered an astounding defeat where he was killed, and Galawdewos ordered that "_**the head of the late King of Zeila should be set on a spear, and carried round and shown in all his country, in order that the people might know that he was indeed dead**_." the Adal army quickly disbanded and despite attempts to regroup, bereft of both the Gran's leadership and Ottoman support, they quickly retreated to their homeland. Gälawdewos spent the rest of his rule pacifying the empire and restoring the old administrative structures especially in the south-east which had been the weak link that Gran exploited, and by the mid 1550s, the Solomonic empire was united within its old borders.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-7-50595648)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!BICw!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F88b695a5-9ea4-4e8b-9288-a8767c6c9c7b_952x728.png)
_**Ruins of the church of Däy Giyorgis built in 1430s, With walls of finely cut dressed stones adorned with an elaborate frieze in a rope pattern. Similar 15th century ruins are dispersed over a large area across the empire and were part of a "distinct Solomonic tradition of building prestigious royal foundations in richly ornamented dressed stone" confirming the contemporary accounts of their elegance before their destruction**_[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-8-50595648)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!rcZZ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8eacebc5-947c-4188-bddb-977706144eda_901x614.png)
_**Letter of recommendation written in 1544 by Emperor Gelawdewos to King John III of Portugal on behalf Miguel de Castanhoso, a Portuguese soldier who fought in the Ethiopia-Adal war and wrote one of the most detailed accounts on it**_[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-9-50595648)
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**Transforming the Solomonic military system: Guns or Institutions?**
The presumed superiority of guns in military technology, their effects in transforming pre-modern African warfare and their centrality in Africa’s foreign diplomacy is a subject of heated debate among Africanists. Its instructive however to note that guns, especially the matchlock, arquebuses and muskets that were used in 16th- 18th century warfare, were much less decisive in battle as its often assumed (especially after the initial shock wore off), they also didn't offer an overwhelming advantage in war (as both European colonist armies in the 16th century and Atlantic African states came to discover when both were defeated by inland states armed with traditional weapons). But they did offer a slight advantage relative to the weapons that were available at the time and units of soldiers with fire-arms were incorporated in many African armies during the 16th century onwards.
Initially, these soldiers came from the “gun-powder empires” such as the Ottomans and the Portuguese who were active in the army of King Alfonso (d. 1543) of Kongo, in the army of Oba Esige (d. 1550) of Benin, in the army of Gälawdewos (d. 1559) of Ethiopia, and in the army of Mai Idris Alooma (d. 1602) of Kanem-Bornu, in time, African soldiers across most parts of Atlantic Africa and the Horn of Africa were soon trained in their use especially in regions where guns could be easily purchased, soon becoming the primary weapon of their armies.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-10-50595648)
The Solomonic empire had for over a century prior to Gran's invasion been in contact with parts of western Europe, while scholars had for long claimed that the intention behind these embassies was to acquire European technology and military alliances, this "technological gap" theory has recently been challenged as a more comprehensive reading of the literature shows little evidence of guns or it especially not in the early 15th century when the Solomonic empire was at its height and required little military assistance, but instead points to a more symbolic and ecclesiastical need to acquire foreign artisans (eg builders, carpenters, stonemasons, goldsmiths, painters) as well as religious relics from sacred places, all of which was central to Solomonic concepts of kingship and royal legitimacy.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-11-50595648)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!YS0d!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff6df9264-523c-4a24-8cf6-256f8afe5b53_1127x542.jpeg)
_**bas-relief showing the arrival of the Ethiopian and (Coptic) Egyptian delegations in Rome in October 1441, ("Porta del Filarete" at the St. Peter's Basilica, Italy c.1445)**_[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-12-50595648)
Nevertheless, Solomonic monarchs soon recognized the advantage fire-arms would offer in warfare however slight it was, the earliest definitive diplomatic request for arms was in 1521 from emperor Lǝbnä Dǝngǝl who was interested in their use by both the Portuguese and Ottomans and acquired a few of them from the former, but these weren’t used in his military at the time[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-13-50595648) and there is also a much earlier mention of firearms during the reign of Yeshaq I (r. 1414-1429) who is said to have employed a former Mamluk Egyptian governor to train his troops[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-14-50595648)(although this comes from an external source).
However, it wasn't until after the campaigns against Ahmad Grañ were over, that the Solomonic rulers permanently incorporated the use of fire-arms into their armies. The first firearms corps comprised of Portuguese soldiers in the service of Gälawdewos (r. 1540-1559), most of whom were the remnants of the 1541 group, he is reported to have “_**ordered the Portuguese to protect him and follow him wherever he went to with two squadrons**_.” and by 1555, he is said to have had 93 Portuguese soldiers at his court.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-15-50595648) This fire-arms army unit was maintained by his successors but the use of fire-arms didn't greatly transform the Solomonic army nor alter the balance of military power away from the center until the the late-18th century when provincial nobles started amassing significant arsenals.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-16-50595648)
The real transformation occurred in the centralization of the army, which shifted away from the reliance on feudal levies to a standing army under the King’s command, this process had been started by Zä-Dəngəl (r. 1603-1604) but it was Susənyos (r.1606-1632) who developed it fully, first with corps of bodyguard battalions that incorporated both Portuguese and Turkish musketeers, a largely Muslim cavalry from his battles in the south-east, and an infantry that now included soldiers from several groups he had been fighting on the frontier such as the Oromo, the royal army thus rose from 25,000 men to around 40,000 in the 1620s[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-17-50595648) and most of it was maintained by his successors.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!gCMR!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffafc791b-8293-49cd-9c88-4753d9b0fb78_1213x580.jpeg)
_**Detail of an early 18th century ethiopian miniature from the Gondarine era showing a soldier loading his gun through the muzzle**_[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-18-50595648)
* * *
**Transforming the society; the Oromo expansion and establishing a symbiotic equilibrium on the Solomonic frontier.**
The Oromo were autochthonous to most regions of what is now central and south eastern Ethiopia, and they were until the 16th century mostly on the fringes of the Solomonic heartlands (in north-central Ethiopia). Internal political process within several independent Oromo polities had transformed their political and social structures, as the growth of long distance trade and the centralization of power under increasingly patrimonial rulers resulted in changes in Oromo concepts of land tenure and military ethos, leading to a period of expansion and migration across eastern Africa that brought them in contact and direct conflict with the Solomonic empire.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-19-50595648)
Some of the most notable among the disparate Oromo groups from this period of expansion were; the _**Yajju**_ who are mentioned by the time of Amhad Gran in the early 16th century and became prominent elites in the Ethiopian royal court over the century; the _**Mammadoch**_ who expanded into the north-central Ethiopia in the 16th century, carving out the province of _Wallo_ and playing an integral role in Solomonic politics of the later periods by forming strategic alliances and marriages; the _**Barentuma**_ who expanded to the province of _Gojjam_ and extended their reach north into _Tigre_, as well as the _**Mäch’a**_ and the _**Tulama (Borana)**_ who expanded into the provinces of _Shäwa_ and _Damot_.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-20-50595648)
Initially, the Solomonic armies won their first skirmishes in their battles against these various Oromo armies in 1572 and 1577, but their victories were reversed by 1579 following several Oromo victories and by the 1580s they constituted the only major military threat to the empire. Särsä Dəngəl thus begun employing contingents of some of them into his army by 1590, and many of the provincial rulers begun integrating Oromo elites into their administration --just as many of the Oromo polities were integrating former subjects of the Solomonic state including some of the nobility with the most notable example being the future emperor Susənyos who was their captive in his youth and fought alongside them in many of their battles[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-21-50595648).
After several decades of warfare between the Solomonic and Oromo armies, an equilibrium was established as the integrated groups in either states became important middlemen in the trade between the Solomonic state and the Oromo kingdoms in its south-west, these later evolved into lucrative trade routes that extended upto the Funj kingdom (in Sudan) and became important to later Gondarine economy and its prosperity.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-22-50595648)
The Oromo courtiers at the Gondarine court became very influential in the 18th century, marrying into the nobility and become the most powerful group in mid-18th century Gondarine politics, the Oromo cavalrymen also constituted an important unit of the Gondarine military.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-23-50595648)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!rDB1!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3c0a1477-788f-450a-9269-849318ace1a4_1340x613.png)
_**Ruins of a 19th century palace in Jiren, capital of the Oromo kingdom of jimma, founded In the late 18th century, it interacted with the Gondarine state and its successors**_[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-24-50595648)
* * *
**Transforming the church: the Jesuit episode in Ethiopian history (1555-1634), rebellions and the reaffirmation of the Ethiopian orthodox church.**
Shortly after Gran's defeat, Gälawdewos tried to restore the now ruined Orthodox church institutions, importing two abuns (head of the Ethiopian church) who were needed to ordain the thousands of priests needed to replace those killed during the invasion. He also strengthened the philosophical foundations of the Ethiopian church, clarifying its basic tenets and defending it in several of his own treatises that were written in response to accusations of Ethiopian orthodox “heresy” by the Portuguese missionary order of the Jesuits which had arrived in the country shortly after the defeat of Gran.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-25-50595648)
The Jesuit's arrival came at a critical time when many Solomonic subjects, especially those who hadn’t fully adopted Christianity and had been forcefully converted to Islam by Gran, were only then returning to their old faith. The orthodox church therefore faced an existential challenge in this new theater of religious competition and the Jesuits’ aggressive proselytization worsened its already precarious position.
The leader of the Jesuits was Joao Bermudez and he claimed the late king Lǝbnä Dǝngǝl had promised to convert to Catholicism in a letter which the latter sent to Pope Clement VII in 1533, Bermudez thus openly challenged the royal court and the established orthodox clergy to convert to Catholicism. In truth however, Lǝbnä Dǝngǝl's letter was only an expression of interest for a closer association, but Bermudez, a barber with no theological training, had appointed himself as “catholic abun” of what he considered the new Ethiopia church during one of the embassies that Dǝngǝl sent to Portugal and Rome in 1535.[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-26-50595648)
Within a few years, his aggressive proselytization, disrespect for Ethiopian traditions, orthodox customs and imperial authorities was sparking rebellions in parts of the country, and after tolerating his insolence for as long as he could, Gälawdewos was forced to exile Bermudez. But the damage to Solomonic-Portuguese relations had been done and the incongruity between either states' understanding of their relationship only widened.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-27-50595648)
The Jesuit mission had been doomed from the start, even Goncalo Rodrigues, one among the first priests, wrote in 1555 that "_**the notables of the empire would prefer to be subjects to Muslim rule rather than replace their customs with ours**_." nevertheless, after several initial setbacks in which the Jesuits took sides in the war between king Mēnās (r. 1559-1563) and the rebel Yéshaq, they later gradually influenced their way through the upper strata of the Solomonic system, continuing through Särsä Dəngəl’s rule (r. 1565-1597) but eventually lost their influence and the mission nearly ended in 1597.
This was until the priest Pedro Perez took the office in 1603 and proved rather successful in converting some of the Ethiopian elites and re-establishing a Jesuit influence in the Solomonic court by presenting himself as a _**“purveyor of technological progress”**_ and limiting the conversion efforts to the emperor and his immediate family, he weathered the succession disputes and endeared himself to the newly crowned Susənyos (r. 1606-1632) whom he impressed with the workings of Iberian absolutism and showed him how Catholicism would further centralize his rule, leading Susənyos and his brother Sela Christos to convert to Catholicism by 1621.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-28-50595648)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!tCiv!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F880328b2-7fe5-4ada-8e7d-bd7c0bbd675c_526x611.png)
_**portrait of Pedro Perez**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!aeC_!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fccc0d16e-0577-4509-870d-c72662303f2a_925x615.png)
_**“fortress” walls of Fǝremona, the 17th century Jesuit residence (in Tigre). Jesuit residences in Ethiopia were often constructed to resemble fortresses without serving any real defensive purposes.**_[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-29-50595648)
Both Susənyos and Christos then proceeded to violently repress all Ethiopian traditions and state institutions opposed to the new religion, issuing edicts that made Catholicism the state religion and greatly undermining the ethiopian orthodox church. "_**the Catholic presence in Ethiopia, far from being a simple matter of converting elites and commoners, entailed establishing a Catholic space that was increasingly expanded at the expense of Ethiopian Christianity**_".
The Catholic inquisitions of the 1620s destroyed countless books, led to the arrest of defiant Ethiopian clergy and purged the administration of orthodox sympathizers. The Jesuit penchant for building their residences as fortresses such as at Fǝremona which were often well guarded with garrisoned soldiers, was viewed with great suspicion by the Solomonic elites and subjects as first step to colonization —as one priest wrote _**“the missionary residences were seen as true fortresses rather than as praying centers”**_[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-30-50595648)
The Solomonic nobility including Susənyos’s immediate family (especially his kinswomen[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-31-50595648)) were split between cooperating with the new emperor's religion or rebelling against it, and many chose the latter option. In 1620 a large rebellion led by Yonael broke out that included many clergymen and monks but it was brutally suppressed by Susənyos’s army with the help of Christos. In 1622, the Ichege (the second most powerful figure in the Ethiopian church) reprimanded Susənyos publicly, and in 1623, a general rebellion led by Wolde Gabriel that was later suppressed. In 1628 another large rebellion led by Tekla Girogis was put down, and finally the largest rebellion broke out in 1629 led by Malkea Christos.
The rebellion of Malkea lasted upto 1632, it defeated the royal army in several battles and conquered many provinces, promoting Susənyos to take command of his army and ultimately defeat the rebellion but incurring a great cost with tens of thousands of killed in the battle. Disillusioned by the failure to centralize his empire, and the failure to establish a new religion, Susənyos revoked all edicts of forceful conversion to Catholicism and abdicated in favor of his anti-Jesuit son Fasilädäs.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-32-50595648)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!4ZwE!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd932003f-e890-4d3c-b917-4f9d6685abd3_1345x650.png)
_**Susənyos's palace at Dänqäz commissioned by the emperor in 1625 and completed in 1631, construction was directed by an Ethiopian architect, Gäbrä Krǝstos, with the help of a Banyan stonecutter ‘Abdalkarīm and an Egyptian carpenter Sadaqa Nesrani, it served as the model for the later gondarine castle-palaces, Some of the palace’s mansons had worked on nearby Jesuit constructions at Faremona but the overall fashion of the palace departed from their styles and was largely of Mughal influence**_[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-33-50595648)
* * *
**Transforming the empire; the Jesuit expulsion and the start of a new, Gondarine era.**
In 1634, Fasilädäs ordered all the Jesuit missionaries to leave the country, following this decision, a large group of Jesuit priests accompanied by a few hundred Ethio-Portuguese Catholics, went into exile to India[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-34-50595648) Sela Christos was imprisoned and later killed and the Ottoman governor of the Red sea port of Massawa were instructed by Fasilädäs to kill any Jesuit that arrived in their city; a policy which for a time extended to almost any western ("non-orthodox") European as some unfortunate capuchin priests came to find out.
Following Fasilädäs’s restoration of Ethiopian orthodox church faith in the early 1630s, a handful of defiant Jesuits continued to operate on the highlands and found refuge in Tigre while their brothers left the region entirely. One by one, the remaining Jesuits were either executed by the authorities or killed by angry crowds, while Catholic books—in an ironic turn of events to the Catholic inquisition—were burned. Deprived of its clergy, the Luso-Ethiopia’s Catholic community slowly died out as Fasilädäs’s successors continued this anti-Catholic policy, and in 1669 two of the five missionaries who had succeeded in reaching Ethiopia were identified and faced death by crucifixion and in the same year, the remaining Luso-Ethiopian Catholics faced the choice of either leaving for the Funj kingdom capital Sinnar (in Sudan) or embracing orthodox Christianity[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-35-50595648).
The long list of missionary failures turned the entire region into the ultimate destination for martyrdom-seeking missionaries in the 17th and 18th centuries, it also convinced European commentators that the country and its rulers were content in their “xenophobic” isolation leading to the now infamous quip about by the English historian Edward Gibbons: “_**encompassed on all sides by the enemies of their religion, the Aethiopians slept near a thousand years, forgetful of the world by whom they were forgotten**_.” In truth however, the empire was now actively courting the supposed “enemies of its religion” with the sole exception of the Iberian and Italian Catholics. Fasilädäs was implementing a cautious anti-Catholic policy while exploring strategic economic and political alliances with the Muslim world (such as the Ottomans, the imamate of Yemen, the Mughal empire and the Funj kingdom) as well as the Dutch protestants.
The Ottomans in particular were interested in developing new relations with what had previously been their primary antagonist in the red sea region. Fasilädäs initiated relations with Yemen in 1642, with the Ottoman caliphs in 1660 and the Mughal empire in 1664, as well as across the Indian ocean world through his ambassador Murād who travelled to the cities of Delhi, Batavia, Malacca, Surat, Goa, and Ceylon almost always on official capacity[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-36-50595648). And rather than a “xenophobic isolation”, Fasilädäs established the city of Gondar in 1632, turning into one of the biggest African capitals of the era with a population of nearly 80,000, it housed diverse communities of Ethiopians (Christians, Muslims, Jews, traditionalists) as well as Indians, Greeks, Armenians and Arabs.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!bnv6!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F13f35da3-37ff-492f-abc3-8ba34f88dffa_1095x501.png)
_**the first two miniatures are from a**_ _**late 17th century Ethiopian manuscript with the earliest illustrations of a gondarine castle, most likely Fasilädäs’s “fasil ghebbi”**_[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-37-50595648)_**The third miniature is from an early 18th century manuscript depicting the construction of a gondarine-type castle**_.[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-38-50595648)_**(the turbans on the masons heads are an interesting detail)**_
In a decisive break from the mobile camp of his predecessors, Fasilädäs established a permanent capital at Gondär in 1636 which was located at the crossroads of the most important caravan routes linking the Ethiopian-Sudanese borderlands with the Red sea ports, he then started the construction of his fortified royal quarters (the Fasil ghebbi).
Over the following decades, Gondär turned into a thriving city and witnessed the largest scale of construction in the region since the famous rock-hewn churches of Lalibäla in the 12th century. The cosmopolitan capital reflected the new Gondarine state’s character with its melting pot of communities, including the Ğäbärti Muslims who brokered trade between the state and the Red Sea ports, the Betä Ǝsraᵓls who provided most of the city’s artisanal services, along with growing communities of Indians masons, Armenian and Greek merchants and craftsmen, and the Oromo soldiers and nobility who where incorporated in all levels of the state’s social order.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-39-50595648)
Fasilädäs retained a number of institutions and influences from Susənyos' era including the Ethio-Portuguese fire-arms corps who remained serving in his army while his own troops continued adopting firearms, and they wouldn't be expelled until the reign of his successor Yohannis I (1667-1682)[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-40-50595648). Fasilädäs also retained and employed the indian masons that had been used by the Jesuits to build a number of structures in Susənyos' era, these masons were primarily influenced by the Mughal empire’s Indo-Islamic architecture especially the so-called “palace gardens” built by Akbar and Jahangir . The Indian stonecutter Abdalkarīm who was directed by the Ethiopian architect Gäbrä Krǝstos to build Susənyos' palace at Danqaz, was retained to build Fasilädäs's castle in 1638-48 where he worked with several Ethiopian architects (they also built the Guzara castle and several bridges). Despite these foreign influences, the Gondarine palaces retained the spatial layout of the mobile Solomonic royal camp with its concentric structure.[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-41-50595648)
The adoption of these new architectural styles was part of a reformulation of concepts of power and kingship made by Fasilädäs, "_**unlike his forbears, the king no longer defined his attributes by waging war and expressing his religious devotion alone, but also by indulging in aesthetic, “elevated” experiences”;**_ along with the hybridized art styles and textile fashions that characterized the Gondarine era, this new architecture underscored the ruler’s sense of refinement.[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-42-50595648) Over the reigns of his successors, there was a marked increase in construction works of Gondarine style including several castles, churches and libraries some of which were reconstructions of older churches ruined during Gran’s invasion; the new architecture of power, had become firmly established and would last through the entire Gondarine era; a nearly two century long period of artistic and cultural renaissance in Ethiopia.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!eIET!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F6103a959-00dd-4660-b962-f3a61626a331_1200x803.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!I6tZ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd9abd4c4-8ac1-420f-9ef6-a81926494d87_1024x768.png)
_**Fasilädäs’ castle inside the royal palace complex at Gondar**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!C3mx!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fba5fd4f6-d8a9-4391-956d-5d13bb714f85_745x1247.png)
_**The Guzara castle and bridge located a few kilometers north of Gondär, is often misattributed to Śärṣ́ä Dǝngǝl in 1586, but was built by Fasilädäs and is a virtual copy of his palace at palace Gondär, albeit smaller.**_[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-43-50595648)
In 1743, empress Mentewwab completed the construction of what came to be the last of the Gondarine monuments, with richly decorated interior, its clergy clad in the finest clothes and its library crammed with manuscripts it represented the glory of the monarchy,[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-44-50595648) a glory that would unravel in the decades following her demise, when the great city was sacked and gradually abandoned leaving nothing but the crumbling ruins of towering castles that still retained an air of authority, a relic born from Ethiopia’s tumultuous global encounter.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!CarV!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F393ca889-34fe-4b36-8236-86bd5fd6838f_749x1141.png)
_**sections of empress Mentewwab's dabra sahay Qwesqwam complex, outside Gondar.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!WqqS!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ffd8f1cc4-be98-498f-a7ff-e662c65319c1_721x446.png)
_**18th century Ethiopian manuscript miniature depicting a long battlemented building similar to Mentewwab's palace**_[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-45-50595648)
* * *
**Global encounters and transformation****of African societies.**
The arrival of the Portuguese in the Ethiopian highlands was admittedly one of the most pivotal moments in the Solomonic empire's history but not for the reason most historians have come to understand.
Instead of a Portuguese directed overhaul of the feudal Ethiopian institutions as its commonly averred, the empire’s institutions underwent a metamorphosis in response to the enormous political and cultural strains it faced, of which the Portuguese presence was but one of several challenges that the Solomonic monarchs had to contend with. Rather than a technology/gun revolution transforming a feudal military, the empire’s army underwent an orderly centralization that despite breaking down two centuries later, provided the blue-print for the restorers of the empire in the 19th century (Tewodros, Yohannis and Menelik). Rather than the decline of Ethiopian orthodox in the face of Catholicism and Islam, the church revitalized itself, and Ethiopian clerics, monarchs and people fiercely defended their faith with words and later, with their lives. Ethiopian clerics engaged in passionate debates defending their Ethiopian orthodox theology in writing (eg Zags Za'ab’s “_**The Faith of the Ethiopians**_” printed in 1540 and circulated in European capitals, as well as king Gälawdewos’ treatises addressed to his Portuguese guests), and Ethiopians defended their faith on the battlefields where their own emperor had turned his armies against them, winning the battle but ultimately losing the theological war. Lastly, rather than a superimposition of new architectural styles and aesthetics by the Portuguese, Gondarine patrons consciously adopted a range of construction styles that came to define their new concepts of power, building the vast majority of the iconic Gondarine edifices long after the Jesuits had been expelled.
The evolution of Gondarine Ethiopia’s foreign relations and their transformative effects on its internal institutions mirror the changes occurring in other contemporaneous African states in which their old military systems, religious institutions and concepts of power underwent a metamorphosis that enabled them to respond better to the challenges the rapidly globalizing world presented[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-46-50595648).
Africa’s global encounter, rather than triggering the precipitous decline of its medieval civilizations, allowed the continent to enter the early-modern era with full political and economic autonomy, beginning a new golden age.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Tloc!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1c8bced9-320c-40cf-8ab2-fd0d6bef1166_626x524.png)
_**“**_ 泰西王侯騎馬図屛風”_**(Equestrian Kings of Taixi Folding Screen), a Japanese painting from the early 17th century at the Aizuwakamatsu Castle, depicting “King Abyssinia” with four others, by a local painter based off Jesuit descriptions, the identity of the ruler has been suggested as king David (ie: Dawit II/Lǝbnä Dǝngǝl)**_[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-47-50595648)
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_**Read more about Medieval ethiopia’s diplomatic relations with medieval Europe and Mamluk egypt on my Patreon account**_
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-1-50595648)
Church and State in Ethiopia by Taddesse Tamrat pg 268, 285-301)
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-2-50595648)
The History of Islam irica by Nehemia Levtzion pg 229)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-3-50595648)
Ethiopia and the Red Sea by Mordechai Abir pg 86-90)
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-4-50595648)
Layers of Time by Paul B. Henze pg 87
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-5-50595648)
The African Prester John and the Birth of Ethiopian-European Relations, 1402-1555 by Matteo Salvadore pg 181-182
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-6-50595648)
The Portuguese expedition to Abyssinia in 1541-1543 as narrated by Castanhoso By J. Bermudez pg 55)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-7-50595648)
Ethiopia and the Red Sea by Mordechai Abir pg 100-102)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-8-50595648)
Medieval Ethiopian Kingship, Craft, and Diplomacy with Latin Europe By Verena Krebs pg 212
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-9-50595648)
Mss [PT/TT/CART/891.1/98](https://digitarq.arquivos.pt/details?id=3908277)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-10-50595648)
see J. K. Thornton’s “Warfare in Atlantic Africa” and Rory Pilossof’s “Guns don't colonise people…”
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-11-50595648)
Medieval Ethiopian Kingship, Craft, and Diplomacy with Latin Europe by verena krebs pg 185-189)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-12-50595648)
“_Ethiopians at the Council of Florence_” in : The African Prester John and the Birth of Ethiopian-European Relations by M. Salvadore
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-13-50595648)
The Jesuit Mission to Ethiopia (1555-1634) and the Death of Prester John by Matteo Salvadore pg 147)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-14-50595648)
Linguistic and Cultural Data on the Penetration of Fire-Arms into Ethiopia by Richard Pankhurst pg 47
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-15-50595648)
Early Portuguese Emigration To The Ethiopian Highlands by Andreu Martínez d'Alòs-Moner pg 10)
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-16-50595648)
Firearms and Princely Power in Ethiopia in the Nineteenth Century by RA Caulk pg 609
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-17-50595648)
Ethiopia and the Red Sea by Mordechai Abir pg pg 198)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-18-50595648)
manuscript page; [123r](http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/Viewer.aspx?ref=or_607_f001r)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-19-50595648)
The Other Abyssinians by Brian J. Yates pg 20-25)
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-20-50595648)
The Other Abyssinians by Brian J. Yates pg 33-34)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-21-50595648)
Ethiopia and the Red Sea by Mordechai Abir pg 164-167)
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-22-50595648)
Ethiopia and the Red Sea by Mordechai Abir pg 190)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-23-50595648)
The Ethiopian Borderlands by Richard Pankhurst pg 322-316
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-24-50595648)
The Political Economy of an African Society in Tranformation by Tesema Ta'a pg 61
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-25-50595648)
Ethiopia and the Red Sea by Mordechai Abir pg 103)
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-26-50595648)
The Jesuit Mission to Ethiopia (1555-1634) and the Death of Prester John by Matteo Salvadore pg 151)
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-27-50595648)
Ethiopia and the Red Sea by Mordechai Abir pg 104)
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-28-50595648)
The Jesuit Mission to Ethiopia (1555-1634) and the Death of Prester John by Matteo Salvadore 138-150)
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-29-50595648)
The Archaeology of the Jesuit Missions in Ethiopia (1557–1632) by Víctor Manuel Fernández pg 101
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-30-50595648)
Envoys of a Human God By Andreu Martínez d'Alòs-Moner pg 304
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-31-50595648)
Sisters Debating the Jesuits by WL Belcher
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-32-50595648)
Ethiopia and the Red Sea by Mordechai Abir pg 216-222)
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-33-50595648)
The Archaeology of the Jesuit Missions in Ethiopia (1557–1632) by Víctor Manuel Fernández pg 304
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-34-50595648)
Early Portuguese Emigration To The Ethiopian Highlands by Andreu Martínez d'Alòs-Moner pg 24)
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-35-50595648)
Muslim Partners, Catholic Foes: The Selective Isolation of Gondarine Ethiopia by Matteo Salvadore pg 54)
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-36-50595648)
Muslim Partners, Catholic Foes: The Selective Isolation of Gondarine Ethiopia by Matteo Salvadore pg 62-63)
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-37-50595648)
Mss [Or.520](http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/Viewer.aspx?ref=or_520_f001r)
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-38-50595648)
Mss [Or. 790](http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/Viewer.aspx?ref=or_790)
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-39-50595648)
Muslim Partners, Catholic Foes: The Selective Isolation of Gondarine Ethiopia by Matteo Salvadore pg 53-54
[40](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-40-50595648)
Envoys of a Human God by Andreu Martnez D'als-moner pg 321
[41](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-41-50595648)
The Archaeology of the Jesuit Missions in Ethiopia (1557–1632) by Víctor Manuel Fernández pg 31-35, 471-472
[42](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-42-50595648)
The Archaeology of the Jesuit Missions in Ethiopia (1557–1632) by Víctor Manuel Fernández pg 34
[43](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-43-50595648)
The Archaeology of the Jesuit Missions in Ethiopia (1557–1632) by Víctor Manuel Fernández pg 334, 354
[44](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-44-50595648)
Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia by Donald Crummey pg 108
[45](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-45-50595648)
Mss [Or. 791](http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/Viewer.aspx?ref=or_791_f001r)
[46](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-46-50595648)
On the transformation of Atlantic african military systems, religions and concepts of power, see the topics “_On a War Footing: The ‘Fiscal- Military State’ in West African Politics_” and “_Feeding Power: New Societies, New Worldviews_” in Toby Green’s “_**A fistful of shells**_”
[47](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of#footnote-anchor-47-50595648)
Link to [collection](https://www.suntory.co.jp/sma/collection/gallery/detail?id=611) , reading: “第十一回国際歴史学会議への報告書 : 日本における歴史学の発達と現状” Pg 179
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[Mar 21, 2022](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of/comment/5652360 "Mar 21, 2022, 8:47 PM")
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This is insanely cool! I'm an exchange student here in Spain (from the US), and the history we learn here is mainly centered around Africa and Europe. My city is on the border of Spain and Portugal, so I really like reading your posts (especially with information on the rich history of Africa and Asia). Given I'm Indian-American, I love learning about India as well. Thanks for these blogs!
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[Mar 20, 2022](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/global-encounters-and-a-century-of/comment/5633761 "Mar 20, 2022, 6:04 PM")
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You wrote the name of the Oromo moety wrong. It's Barentu/Barentuma.
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Published Time: 2023-10-22T15:36:13+00:00
Guns and Spears: a military history of the Zulu kingdom.
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Guns and Spears: a military history of the Zulu kingdom.
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
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Popular history of Africa before the colonial era often divides the continent’s military systems into two broad categories —the relatively modern armies along the Atlantic coast which used firearms, versus the 'traditional' armies in the interior that fought with arrows and spears. And it was the latter in particular, whose chivalrous soldiers armed with antiquated weapons, are imagined to have quickly succumbed to colonial invasion.
Nowhere is this imagery more prevalent than in mainstream perceptions of the Anglo-Zulu war of 1879. Descriptions of Zulu armies armed with short spears and shields, bravely rushing over open ground in the face of heavy fire in an attempt to get to grips with the redcoats, has come to dominate our understanding of colonial warfare. It casts this 'traditional' African army as an atavistic warrior people in their twilight, whose supposed failure to innovate doomed them to their seemingly inevitable fall.
Like all simplified narratives, the popular division between traditional and modern military systems is more apparent than real. The guns of Queen Njinga’s army in Matamba (Angola) were just as effective at defeating the Portuguese colonial armies in the 17th century[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-1-138168101), as the arrows of Chagamire Dombo were at crushing the colonialists forces in Mutapa (Zimbabwe).[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-2-138168101) And as the the 19th century colonial expansionism intensified, the Zulu armies defeated the British in the field on no less than three occasions.
This article explores the history of Zulu military innovations within their local context in south-east Africa, and the overlooked role of firearms in Zulu warfare.
_**Map of southern Africa in the early 19th century showing the Zulu kingdom.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!1VCR!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F468cf231-d3ed-482a-b730-a31700d75933_828x527.png)
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**Genesis of the Zulu military system: Southern African armies and weapons from the 16th to the 18th century.**
The Zulu kingdom emerged in the early 19th century, growing from a minor chiefdom in Mthethwa confederation, to become the most powerful state in south-east Africa. Expanding through conquest, diplomacy and patronage, the kingdom subsumed several smaller states over a large territory measuring about 156,000 sqkm.
The Zulu state owed much of its expansion to its formidable army during the reign of King Shaka (1812-1828), the kingdom's first independent ruler. The Zulu military developed during Shaka's reign utilized a distinctive form of organization, fighting formations and weapons, that were popularized in later literature about colonial warfare in Africa. Chief among these was the regiment system, and the short-spears known as assegai that were utilized in the famous cow-horn formation of close-combat fighting.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-3-138168101)
Like most historical traditions which attribute important cultural innovations to the kingdom's founder, these innovations are thought to have been introduced by king Shaka. However, they all predate the reign of the famous Zulu king, and most of them were fairly common among the neighboring states of south-east Africa. Among such states was the Thuli chiefdom, which, during its expansion south of the Thukela River in the late 18th century, employed the short-spear in close combat. Another tradition relating the the Mtehthwa king Dingiswayo also attributes the use of short stabbing spears to his armies, replacing the throwing spear. The line of transmition then follows both of these innovations from Dingiswayo's son to a then prince Shaka, when the Zulu were still under Mtehthwa's suzerainty.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-4-138168101)
The short spear often associated with king Shaka was itself a relatively ancient weapon among the polities of south-east Africa. The earliest descriptions of armies in the region from the mid 16th century include mentions of warriors armed with wooden pikes _**"and some assegais [spears] with iron points.”**_ These descriptions came from shipwrecked Portuguese sailors whose desperation attimes drove them to cannibalism against the Africans who they found near the coast, and thus invited severe retaliation from the African armies. One such incident of cannibalism by the Portuguese crew near Delagoa bay[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-5-138168101) (Maputo Bay) resulted in the shipwrecked crew being attacked by an African army _**“throwing so many assegais**_[azagayas, or spears]_**that the air was darkened by a cloud of them, though they seemed afterwards to be as well provided with them as before.”**_ A similar attack is described by another shipwrecked crew in 1622 whose camp was showered with more than 530 assegais and countless wooden spears.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-6-138168101)
The type of assegais used in the region where the Zulu kingdom would later emerge would have been fairly similar to the ones associated with Shaka. One account from 1799 mentions that the armies in Delagoa bay region were _**"armed with a small spear"**_ which they _**"throw with great exactness thirty or forty yards**_". The account also describes their armies' war dress, their large shields and their form of organization with guard units for the King. These were all popularized in later accounts of the Zulu army but were doubtlessly part of the broader military systems of the region. [7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-7-138168101)
The above fragmentary accounts of military systems in south-east Africa indicate that traditions attributing the introduction/invention of the Zulu’s military formations and weapons to Shaka were attimes more symbolic than historical, although they would be greatly improved upon by the Zulu.
* * *
**Development and innovation of the Zulu military system from Shaka to Dingane: Assegais and Firearms.**
According to the Zulu traditions recorded in the late 19th century, Shaka trained his warriors to advance rapidly in tight formations and engage hand-to-hand, battering the enemy with larger war-shields, then skewering their foes with the short spear. Shaka's favorite attack formation was an encircling movement known as the _impondo zankomo_ (beast's horns), in which the the _isifuba_, or chest, advanced towards the enemy’s front, while two flanking parties, called _izimpondo_, or horns, surrounded either side.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-8-138168101)
There were many types of assegais in 19th century Zululand, including the _isijula_, the larger _iklwa_ and _unhlekwane_, the _izinhlendhla_ (barbed assegais), and the _unhlekwana_ (broad-bladed assegai) among others. Assegais were manufactured by a number of specialized smiths, who enjoyed a position of some status, and were made on the orders of, and delivered to, the king, who would distribute them as he saw fit. The assegai transcended its narrow military applications as it epitomized political power and social unity of the state. It also played an important part in wedding and doctoring ceremonies, as well as in hunting. It acquired an outsized position in Zulu warfare and concepts of honor that emphasized close combat battle.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-9-138168101)
The Zulu army originally formed during the reign of Shaka's predecessor, Senzangakhona (d. 1812), was an age-based regimental force that developed out of pre-existing region-based forces called _amaButho_. These regiments were instructed to build a regional barracks (_Ikhanda_) where they would undergo training. The barracks served as a locus for royal authority as temporary residences of the King and a means to centralize power. Shaka greatly expanded this regimental system, enrolling about 15 regiments, with the estimated size of his army being around 14,000 in the early 19th century, which he sent on campaigns/expeditions (_impi_) across the region.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-10-138168101)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!P7N2!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb588bf3b-da12-4f63-868c-3e55eeb1c51a_413x476.png)
_**Zulu Soldiers of King Panda's Army, 1847.**_[Library of Congress.](https://www.loc.gov/item/2021670160/)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Pjk5!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe435ec9c-ddfe-4c1c-bf5d-d8ace11f53e0_1071x601.png)
_**‘Zulu Braves’ in ceremonial battle dress**_, [National Archives UK](https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:The_National_Archives_UK_-_CO_1069-224-48.jpg), late 19th/early 20th century.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!ykf8!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F17744c08-1ce4-48b7-b079-4774be3710d7_800x511.jpeg)
_**the Zulu in ceremonial war dress**_, early 20th century photo, [smithsonian museum](https://www.si.edu/object/archives/components/sova-naa-photolot-97-ref14637)
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The exact size of the regiment, the location of their barracks and the number of regiments varied under sucessive rulers. When a new regiment was formed, the king appointed officers, or _izinduna_ to command it. These were part of the state officials, specifically chosen by the king to fulfil particular roles within the administrative system. Regiments consisted of companies (_amaviyo_) under the command of appointed officers, which together formed larger divisions (_izigaba_) also commanded by appointed officers, who were in turn under the senior commanders of the Zulu army.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-11-138168101)
The creation of the different regiments was largely determined by the King, while the military training of the cadets who joined them was mostly an informal process. Some of the regiments dating back to Shaka's time were still present at the time of the Anglo-Zulu war, others had been created during the intervening period, while others were absorbed. The regiments were distinguished by their war dress and shields, although these two changed with time. These regiments were armed with both the short spear and large shield, but they also carried guns —an often overlooked weapon in Zulu historiography. One particular regiment associated with this weapon in the Anglo-Zulu war were the _abaQulusi_, a group which eventually came to consider themselves to be directly responsible to the King.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-12-138168101)
The Zulu had been exposed to firearms early during kingdom's creation in the 1820s. Shaka was keenly intrested in the guns carried by the first European visitors to his court and acquired musketry contigents to bolster his army.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-13-138168101) He also sent Zulu spies to the cape colony and intended to send envoys to England inorder to learn how to manufacture guns locally. His sucessors, Dingane (r. 1828-1840) and Mpande (r. 1840-1872), acquired several guns from the European traders as a form of tribute in exchange for allowing them to operate within the kingdom.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-14-138168101)
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**<<the journey from Zululand to England wouldn't have been an unusual undertaking, since African explorers —including from southern Africa— had been [travelling to western Europe since the 17th century.](https://www.patreon.com/posts/89363872?pr=true)>>**
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While firearms acquired by the Zulu during Dingane’s reign were not extensively used in battle before the war between the Boers and the Zulu between 1837-1840, they quickly became part of the diverse array of weaponry used by his army. The Zulu had innovated their fighting since Shaka’s day, bringing back the javelin (_isiJula_) for throwing at longer distances, as well as knobkerries (a type of mace or club). Dingane also armed some of his soldiers with firearms, the majority of which seem to have been captured from the Boers after some Zulu victories. The Zulu army of Dingane also rarely fought using the cow-horn formation but frequently took advantage of the terrain to create more dispersed formations, often seeking to surprise the enemy and prevent them from making any effective defense.[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-15-138168101)
The Zulu developed an extensive vocabulary reflecting their familiarity with the new technology, with atleast 10 different words for types of firearm, each with its own history and origin, as well as a description of its use. These included a five-foot long gun called the _ibala_, a large barreled gun known as the _imbobiyana_, a double barreled shotgun known as the _umakalana_ which was reserved for the elite, two other shotguns known as _isinqwana_ and _ifili_ (the first of which was used in close range fighting), and the "elephant gun" known as the _idhelebe_ which unlike the rest of the other guns was acquired from the Boers rather than the Portuguese. Other guns include the _iginanda_, _umhlabakude, igodhla,_ and _isiBamu_.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-16-138168101)
The bulk of firearms in the kingdom arrived from the British colony of Natal and the Portuguese station at Delagoa Bay, especially during the reign of Cetshwayo (r. 1872-1879/1884). The king utilized the services of a European trader named John Dunn whose agents transshipped the weapons from the Cape and Natal to Delagoa Bay and into Zululand. In the 1860s and 70s, the exchange price of a good quality double-barrel muzzle loader dropped from 4 cows or £20 to just one, while an Enfield rifle that was standard issue for the British military in the 1850s cost even less. This trade was often prohibited by the British in the Cape and Natal who feared the growing strength of the Zulu, but the "illegal" sales of guns carried on until the Portuguese were eventually forced to prohibit the trade in 1878.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-17-138168101)
Portuguese accounts indicate that between 1875 and 1877, 20,000 guns, including 500 breech-loaders, and 10,000 barrels of gunpowder were imported annually, the greater proportion of which went to the Zulu kingdom. This indicates a total estimate of 45,000 guns including 1,125 breech loaders and 22,500 barrels of gun powder. Another account from 1878 mentions the arrival of 400 Zulu traders at Delagoa who purchased 2,000 breech loaders. Zulu smiths learned how to make gunpowder under the supervision of the king's armorer, Somopho kaZikhala with one cache containing about 1,100 lb of gunpowder in 178 barrels.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-18-138168101)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!vSQk!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F252d9d74-34dd-477e-bb91-001c742b1479_607x440.png)
_**Flintlock Brown Bess musket bearing the Tower mark, typical of the firearms carried by the Zulu in 1879**_, Zululand Historical Museum, Ondini
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!dngd!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F15887722-253b-41e7-a4e6-b6cda65d4c11_1044x381.png)
(left) _**illustration of a Zulu attack formation at Isandlwana, with shields, guns and short spears**_ . (right) '_**Followers of the Zulu king, Cetshwayo, including his brother, Dabulamanzi, all carrying long rifles**_. photo taken in 1879 after the war, [National Army Museum](https://collection.nam.ac.uk/detail.php?acc=1954-06-5-2-13)
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**Firearms and Assegais in the Zulu victory over the British.**
By the time of the Anglo-Zulu war in 1878, the majority of Zulu fighters were equipped with firearms, although they were unevenly distributed, with some of the military elites purchasing the best guns while the rest of the army had older models or hardly any. King Cetshwayo became aware of this when a routine inspection of members of one of the regiments revealed that they had few guns, and he ordered them to purchase guns from John Dunn. While the number of guns was fairly adequate, ammunition and training presented a challenge as they often had to use improvised bullets, and not many of them were drilled in good marksmanship.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-19-138168101)
From the Zulu army's perspective however, the kingdom was at its strongest despite some of the constraints. The British estimated King Cetshwayo’s army at a maximum strength of 34 regiments of which 7 weren't active service, thus giving an estimate of 41,900, although this was likely an over-stated. The force gathered at the start of the Anglo-Zulu War, which probably numbered about 25,000 men, was the largest concentration of troops in Zulu history.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-20-138168101) With about as many guns as the Asante army (in Ghana) when they faced off with the British in 1874.
The perception of the Zulu army by their British enemies often changed depending on prevailing imperial objectives and the little information about the Zulu which their frontier spies had collected. One dispatch in November 1878 noted that the _**“introduction of firearms”**_ wrought _**“great changes, both in movements and dress”**_, upon the _**“ordinary customs of the Zulu army”**_. Another dispatch by a British officer in January 1879 observed that Zulu armies _**“are neither more bloodthirsty in disposition nor more powerful in frame than the other tribes of the Coast region”.**_ The slew of seemingly contradictory dispatches increased close to the eve of the battle, with another officer noting that the Zulu army's "_**method of marching, attack formation, remains the same as before the introduction of fire arms.".**_[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-21-138168101)
The above assessments, and the other first-hand accounts provided below must all be treated with caution given the context in which they were made and the audience for which they were intended.
Throughout January 1879, a low-intensity war raged in the northwestern marches of the kingdom, culminating with a major clash at Hlobane. One account of the first battle of Hlobane on 21st January details the abaQulusi regiment's careful charges to minimize losses and their extensive use of firearms. The officer noted that his force was _**"engaged with about 1,000 Zulus, the larger proportion of whom had guns, many very good ones; they appeared under regular command, and in fixed bodies. The most noticeable part of their tactics is that every man after firing a shot drops as if dead, and remains motionless for nearly a minute. In case of a night attack an interval of time should be allowed before a return shot is fired at a flash".**_ He also noted that they fired guns when the British advanced but utilized the assegai when the enemy was in retreat.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-22-138168101)
While the first engagement at Hlobane ended in a British victory, this minor defeat for the Zulu was reversed the next day once they engaged with the bulk of the colonial forces at Isandlwana. Instead of a wild charge down the hill and across the wide plain, the Zulu regiments filed down the gullies of the escarpment and made a series of short dashes from one ridge to another toward the British position, only rising up to charge at the enemy once they were within a very short distance of the camp. The battle of Isandlwana, on 22 January 1879, was an imperial catastrophe, and a monumental victory for the Zulu, resulting in the loss of over 1,300 soldiers, including 52 officers and 739 Colonial and British men, 67 white non-commissioned officers and more than 471 of the Natal Native Contingent.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-23-138168101)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!hKx_!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F86c7a878-19cf-4a18-8ff1-1da0e22e2f92_600x425.webp)
_**a fairly accurate Illustration of a Zulu charge, made by Charles E. Fripp in 1879, showing the complete array of weapons.**_
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**Firearms in Zulu military strategy.**
The role of firearms in the Zulu victory was understated in later accounts for reasons related to the changing purposes to which depictions of the Zulu were put by the British over the course of the war. The dispatch by the colonial commissioner who had ordered the invasion, Henry Frere, suggested that the defeat resulted from the British having faced _**“10 or even 20 times their own force, and [having been] exposed to the rush of such enormous bodies of active athletes, perfectly reckless of their own losses, and armed with the short stabbing assegai"**_. Another dispatch noted that _**"every Zulu is a soldier, and as a nation they are brave, fond of fighting, and full of confidence in themselves … There can be no doubt of the warlike character of the Zulu race. Their present military organization would also show that they are capable of submitting to a severe discipline."**_[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-24-138168101)
Yet there are reports of the same battle which accurately describe the Zulu advance using firearms, before the last charge with assegais. One officer notes that the Zulu army advanced carefully, noting that _**"it was a matter of much difficulty to do really good execution among the ranks of the enemy, owing to the fact that with marvelous ingenuity they kept themselves scattered as they came along"**_, another observed that _**"From rock and bush on the heights above started scores of men; some with rifles, others with shields and assegais. Gradually their main body; an immense column opened out in splendid order upon each rank and firmly encircled the camp”**_.[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-25-138168101) This contradicts the notion that the Zulu were simply throwing hordes of spearmen into the battle, something that would've been extremely costly given the kingdom's relatively low population (of just 100-150,000 subjects[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-26-138168101)) and very limited manpower compared to what the British could muster from the neighboring colonies.
This tactic was also witnessed at a later battle at Gingindlovu, on 2 April. The officer observed that once the Zulu were within 800 yards of the British camp, _**"they began to open fire. In spite of the excitement of the moment we could not but admire the perfect manner in which these Zulus skirmished. A knot of five or six would rise and dart through the long grass, dodging from side to side with heads down, rifles and shields kept low and out of sight. They would then suddenly sink into the long grass, and nothing but puffs of curling smoke would show their whereabouts."**_[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-27-138168101)
A later interview with Zulu war veterans in 1882 summarizes their preferred tactics as thus; _**"They went through various manoeuvres for my entertainment, showing me how they made the charges which proved so fatal to our troops. They would rush forward about fifty yards, and imitating the sound of a volley, drop flat amidst the grass; then when firing was supposed to have slackened, up they sprung, and assegai and shield in hand charged like lightning upon the imaginary foe, shouting ‘Usutu’."**_ Its likely that Henry Frere's account of charging athletes with assegais was an oversimplification of this final advance, when the initial slow advance with firearms gave way to a swift charge with assegais.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-28-138168101)
The choice to utilize both firearms and assegais was influenced as much by cultural significance of the assegai as it was by the relatively low quality of the firearms and marksmanship. Zulu guns were of diverse origins, including German, British and American muskets, but some were old models having been made in 1835, in contrast to the British's Martini-Henry which was made just 8 years before the war. While these Zulu guns had been relatively effective in the earlier wars, they constrained the range at which Zulu marksmen could accurately fire their weapons and increase enemy causalities. The Zulu captured 1000 Martini-Henrys and 500,000 rounds of ammunition at Isandlwana which they put to good use in later battle of Hlobane which they won on 28th March 1879 and as well as the defeat at Khambula the next day. As one British officer at Khambula observed, the Zulu he encountered were _**"good shots"**_ who _**"understood the use of the Martini-Henry rifles taken at Isandlwana"**_. However, the captured weapons weren't sufficient for the whole army to use in later engagements and were distributed asymmetrically among the soldiers.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-29-138168101)
King Cetshwayo had hoped his victory at Isandlwana would persuade the British to reconsider their policies, but it only provoked a bitter backlash, as more British reinforcements poured into the region. Isandlwana had been a costly victory, a type of fighting which the Zulu army had not before experienced, and the terrible consequences of the horrific casualties they suffered became more apparent with each new battle, with the successive defeats at Gingindlovu and Ulundi eventually breaking the army.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-30-138168101)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!rJKi!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F41f20d58-a7a6-4b8e-808e-5bfcb5758985_540x700.jpeg)
_**The King Cetshwayo in exile,**_ London, 1882.
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**Conclusion.**
The Zulu army was a product of centuries in developments in the military systems of south-east Africa. The Zulu’s amaButho system and fighting formations were well-adapted to the South African environment in which they emerged, and were continuously innovated in the face of new enemy forces and with the introduction of new weapons, including guns.
While the Zulu did not kill most of their enemy with firearms, references to the Zulu’s mode of attack suggest that their tactical integration of firearms reflected a greater familiarity and skill in their use than is often acknowledged. The Zulu frequently demonstrated adaptive skills in their tactical deployment of a diverse array of weapons and fighting styles that defy simplistic notions of traditional military organization.
The gun-wielding regiments that quietly crept behind the hill of Isandlawana, with their shields concealed behind the bushes, were nothing like the charging hordes of imperial adventure that blindly rushed into open fields to be mowed down by bullets. The Zulu army was a highly innovative force, acutely aware of the advantages of modern weaponry, the need for tactical flexibility in warfare, and the limits of the kingdom’s resources. In this regard, the Zulu were a modern pre-colonial African army par excellence.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Lj-w!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc87f7108-4819-4813-95b6-2883329bc73c_1292x551.png)
_**Isandlwana and graves of the fallen of 1879.**_
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**In the 16th century, Africans arrived on the shores of Japan, many of them originally came from south-east Africa and eastern Africa, and had been living in India**. read more about this African discovery of Japan here:
[AFRICAN PRESENCE IN JAPAN](https://www.patreon.com/posts/african-presence-90958238)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-1-138168101)
[The kingdom of Ndongo and the Portuguese: Queen Njinga and the dynasty of women sovereigns (1515-1909) ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese)
[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/profile/44604452-isaac-samuel)
·
January 8, 2023
[](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese)
Founded in the highlands of modern Angola near the Atlantic coast, the kingdom of Ndongo's political history was to be inextricably tied to Portuguese colonial interests in west-central Africa. For nearly a century, the armies of Ndongo battled with Portuguese in multiple wars that resulted in the loss of most of Ndongo's territory, until the rise of Qu…
[Read full story](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-ndongo-and-the-portuguese)
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-2-138168101)
[The kingdom of Mutapa and the Portuguese: on the failure of conquistadors in Africa (1571-1695) -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-mutapa-and-the-portuguese)
[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/profile/44604452-isaac-samuel)
·
August 14, 2022
[](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-mutapa-and-the-portuguese)
Among the most puzzling questions of world history is why most of Africa wasn’t overrun by colonial powers in the 16th and 17th century when large parts of the Americas and south-east Asia were falling under the influence of European empires. While a number of rather unsatisfactory answers have been offered, most of which posit the so-called “disease ba…
[Read full story](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-mutapa-and-the-portuguese)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-3-138168101)
The Creation of the Zulu Kingdom, 1815–1828 By Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 76
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-4-138168101)
The Creation of the Zulu Kingdom, 1815–1828 By Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 27, 31, 61-62)
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-5-138168101)
_post-publication correction, this encounter actually took place 65 miles northeast of the Mthatha River, which is 450 miles south of Maputo Bay._
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-6-138168101)
Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 62, 81)
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-7-138168101)
Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 145-146)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-8-138168101)
The Anatomy of the Zulu Army by Ian Knight pg 32, 192-209)
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-9-138168101)
A Cultural History of Firearms in the Age of Empire pg 144, 147)
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-10-138168101)
The Creation of the Zulu Kingdom, 1815–1828 By Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 35-41, The Anatomy of the Zulu Army by Ian Knight pg 33-34, 51-54)
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-11-138168101)
The Anatomy of the Zulu Army by Ian Knight pg 60, 64, 82)
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-12-138168101)
The Anatomy of the Zulu Army by Ian Knight pg 61, 84, 105-107, A Cultural History of Firearms in the Age of Empire by Karen Jones pg 146,)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-13-138168101)
A Note on Firearms in the Zulu Kingdom with Special Reference to the Anglo-Zulu War, by J. J. Guy pg 557-558
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-14-138168101)
The Creation of the Zulu Kingdom, 1815–1828 By Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 152, 166, 243, 256, Companion to the Anglo-Zulu War By Ian Knight pg 183)
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-15-138168101)
The Zulu-Boer War 1837–1840 By Michał Leśniewski pg 97-100
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-16-138168101)
The James Stuart Archive of Recorded Oral Evidence Relating to the History of the Zulu and Neighbouring Peoples pg 63, Zulu–English Dictionary Alfred T. Bryant pg 20
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-17-138168101)
Kingdom in crisis By John Laband pg 62-63, A Note on Firearms in the Zulu Kingdom with Special Reference to the Anglo-Zulu War, by J. J. Guy pg 560
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-18-138168101)
A Cultural History of Firearms in the Age of Empire by Karen Jones pg 131, Kingdom in crisis By John Laband pg 63)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-19-138168101)
Companion to the Anglo-Zulu War By Ian Knight pg 184
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-20-138168101)
The Anatomy of the Zulu Army by Ian Knight pg 35)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-21-138168101)
A Cultural History of Firearms in the Age of Empire by by Karen Jones pg 132)
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-22-138168101)
A Cultural History of Firearms in the Age of Empire by by Karen Jones pg 136-137, The Anatomy of the Zulu Army by Ian Knight pg 210)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-23-138168101)
Companion to the Anglo-Zulu War By Ian Knight pg 118
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-24-138168101)
A Cultural History of Firearms in the Age of Empire by by Karen Jones pg 132)
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-25-138168101)
Witnesses at Isandlwana by Neil Thornton, Michael Denigan, A Cultural History of Firearms in the Age of Empire by by Karen Jones pg 139)
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-26-138168101)
The Zulu-Boer War 1837–1840 By Michał Leśniewski pg 97
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-27-138168101)
The Anatomy of the Zulu Army by Ian Knight pg 212)
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-28-138168101)
The Anatomy of the Zulu Army by Ian Knight pg 213)
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-29-138168101)
Kingdom in crisis By John Laband pg 64-65, Companion to the Anglo-Zulu War By Ian Knight pg 185)
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history#footnote-anchor-30-138168101)
The Anatomy of the Zulu Army by Ian Knight pg pg 42)
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[Oct 28, 2023](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history/comment/42665275 "Oct 28, 2023, 7:19 PM")Edited
Liked by isaac Samuel
I'm really happy to have found your substack. Thank you. Talking of the use of firearms ... I think the book by one of my great (n) grandfathers might be an interesting read. "My adventures in Swaziland" by Owen Roe O'Neil. It's very much written in the times by someone who describes himself as a Boer (he was of Irish origin) but his proximity to Queen Labotsibeni and her son Bhuno (spelt Buno in his book). My own understanding is that he (my ancestor) was basically gun-running. He was also able to write about the experience through his eyes and at close quarters. If you are interested, the book is in the library of congress here - [https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/service/gdc/gdclccn/21/01/86/06/21018606/21018606.pdf](https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/service/gdc/gdclccn/21/01/86/06/21018606/21018606.pdf)
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[Oct 23, 2023](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history/comment/42327020 "Oct 23, 2023, 6:04 AM")
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Excellent article.
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Published Time: 2025-12-28T20:15:21+00:00
Guns, Germs and Steel in Africa: Jared Diamond and the limits of Geographic Determinism
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Guns, Germs and Steel in Africa: Jared Diamond and the limits of Geographic Determinism
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**“African prehistory is a puzzle on a grand scale, still only partly solved.”**
Jared Diamond’s Guns, Germs, and Steel, published in 1997, is one of the most widely read works on world history and has enjoyed remarkable success at both the popular and academic levels.
In this ambitious study, Diamond seeks to explain why the modern world has been shaped by uneven outcomes that disproportionately favored Western European populations, enabling them to influence societies across the globe through conquest and colonization. He attributes this asymmetrical dominance to what he considers the most critical factors: that **“some peoples developed guns, germs, steel, and other factors conferring political and economic power before others did.”**
Building on this premise, Diamond claims that geographic circumstances shaped the trajectory of societies, favoring Eurasia over other regions and enabling its populations to acquire and develop the guns, germs, and steel that facilitated the colonization of the rest of the world.
According to Diamond, agriculture and animal domestication arose earlier in Eurasia, providing its populations with more time to develop technologies and immunity to diseases. He argues that this agricultural complex, along with associated technologies and pathogens, spread more rapidly along the east–west axis of Eurasia than across Africa and the Americas, which he views as predominantly oriented along the north–south axis.
In his attempt to solve the “grand puzzle” of Africa, which he sees as facing similar geographic “disadvantages” to pre-Columbian America, Diamond claims that early European colonialism in Africa was halted by tropical diseases, except in the Cape colony of South Africa, where it was stopped by the military prowess of the Bantu-speaking Xhosa.
Much of his discussion of Africa centers on the so-called Bantu “engulfing” of sub-equatorial Africa, in which he draws several problematic analogies to European colonization in Australia and the Americas.
In a separate section about the Eurasian advantage in the rapid spread of domesticates along what he considers an East-West continental orientation, Diamond includes Africa as an example of a North-South oriented continent, arguing that African domesticates spread at a much slower rate than across western Europe.
Jared Diamond’s ideas about human society and human nature continue to be enormously influential, and he is often cited as one of the first Western scholars to challenge earlier explanations that credited Europe’s colonial expansion to inherent racial superiority, instead emphasizing the role of geography and disease.
This article examines Jared Diamond’s myths and misconceptions on African history, showing that Diamond disregarded contemporary scholarship on African history, while simultaneously uncritically reproducing discredited theories of racial science that he ostensibly sought to challenge.
* * *
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* * *
**Who are the ‘Khoe-San’ and ‘Bantu’?**
Diamond claims that the present distribution of the “pygmy” foragers of the Congo Forest region, the Hadza and Sandawe foragers of Tanzania, and the Khoisan of south-western Africa are the remnants of a once far more extensive and internally related set of populations, allegedly unified by the use of click-based languages. According to this view, these groups were “engulfed” by the Bantu-speaking farmers through conquest, expulsion, and interbreeding. (GGS pg 383-384, 385-86)
I have addressed the problems with each of these arguments in greater detail in my earlier essay on **[the Bantu expansion](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/on-the-history-of-the-bantu-expansion)**. However, it is useful to restate here the principal corrections, particularly where Diamond conflates distinct populations and historical processes that were geographically varied.
The terms ‘Khoe-San’ and ‘Bantu’ are both artificial words coined by linguists in the late 19th and early 20th centuries to classify African languages. ‘Khoe’ meaning “person” is an endonym by herders in south-west Africa, while ‘San’ is an exonym used by the Khoe to refer to foragers. The two words were combined to form Khoe-San, or more commonly, Khoisan, to create a collective name for the languages spoken by the hunter-gatherer and pastoralist populations of south-western Africa.[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-1-182761214)
‘Bantu,’ by contrast, derives from a widely attested root meaning “people,” but the term as it is understood today wasn’t used as an endonym by the diverse groups that spoke the Bantu languages. Rather, it is an artificial label created by European linguists that was subsequently institutionalized and racialized through colonial administration in places like South Africa.[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-2-182761214)
Diamond uncritically reproduces antiquated theories of colonial scientific racism in the section titled ‘How Africa became Black’, which is ironic given that he is considered to be one of the first Western academics to provide a good counter-argument against some of the more noxious forms of racist superiority and Eurocentrism. Despite acknowledging the limitations of this highly unscientific division of Africa into arbitrary races, Diamond insists that it “is still so useful for understanding history,” and it’s this reductive framework that he brings to his analysis of the Bantu expansion. (GGS pg 376-380)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!V57K!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff88fec8f-920f-4c78-ba70-7103bea2f65c_492x571.png)
_**Jared Diamond’s map of Africa’s “races” under the title, ‘How Africa Became Black’**_
The Khoe-San languages consist of five distinct and independent genealogical units: Khoe-Kwadi, Kxʼa, Tuu, and the language isolates of Hadza and Sandawe. Diamond’s image of a widely distributed prehistoric Khoe-san population that linked the click-based languages of East and Southern Africa is based on Joseph Greenberg’s (1954) now-discredited theory that the language family formed a single genealogical unit, similar to the Bantu or Cushitic languages.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-3-182761214)
The modern Khoe-San represent populations are geographically distinct and highly differentiated, both among themselves and compared to other African populations, and have been isolated from other groups for tens of thousands of years, but they nevertheless share an ancestral cluster. This ‘ancestral cluster’ split up long before the Bantu expansion; estimated at 55-35,000 BP in the case of the splitting of the proto-Sandawe and the proto-Hadza from the rest of the proto-Khoe-San; and 20-15,000 BP for the split between the Sandawe and Hadza. Comparatively, the Bantu languages diverged from the rest of the Niger-Congo family around 5-4,000 BP.[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-4-182761214)
A recent analysis of several studies on the genetic ancestry of modern Hadza and Sandawe foragers by the geneticists Viktor Černý and Luísa Pereira revealed that both groups showed a high genetic distance from the Khoe-San. _**“Both the Hadza and Sandawe showed a high genetic distance from the San, being as similar to the Khoi as they are to any other Bantu group or to each other. Thus, this evidence did not support a common ancestry for the Khoisan and East African foragers sharing the click sounds… the divergence of all contemporary groups of analyzed foragers was completed long before the arrival of Bantu farmers”.**_[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-5-182761214)
The relative genetic homogeneity observed among most Bantu-speaking populations, together with the fact that the highest levels of admixture between the Khoe-San and Bantu speakers are concentrated among communities living in closest geographic proximity to one another, suggests that the spatial distribution of Khoe-San speaking communities during the period of the Bantu expansion may not have differed substantially from their present locations in the late 19th/early 20th century.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-6-182761214)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!hbQG!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2af02898-97ea-465f-8684-a5eaf1dfdaf1_600x343.png)
**18th-century drawing of a village in the Khoe Kingdom of Gonaqua**
* * *
We will return to this explanation for the Khoe-San’s spatial distribution in a later section explaining the limits of the military capabilities that Diamond attributes to early Bantu-speakers. For now, let’s continue with his claims on how the Khoe-San were supposedly decimated.
According to Diamond, the Bantu spread through the Congo Forest, clearing gardens, increasing their numbers, and engulfing pygmy foragers whom they pushed into the forest, using their iron weapons. The Khoisan foragers, he says, were rapidly eliminated like the aboriginal Australians were eliminated by white colonists, in an “engulfing” process involving conquest, expulsion, interbreeding, killing, or epidemics, leaving only those that the Bantu didn’t succeed in overrunning
He claims that after acquiring iron in East Africa, “the Bantu put together a military-industrial package that was unstoppable in the subequatorial Africa of the time… to the south lay 2,000 miles of country thinly occupied by Khoisan hunter-gatherers, lacking iron and crops. Within a few centuries, in one of the swiftest colonizing advances of recent prehistory, Bantu farmers had swept all the way to Natal.
(GGS pg 394-397)
* * *
**The myth of the “Bantu military-industrial package” and technological superiority**
Most Linguists have known since the 1970s that the Bantu expansion, which began by 3,000 BP, preceded the appearance of metallurgy below the equator during the last centuries before the common era, long after the Bantu had already populated much of central Africa.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-7-182761214) Their theories were confirmed by archaeological excavations in the 1980s and radiocarbon dating of the early Iron Age sites of the Urewe Neolithic between modern Rwanda, Burundi, and N.W Tanzania to around 600BC.[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-8-182761214)
Exavations in the KwaZulu-Natal, Mpumalanga, and Limpopo provinces of South Africa during the 1970s and 80s by the archaeologist Tim Maggs and others confirmed the presence of iron-age pottery around 400 CE.[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-9-182761214) In 1995, material obtained by Klapwijk and Huffman from the Iron Age site of Silver Leaves in Limpopo was dated to 270 CE.[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-10-182761214)
According to the archaeologists S. Terry Childs and David Killick (1993), _**“The theory that the dispersal of ironworking was achieved by the spread of Bantu-speakers originated with Sir Harry Johnston in a series of papers written between 1880 and 1920. The Bantu expansion was recast in the late 1950s as a “package” of language, agriculture and metallurgy carried south by a new (Negroid) racial group who spoke Bantu languages. This remained the dominant theme in the later prehistory of Africa until the mid-1970s, when it became increasingly difficult to reconcile the linguistic and archaeological data.**_[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-11-182761214)
The site of Silver Springs in South Africa and the Urewe sites of Eastern Africa, which were known to most historians of Africa at the time of their discovery, were separated by around 900-1,000 years and some 1,400 miles, not by “a few centuries” and “2,000 miles” as Diamond claims. This suggests that the Bantu expansion was less “rapid and dramatic” than he claims. While Diamond later tempers this argument, warning against oversimplification, he nonetheless concludes: “the eventual result was still the same”. (GGS, pg 396)
While Diamond suggests a more-or-less continuous migration of Bantu-speakers southward, more recent studies suggest that the dispersal of Bantu-speaking communities in the Congo rainforest was checked by a widespread population collapse of their early Farming communities in the 4th century, and the early Bantu languages went extinct. Present-day Bantu languages in the region may descend from those (re)introduced during the later waves of expansion.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-12-182761214)
Genetic studies of modern Bantu-speaking populations indicate that their Y-chromosome variation did not shrink with distance from the putative homeland, thus indicating that the original founder event was erased by later waves of forward and backward migrations. According to Koen Bostoen, such recurring migration/dispersion events would have led to internal language shift and language death. He suggests that present-day Bantu languages may not reflect the distribution of their ancient precursors.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-13-182761214)
Although Diamond occasionally acknowledges the complexity of the Bantu expansion, his comparisons to ‘Aboriginal Australia’ and ‘Indian California’; which were contexts of extreme settler violence, implicitly echo apartheid-era claims that Bantu-speaking communities were recent arrivals, thereby legitimizing their dispossession.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!Io9a!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4f47c738-299b-4e37-85b9-7ce5d7060df4_815x599.png)
_**Homesteads with road junctions and terraces at Rietvlei in the Bokoni ruins, South Africa**_
* * *
**Evolution of the relations between the Khoe-San, European, and Bantu-speaking population in southern Africa’s military history.**
While we know little about what exactly happened when the small bands of Bantu-speakers encountered the Khoe-San, the historical evidence from southern Africa suggests that it was unlike the analogy that Diamond portrays of white Australian colonists decimating aboriginal groups.
The military history of southern Africa, which is relatively well documented from the 15th century, suggests that the disparity in military strength between Khoe-San speakers, Bantu-speaking communities, and European settlers emerged only relatively recently, following the consolidation of more centralized states in the late 18th century and the concurrent expansion of the Cape Colony.
To illustrate just how little of an advantage the Bantu-speaking societies had over the Khoe-San speakers, we can use an example of the early military engagements between the well-armed Portuguese sailors and Dutch settlers whose incursions were initially repulsed by the Khoe-San. (A more complete outline is provided in my essay on the **[social history of the KhoiKhoi](https://www.patreon.com/posts/social-history-96031188)**)
Upon reaching southern Africa in 1487, Europeans encountered pastoralist populations along the western coast of South Africa, who are presumed to be Khoe-speakers, since they were herders.
The earliest account of the encounter between the Khoe and the Europeans took place in November 1497, when Vasco Da Gama landed on St Helena Bay and later at Mossel Bay. The initially peaceful encounter turned violent after the Portuguese used the Khoe’s watering holes without permission. A small skirmish ensued with the Khoe throwing _assegais_(spears) while the Portuguese fired their crossbow and killed one. Vasco Da Gama’s crew erected a stone cross, which was pulled down by the Khoe before the former left.[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-14-182761214)
The next Portuguese ship to land on the South African coast came in 1503 and was led by Antoni de Saldanha, whose crewmen clashed with the Khoe after a failed attempt to trade mirrors and glass beads for two sheep and a cow. The Khoe ambushed de Saldanha’s party, wounding him and taking back the animals.
De Saldanha was later followed by Francisco de Almeida, the viceroy of Portuguese India (whose ships bombarded kilwa). De Almeida landed on Table Bay in March 1510 and his crew seized one of the Khoe as a hostage to force the latter’s peers to bring more cattle. This backfired when the Khoe, _**“outraged at this violation of their hospitality”,**_ immediately attacked the Portuguese. The next day, de Almeida marched on the Khoe settlement with a force of 150 and forcefully seized the animals and children, forcing the Khoe to retaliate by mustering a force of 170 and annihilating the Portuguese force, killing 50 of them at the Battle of Salt River.
As one chronicler describes the battle:
_**“the blacks began to come down from where they had assembled in their first fright, like men who go to risk death to save their sons, And although some of our folk began to let the children go, the blacks came on so furiously that they, came into the body of our men, taking back the oxen; and by whistling to these and making other signs, they made them surround our men, like a defensive wall, from behind which came so many fire- hardened sticks that some of us began to fall wounded or trodden by the cattle.”**_[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-15-182761214)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!bl2C!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fdb433160-6505-4800-af0f-d368fbcc924b_610x481.png)
**Map of southwestern Africa showing the location of the various Khoe-San groups in the 16th and 17th centuries.**
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!aZZW!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F12110b3b-a5e2-40c5-993e-959106c816bc_733x569.png)
**Undated cave painting from Cristol cave, south Africa, showing the types of cattle herded by the region’s pastoralists.**
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!IV6x!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F13cc8b4c-32c3-41ed-a088-e1ee530d3910_622x446.jpeg)
**Death of Francisco d’Almeida at the Cape of Good Hope, 1510. engraving by Pieter van der Aa, ca 1700**
80 years would pass before another European ship dared to land on Khoe territory.
Contacts between the Khoe-San and European trading ships resumed in the 1590s and continued through the early founding of the Dutch Cape colony after 1652. While these early contacts were initially peaceful, they soon devolved into conflict as the European settler population grew, farms expanded, and the demand for supplies of livestock outstripped the Khoe-San’s ability to meet them.
The Dutch bypassed neighboring Khoe communities (such as the Cochoqua) to send scouting parties further inland, inevitably leading to a series of wars between the Khoe and the Dutch in 1659 and 1673-1676. While the Dutch forces were about as large as the Portuguese forces of de Almeida about a century and a half prior, they had additional and vital support from local allies; the Chainouquas, another Khoi-speaking group that was a rival of the Cochoqua.[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-16-182761214)
In the succeeding decades, the Dutch colony expanded as it acquired permanent control of the land at the expense of the Khoe-San, whose grazing, hunting, and settling rights were reduced. The alliances the Dutch settlers had made with ‘friendly’ Khoe-San groups became asymmetrical, while the more ‘hostile’ groups became the target of slave raids by the treckboers. The colonial society became increasingly stratified and racially segregated, with the Khoe-San being reduced to indentured servitude.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-17-182761214)
The colony that had initially been confined to a small territory of less than 50km for half a century grew rapidly over the 18th century, occupying nearly 10 times as much land, until it reached the borderlands of the Xhosa polities along the Fish River, where the expansion stalled.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!P5Ci!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F528e4548-5b20-4eeb-b71b-324679091cd0_628x744.png)
_**The Early Cape Colony Showing African and Boer Settlements.**_ Map by Aran S. MacKinnon, Adapted from K. Shillington.
While Diamond correctly observes that it was the Xhosa’s military prowess that halted the Dutch advance (GGS pg 397), He overlooks the Khoe-San’s initial success in repelling Portuguese and Dutch and oversimplifies the alliances which eventually gave Dutch settlers an advantage over the Khoe-San. He also exaggerates the speed of the colony’s expansion to the Fish River, which took place after 1778-9, not 1702; thus overstating the differences between the Khoe-San and the Xhosa’s military capacity, and assumes that the Xhosa had always possessed a military advantage over the Khoe-San.
Jared Diamond’s image of “steel-equipped Bantu farmers” is more representative of the large, centralized, militant states of the 19th century, such as the Zulu and Ndebele kingdoms, but not of the relatively small, segmented states that were found in the region during the 16th century, nor even of the Xhosa in the 19th century.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!R1mW!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2d012330-6915-4741-9cc7-5cb8548f3b8b_904x615.png)
_**Approximate locations of the places visited by the shipwrecked Portuguese crewmen (in red), and the extent of the Xhosa polities (in green).**_
According to Portuguese accounts of shipwrecked crewmen from 1552 and 1554, the Bantu-speaking communities they encountered near the Mthatha and Mzimvubu rivers (Eastern Cape province, about 150km north of the Fish river), did not possess better weapons than the Khoe, being only armed with _**“assegais with iron points”**_ and _**“many wooden pikes with their points hardens in the fire.”**_[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-18-182761214)
Most of the region between the Eastern Cape and the southern KwaZulu-Natal province was just as sparsely populated as the Western Cape, and the Portuguese spent weeks before encountering a sizeable settlement or a ruler with a large following, but the population steadily increased as they travelled northwards.
Along the way, the hungry and desperate crewmen traded with some of the local communities for cattle, and reportedly seized one of the Africans, _**“cut him up and roasted him”**_ to eat him, which forced the Africans to assemble a fighting force to drive off the Portuguese. In the fierce fighting that followed, the Africans threw _**“so many assegais that the air was darkened by a cloud of them”**_ but the Portuguese fought hard and ultimately won a costly victory, but were ultimately driven off.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-19-182761214)
While these presumably Bantu-speaking communities of Natal had managed to drive off the Portuguese, they did not defeat them in actual combat as the Khoe-San had, and there is no indication that they had better fighting formations than the Khoe-San, who utilized their cattle, numbers, and organization to surround and defeat the forces of a famous Portuguese conquistador.
While these two battles that occurred in 1510 and 1524 on either side of the country may not tell us a lot about the political and military organization of the Khoe-San and Bantu-speaking groups, they provide important clues regarding the relative strength of their societies in the early 16th century, nearly 1,300 years after the first Bantu-speaking communities arrived in the region.
Archeological evidence from South Africa indicates that while material culture associated with Bantu-speaking communities is present in the region by 270 CE, the formation of more complex societies began much later, at sites such as [Shroda (890-970 CE), K2 (1000-1220), and Mapungubwe (1220-1300)](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-south-africa-a).
Excavations of [the stone-ruined sites of the HighVeld](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/stone-towns-on-the-highveld-of-south) and [the Bokoni ruins](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-stone-ruins-of-bokoni-egalitarian) , which were settled from the 14th to 19th century, suggest that these early settlements were relatively egalitarian/heterarchical, without a sharp overarching hierarchy dividing elites and commoners.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-20-182761214)
Settlement wards were organized based on lineages under local rulers who were mostly autonomous.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-21-182761214) In some of these settlements, iron was relatively scarce and was mostly obtained through trade with neighbouring polities,[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-22-182761214) contrary to the historic stereotype of later Bantu-speaking communities as a warlike people armed with iron weapons.
By the late 18th century, some of the rulers accumulated wealth and centralized their political power over neighboring groups, resulting in the growth of large aggregated capitals like [Molokwane, Marothodi, and Kaditshwene](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/revolution-and-upheaval-in-pre-colonial), whose population rivalled the Dutch colonial capital of Cape Town.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!JNcz!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F892ee052-4103-4947-a932-bc660babea90_801x589.png)
**Map of South Africa showing some of the largest stone ruins in the HighVeld**
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!_hhN!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F23d0233e-37b5-459c-a90d-ba3964a56f31_961x530.png)
**Molokwane ruins.**
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!K6bp!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8f566eb1-060a-41d6-93b6-43511f85c374_957x555.png)
_**Kweneng ruins.**_
It was during this period that documentary accounts first describe the presence of large armies, more centralized polities ruled by Kings with subordinate chiefs, and the sort of military prowess associated with the 19th-century Bantu-speaking kingdoms.
One account, written in 1798-9, describes the Tembe kingdom between Maputo Bay and Kwazulu-Natal, whose ruler, “King Capelleh” (Muhadane) had several subordinate chiefs below him, and controlled a relatively large territory (about 200x100 miles , 50,000 sqkm). He had _**“a guard of thirty men, armed with spears and battle-axes made out of large spike nails. Some of them had shields made out of rhinoceros hide.”**_ This king restricted access to his chiefs, monopolized external trade, and appointed officers in charge of organizing the local sailboats that supplied passing ships with provisions.[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-23-182761214)
Between the late 18th to early 19th century, larger, more powerful states emerged, as their armies gradually incorporated the use of new technologies, such as [horses in Lesotho](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-history-of-horses-in-the-southern) and [firearms among the Zulu](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-and-spears-a-military-history), into the pre-existing arsenal of traditional weapons.
Yet despite the gradual centralization and militarization of the late 18th to early 19th century, the early Dutch-Xhosa wars of the 1779-81, 1793, 1799-1803, involved only a few hundred combatants on both sides, suggesting no significant changes in mobilization since the 16th century.
It was only after the British conquered the Cape colony in 1806 and began sending larger colonial armies to the frontier that the Xhosa began mustering larger armies, eg, in 1819, when an army of 6-10,000 Xhosa besieged Grahamstown. Similar numbers for the Ndebele and Zulu kingdoms are documented after the 1820s, especially during the Great Trek (1836-40).[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-24-182761214)
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**Map showing the kingdoms of Southern Africa in the early 19th century**
As with most states in African history, it’s important to note that these large kingdoms were not homogenous polities made up of one ethnic group, but were instead comprised of multiple social groups, lineages, and clans that recognized the authority of one ruler or founder.
Many of the modern “tribes” and “languages” are in fact named after some of these pre-colonial states, even though the peoples and languages are themselves much older, and extended beyond the territorial reach of the pre-colonial states.
In the case of the Xhosa and their semi-legendary founder-king Tshawe, the historian Jeff Peires (1982) writes: _**“the limits of Xhosadom were not ethnic or geographic, but political: all persons or groups who accepted the rule of the Tshawe thereby became Xhosa.”**_ The kingdom’s clans claimed both Bantu and Khoe-San origins. Khoi-San speaking groups such as the Gona, Dama, and Hoengiqua _**“were not expelled from their ancient homes or relegated to a condition of hereditary servitude on the basis of their skin colour. They became Xhosa with the full rights of any other Xhosa.”**_[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-25-182761214)
Traditional histories and Portuguese accounts indicate that the founding of the kingdom by Tshawe is set some time before 1675. An earlier Portuguese account from 1622 which describes small chiefdoms around Trans-Kei (Eastern Cape), indicates that intermarriages between the Khoe-San and AmaXhosa communities predated the emergence of the kingdom:
_**“These Negroes are whiter than mulattoes; they are stoutly built men… we could never understand a word these people said, for their speech is not like that of mankind, and when they want to say anything they make clicks with the mouth”**_[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-26-182761214)
It wasn’t until the 18th century that the Xhosa polity of Tshawe, itself made up of admixed social groups, expanded into neighbouring Khoe-San (and Bantu) speaking regions, forming alliances with some while subjugating others. The kingdom encountered by the Dutch in 1779, was a formidable state, albeit one that was relatively young and not centralized, with each chief and their council retaining significant autonomy, especially over matters of war, forming alliances, as well as grazing lands and farmlands.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-27-182761214)
The historical evidence outlined above indicates the Xhosa polities lacked decisive military advantages over Khoe-San communities and were insufficiently centralized to sustain rigid social hierarchies comparable to those of the Cape colony. It is therefore implausible that their ancestors two millennia earlier possessed the capacity to carry out large-scale displacement or mass violence of the kind associated with the colonization of the Americas and Australia.
Evidence from elsewhere in the region indicates that even in less symbiotic relationships between farmers and foragers, sustained dominance by the former emerged only relatively recently, primarily during the colonial and postcolonial periods.
In the case of the Hadza of northern Tanzania, much of their core territory remained exclusively occupied by foragers until the mid-20th century, with significant farmer encroachment occurring only from the 1950s, near the end of the colonial period. Hadza social life was profoundly disrupted only later, through forced resettlement policies in the postcolonial era of the 1960s and 1970s.
Earlier interactions were limited: their first documented violent encounters date to the late 19th century, primarily with Maasai pastoralists, while a brief and potentially exploitative relationship with Isanzu farmers emerged during the short-lived ivory boom of the same period before quickly subsiding. Overall, the evidence suggests that the Hadza have occupied largely the same territory since the arrival of Bantu-speaking populations in the region, with sustained and unequal relations with farmers and herders developing only in recent history.[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-28-182761214)
In the case of the Aka foragers of the southwestern Central African Republic, the establishment of European settler farms in 1910 and the colonial economy’s exploitation of forest products such as ivory, rubber, copper pushed the farmers into the forager regions (to escape colonial taxes and labor), and the Aka adopted farming from their new neighbors. By the postcolonial period, the Aka foragers were now moving into farmer settlements to exchange their labor and forest products for money. This represented a significant interaction tied to the modern economy, which in all likelihood, didn’t predate the 20th century.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-29-182761214)
In the mid-late 19th century, the growth of the lucrative ivory trade and the increasing penetration of the European colonists in south-western Africa reduced forager communities of the Basarwa and the !kung from equal partners in a symbiotic relationship with the Bantu-speaking Tswana to a marginalized class. While the Basarwa had long adopted cattle herding and could raid the cattle of the Tswana and other groups, this balance of power changed dramatically at the end of the 19th century.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-30-182761214)
In summary, even when contemporary farmer–forager relationships are taken as a point of comparison, it is unlikely that incoming Bantu-speaking communities in the pre-modern period, especially during the early phases of their dispersal, possessed significant socio-political advantages over foragers solely by virtue of their access to iron weaponry.
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_**Enigmatic cave painting of a battle scene, in the Christol cave, first documented and reproduced in the 19th century.**While often assumed to show a singular battle between San raiders and Bantu, Interpretations of such images evade simple explanations, as such paintings were not made by one individual at one point in time but by several people over many years. They also utilize visual motifs and color symbolism whose meaning is lost to most scholars, who instead project their own understandings of motifs and color symbolism onto the paintings._[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-31-182761214)
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[Share](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email&utm_content=share&action=share)
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**African military strength, not tropical diseases, determined the success or failure of European Colonization.**
Diamond moves on from the Bantu-expansion, “to turn to the remaining question in our puzzle of African prehistory: why Europeans were the ones to colonize sub-Saharan Africa.”
He claims that “Europeans entering Africa enjoyed the triple advantage of guns and other technology, widespread literacy, and the political organization necessary to sustain expensive programs of exploration and conquest” but that for Africans, the spread of all three technologies was slowed by Africa’s geographic orientation, with its major axis is north-south, whereas Eurasia’s is east-west, thus giving Europeans a significant advantage to enable their colonization of Africa. (GGG pg 398-399)
He suggests that this advantage immediately manifested itself when Vasco DaGama’s fleet bombarded the (Bantu-speaking) Swahili city of Kilwa in 1498** and compelled its ruler to surrender. He presents this example in a manner analogous to what he claimed the Khoe-san foragers were faced with when they first encountered the Bantu Farmers 2,000 years ago, or with the Dutch settlers in 1652.
(******This actually occurred in 1505. Vasco Da Gama only threatened Kilwa, but bombarded Mogadishu, Lamu, and Zanzibar.)
Diamond skips over the inconvenient truths of why Kilwa (ie; Tanzania) did not become a permanent Portuguese colony, unlike the Cape colony. He instead advances an unsatisfactory third explanation for the delayed onset of European colonization: disease. Elsewhere in the book, Diamond asserts that tropical diseases “explain why the European colonial partitioning of New Guinea and most of Africa was not accomplished until nearly 400 years after European partitioning of the New World began.” (GGS pg 214)
All of his assertions, that “superior” technology gave Europeans a decisive advantage in places where colonies were established in Africa, that early colonialism failed because of the disease barrier, and that Africa is mostly oriented north-south so its domesticates diffused slowly, are false, as I will cover below.
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**European Colonial Engagements in West, East, and Central Africa before the 19th Century and the Limits of the Disease Barrier**
Contrary to Diamond’s claims, the Dutch Cape Colony in what is today South Africa was neither the only important European colonial possession in pre-19th-century Africa, nor was it the oldest.
From the 15th and 17th centuries, the most ambitious colonial expansion in Africa before the Berlin conference of 1884 was undertaken by the Portuguese. These invasions were concentrated in regions characterized by high burdens of tropical disease and areas supposedly disadvantaged by Africa’s north–south axis
A time-travelling Jared Diamond in the 16th century would be forgiven for thinking that large parts of Africa would soon become a Portuguese colony like Brazil. Instead, the “superior technologies” of the Portuguese offered them few advantages and resulted in the largest loss of European lives on the African battlefield before the Italians at Adwa.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!0Y2d!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd1e1a984-c003-4ca5-b580-9de77f333563_683x492.png)
_**West African coast during the early Portuguese expansion in the 15th century**_
While early Portuguese sailors during the 1430s-50s had been accustomed to raiding the thinly populated settlements of the Azeneg (Berbers) along Mauritania’s coast, their engagements with the more organized ‘black’ armies south of the Senegal river (Wolof and Serer), who were armed with poisoned arrows and spears, quickly put an end to this.[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-32-182761214)
The Africans were undeterred by the “superior” weaponry of the Portuguese, such as cannons and crossbows. When the battle subsided, and the Portuguese approached the Africans diplomatically, asking them why they attacked the caravels, to which the Africans replied _**“that they firmly believed that we Christians [Europeans] ate human flesh, and that we only bought negroes to eat them: that for their part they did not want our friendship on any terms, but sought to slaughter us all, and to make a gift of our possessions to their lord.”**_[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-33-182761214)
After these early military defeats, [diplomacy became the default relationship of all future Portuguese missions in West Africa](https://www.patreon.com/posts/when-mali-empire-76281818). European coastal forts in the Upper Guinea, the Gold Coast, and the Bight of Benin were established only after obtaining permission from neighboring African polities. These forts were often at the mercy of the African states, being dependent on them for provisions and trade, and were at times the target of attacks from the armies of the inland kingdoms; most famously Dahomey in 1727 and Asante from 1807-1824.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-34-182761214)
Later European interlopers who hadn’t learned the same lessons paid a heavy price when they attempted to invade the region. In the Casamance-Gambia region of southern Senegal, an account from 1615 mentions that the Falupos and Arriatas (sections of the modern Diola/Dyula/Juula groups) were reportedly in the habit of plundering European ships and enslaving their crew:
They are described as _**“mortal enemies of all kinds of white men. If our ships touch their shores they plunder the goods and make the white crew their prisoners, and they sell them in those places where they normally trade for cows, goats, dogs, iron-bars and various cloths. The only thing these braves will have nothing to do with, is wine from Portugal, which they believe is the blood of their own people and hence will not drink”**_[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-35-182761214)
On the eastern coast of Africa, despite [bombarding Swahili cities in present-day Kenya and Tanzania](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-portuguese-and-the-swahili-from) and briefly occupying some in the early 16th century, the Portuguese were unable to establish lasting colonial control. It was only by forging local alliances and exploiting existing rivalries that they were able to consolidate their authority along the coast by the 17th century.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!apiw!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fbd223da5-1d32-4d0a-aa69-217e06187f01_493x656.png)
_**Map of the Swahili coast showing the city-states**_
The length of the Portuguese occupation of each city varied greatly. The ruler of the city of [Kilwa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/kilwa-the-complete-chronological), the city mentioned in Jared Diamond’s account, recognized Portuguese suzerainty for just seven years after its bombardment in 1505.
It is worth noting that Kilwa possessed access to similar “superior technologies,” including writing and navigation. Yet these conferred no advantage against the Portuguese forces of Francisco de Almeida. In contrast, the same Portuguese army was decisively defeated by Khoesan spearmen in 1510, who killed de Almeida and routed his troops despite lacking such technologies.
When the Portuguese re-conquered the city in the 1610s, it was part of a wider colonization of the coast that began at [Mombasa](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/a-complete-history-of-mombasa-ca)in 1593, and was only enabled by the use of local allies, especially Malindi, whose ruler was granted 1/3 of the customs revenue from Fort Jesus.
Unlike the West African forts, which did not become the bases for long-term domination, Fort Jesus was the capital of a vast Portuguese coastal colony extending from Malindi in Kenya to Sofala in Mozambique. Portuguese soldiers, traders, priests, and other settlers were established permanently on Mozambique island, Zanzibar, Faza, Siyu, Sofala, and Mombasa for nearly a century until their expulsion in 1698 when Fort Jesus was surrendered to a Swahili-Omani fleet.
This extensive colony thrived in some of Africa’s most malaria-prone regions. Although the Swahili possessed [writing](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-intellectual-history-of-east)and [naval technology](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/maritime-trade-shipbuilding-and-african); advantages not shared by coastal West Africans or southern Africans, these conferred little practical benefit against Portuguese forces. Similarly, malaria did not deter Portuguese settlers, who maintained a 105-year occupation of Mombasa, exceeding the duration of British colonial rule from 1895 to 1963. Ultimately, it was local political dynamics, rather than technology or disease, that determined the successes and failures of resistance to Portuguese control.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!-d6V!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1d199177-b10d-4f81-8290-4f5992adafb4_930x599.png)
**Mombasa, Kenya, ca. 1890**
After failing to establish a foothold in West Africa, the Portuguese redirected their efforts toward sub-equatorial Africa, expanding into west-central Africa in the 1550s and southeastern Africa in the 1600s, with the ambitious aim of linking their African holdings across the continent. Unlike earlier campaigns in West and southern Africa, these incursions relied heavily on local allies, whose auxiliary forces often outnumbered the Europeans by as much as thirty to one.[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-36-182761214)
These alliances were fluid and complex, shifting according to converging interests and the relative strength of rival states, and at times [African kingdoms skillfully exploited competition between European powers](https://www.patreon.com/posts/how-kongo-and-85683552) such as the Dutch and the Portuguese.
Here’s a quick summary of Portuguese invasions and defeats in west-central Africa, taken from John Thornton’s A History of West-Central Africa (pages shown in brackets).
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_**Map of Portuguese invasions of west-central Africa (in red) and counter-attacks by Kongo (blue) and Ndongo (green).**_ beginning with the year, name of Portuguese commander (or, in the African case, important figure/battle), and colonial possession (in this case, only Luanda and Benguela, see map above)
In west-central Africa, the Portuguese coastal colony of Angola was founded in 1571 with the assistance of Kongo’s forces to conquer their southern neighbor, Ndongo, in return for Portugal assisting Kongo fend off an invasion from an interior group. But this Portuguese army of 600 musketeers didn’t land on Luanda until 1575, and was initially reduced to a mercenary unit used by both Kongo and Ndongo to fight their own internal wars. (pg 78, 84)
In March 1580, a combined Kongo-Portugal army (which was really serving Kongo more than Portugal) was defeated by Ndongo, despite having several hundred Portuguese musketeers. (pg 85)
In 1581-1582, the Portuguese force led by Dias de Novais managed to secure local alliances of petty rulers (sobas) in the region south of Kongo, against Ndongo. He also built small colonial forts along the Kwanza. (pg 86)
In 1585-1586, Ndongo, which felt threatened by the new Portuguese alliances, decided to attack the Portuguese in the latter’s stronghold but was defeated. By this time, Ndongo had adopted the use of firearms. (pg 88)
In December 1589, Dias’ successor Luis Serrão builds an army of 15,000 with 128 Portuguese musketeers to attack Ndongo in the latter’s stronghold but is crushingly defeated at the Lukala River by a Ndongo-Matamba force, forcing him back to allied territory. (pg 91-93)
In 1594, the Portuguese under Francisco de Almeida (unrelated to the one who was killed in 1510) sent a force of 130 musketeers and cavalry to raid the Kisama region for slaves and seize its salt mines, but was defeated by the dispersed forces of the region armed with spears (pg 101)
In 1596-1598, the Portuguese under Furtado de Mendonça abandoned interior conquests and focused on the vicinity of Luanda along the Bengo river, where they scored some minor victories (pg 102)
In 1601-1602, the Portuguese under Rodrigues Coutinho finally managed to score a victory in Kisama after a series of minor defeats from local forces, and they secured a few alliances along the way (pg 107)
In 1618, the Portuguese under Cerveira Pereira managed to establish a small colony at Benguela by defeating a local soba and thus winning the alliance of other sobas. Their colony is, however, much smaller than Angola and even more reliant on the local allied sobas. (pg 115,158, 197)
In 1619-1620, while Ndongo was faced with an imbangala threat from the interior, the Portuguese under Mendes de Vasconcelos allied with the imbangala to score a major victory against Ndongo’s army and allowing them to expand their Angola colony. (pg 117-119)
In December 1622, the Portuguese under Correia de Sousa decided to attack Kongo, with a massive force of 30,000, including several hundred musketeers, he began with the province of Mbamba whose duke he defeated, and advanced to Mbanda Kasi, where his forces were crushingly defeated by Kongo’s army of 20,000. Correia was forced into exile by the Angolan settlers and died in a Lisbon prison. The wrongfully enslaved baKongo were returned to Kongo from Brazil following the demand of Kongo’s rulers. (pg 129-136)
1626-1629, the Portuguese under Fernão de Sousa resumed operations in Ndongo using imbangala allies and the puppet Ndongo king, he pursued Queen Njinga, who also claimed the throne. (pg 151,155)
September 1642, a combined Dutch-Kongo force scored several victories against the Portuguese incursions in the Dembos region and along the Bengo river. (pg 165)
1644-1648, Queen Njinga of Matamba and Ndongo, fighting with equally matched forces that included Dutch musketeers, defeats several Portuguese incursions, managing to advance into the Angolan colony, but she also suffers some losses. (pg 169-171)
1648, Portuguese incursions east of Kasanje are met with defeat near the source of the Keve river by Ngola Njimbo, as he had done to a similar incursion in 1629. (pg 191)
1649, while the Portuguese under Salvador Correia de Sá e Benevides sent an army with 300 musketeers to attack and raid Mbwila (a semi-autonomous vassal of Kongo near the mouth of the Dande river), but failed to score a victory (pg 172)
1665, Kongo and Portuguese Angola under Vidal de Negreiros, support rival claimants of Mbwila’s throne, both sent equally matched armies against each other in a lengthy engagement that ended in Kongo’s defeat (pg 182)
—Kongo enters a period of civil war, and its province of Soyo emerges as kingmaker
October 1670, Portuguese forces seeking to crush Soyo’s power, advanced with an army of 500 musketeers and several thousand allied imbangala, but were crushed at Kitombo, and the entire force was annihilated (pg 185)
—The Portuguese wouldn’t deploy large armies in Kongo until 1855 and 1914.
In 1744, the Portuguese attacked Matamba with a massive army of 26,000, but only managed to sack Queen Ana II’s capital, the latter of whom had already retreated I anticipation, denying the overextended army a victory (pg 240)
— The 1744 campaign would be the last major Portuguese invasion into Matamba until 1909.
In 1747, the Portuguese under João Jacques de Magalhães attacked the Kisama region near the coast after failing in several campaigns during 1688, 1695, 1710, and 1735 to establish Portuguese authority in the region. (pg 250)
In 1756, A Portuguese force combining resources from Angola and Benguela, managed to capture the King of Mbailundu and attempted to install a loyal King but he was overthrown, and the Kingdom only maintained nominal vassalage to Portugal, the latter’s having no authority outside protecting its traders (pg 299)
Having failed to conquer the kingdoms of the interior, the Portuguese concentrated on their coastal colony of Angola by instituting several reforms that were ultimately failures. The first was to displace Kongo’s cloth currency with copper coins; this was abandoned after a year. The second was Lusitanizing the administration with qualified Portuguese rather than “mulattos” and Africans; this too failed. The last reform was establishing a steel and iron foundry in Angola, but this too failed (pg 290-291)
The colony of Angola was the oldest and largest permanently occupied European settlement in Africa from 1575 to 1700, when its white population was surpassed by the Cape Colony.[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-37-182761214)
The Portuguese would only resume large-scale colonial wars in the west-central African interior in the late 19th century, ending with the occupation of Kongo’s capital in 1914.
This outline reveals that despite their intention of establishing a large colony in west-central Africa, the Portuguese armies, with their superior technologies, were nevertheless routinely defeated in their wars with African armie,s whether the latter were armed with guns or with spears.
As summarized by John Thornton, _**“Clearly there was no automatic or overwhelming technical or organizational superiority, although Military systems of both countries were affected by the contact. It was not until the age of the Maxim gun, in fact, that Africans could be overwhelmed, in Angola or anywhere, by sheer military superiority.”**_[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-38-182761214)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!bEKS!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4e4efaaf-df9a-4acf-8538-f54c011a0902_800x595.jpeg)
Luanda in the early 19th century
* * *
**Chronology of Portuguese colonial invasions and defeats in South-east Africa.**
A similar attempt at establishing a colony in the interior of southeast Africa by conquering the Mutapa kingdom also failed, as I explored in my essay on [the kingdom of Mutapa and the conquistadors](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-kingdom-of-mutapa-and-the-portuguese).
This was despite the Portuguese’ superiority in military technology, with an army five times larger than the one Pizarro used to conquer the Inca empire.
The following outline of the major battles of South-East Africa is taken from Malyn Newitt’s ‘A History of Mozambique.’ (pages are shown in brackets)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!uzAX!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Faae97807-fb04-402e-be72-59af62a04ffd_573x974.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!upCM!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fe311ba8c-2f22-4b86-a48a-5ec6b2b59dd0_795x520.png)
_**Map showing Portuguese colonial possessions and settlements in south-east Africa, and the different invasions by various Portuguese armies (in red), and the counter-attacks by African armies (blue).**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!rxWz!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7a9a80c6-45aa-4a6c-aee2-9d0792b9d7fa_1187x557.png)
**The ruins of Chisvingo in Zimbabwe**
In 1572, Francisco Barreto's army of 1,000 Portuguese horsemen and musketeers, supported by numerous African auxiliaries, travelled up to the Sena River until its advance was checked by the Maravi. Another expedition with 700 musketeers in 1573, with even more African auxiliaries and cavalry, managed to score some victories in Manica region but eventually retreated, sending another expedition with 200 musketeers that was massacred by an interior force. By 1576, the last remaining Portuguese soldiers from this expedition had left (pg 57-58)
In 1607-1609, the Portuguese under Diogo Simoes Madeira obtained a grant from the Mutapa king Gatsi Lucere over all the mines of the kingdom in exchange for the military assistance, which he had offered, which included 100 musketeers. This, in effect, made Mutapa a Portuguese colony, although internal divisions among the Portuguese allowed Gatsi to retain significant autonomy (pg 83-85)
In 1628-1631, the Portuguese deposed Gatsi’s son, King Kapararidze, and installed King Mavura as their puppet. An anti-Portuguese revolt swept across Mutapa led by Kapararidze, resulting in the deaths of 300-400 Portuguese scattered over the Mutapa territory. (pg 90)
In 1632, the Portuguese under Diogo de Sousa de Meneses arrived with 200-300 musketeers and 12,000 African auxiliaries. They reestablish Portuguese control over Quelimane and Manica and succeed in defeating Kaparidze and reinstalling Mavura from whom they obtained tribute, effectively securing their colony (pg 91-92)
In 1684, the emerging Rozvi kingdom’s ruler Changamire scored a major victory against the Portuguese musketeers at Maungwe, with a force armed with only bows and arrows.[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-39-182761214)
In 1693, a combined Rozvi-Mutapa force descended upon the Portuguese settlements in Mutapa, such as Dambarare, resulting in the massacre of Portuguese settlers and forcing survivors to retreat to Tete. This attack effectively ended the colony of Mutapa, about 5 years before the capture of Fort Jesus resulted in the loss of their East African possessions. (pg 103)
In 1695, the Rozvi forces descended on Manica and sacked the Portuguese settlements there, sending refugees scurrying back to Sena just as other regions like Kiteve were driving out the Portuguese. By the early 18th century, the Portuguese settlements were confined to Mozambique’s section of the Zambezi River. (pg 104)
It wasn’t until the late 19th century that the Portuguese reestablished control in the Zambezi valley of Mozambique. (pg 296).
Across West, East, and Central Africa, the “superior technology” of the Portuguese proved largely ineffective on the battlefield. Likewise, disease alone did not constitute a decisive barrier to European colonization, as demonstrated by long-standing Portuguese settlements in Angola, Benguela, and Tete, which persisted for over four centuries in some of the most malaria-prone regions of the continent.
Instead, the emergence of large-scale colonial settlements, characteristic of late 19th-century Africa, was constrained primarily by the strength of African armies, which repeatedly repelled European incursions and maintained local political autonomy.
* * *
**Africa’s geographic orientation: comparing the rate at which plant and animal domesticates were dispersed across the continent.**
Jared Diamond argues that Eurasia’s unique geographic axis of orientation fueled the “**rapid**” spread of food production from the fertile crescent to western Europe, at a rate of 0.7miles per year (**1.1 km/year**), while a similar spread of domesticates from Mexico to south-west US, occurred at a “**slow**” rate of 0.5 miles per year (**0.8km/ year**).
He acknowledges that **[Africa had its own independent agricultural revolution](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/the-invention-of-agriculture-in-africa?utm_source=publication-search)** in west and east Africa from where African crops we carried southwards, but concentrates most of his interest on the spread of domesticated animals introduced from western Asia (cattle, sheep, and goats), which he claims didn’t travel across Africa as fast as they did to western Europe. (GGS pg 186-187)
It is rather surprising that Jared Diamond, a professor of geography, utilizes a very distorted world map, which is based on the Mercator projection that misrepresents the true size of Africa relative to Eurasia. Perhaps knowing that using a map which shows Africa’s true size and orientation would undermine his central argument.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!SivU!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F7709d66a-99a6-43be-85ad-59d1e117604b_687x525.png)
**Map of continental orientations according to Diamond.** (The red line from Senegal to Somalia was added by me)
In reality, Africa is almost as wide as Eurasia. The straight-line distance between Dakar (Senegal) and Ras Hafun ( Somalia) is 7,458 km, and is about is about 94% the distance between Brussels and Beijing at 7958. The continent is also exactly as wide as it is long. The straight-line distance between Tripoli and Cape Town is 7448 km, nearly the exact length between Senegal and Somalia.
This misleading but popular Mercator projection is one of the reasons why the African Union is backing a campaign to adopt a world map that more accurately reflects the continent’s relative size.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!8-04!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9ba8d919-b4c5-46f6-9ed8-6dc114c22efa_960x610.png)
_**Russia and the United States overlaid on a Map of Africa.**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!zo5D!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F27a7c05b-1bf9-4554-a058-60f1905b47c6_2060x1008.png)
_**The ‘Equal Earth projection’ favoured by the African Union**_
Diamond doesn’t provide specific figures for his claims that the spread of African food production was slow, but we can use his definition of rapid vs slow rate for Europe and America, (ie; 1.1km/yr vs 0.8km/yr) and apply it to Africa by measuring straight-line distances separating the earliest known sites where the animals were introduced to the furthest western and southern site where they were spread.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!MOfm!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff3b8ba7b-6441-42a1-96f9-c24e2c934667_820x496.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!5UcX!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fd6c8989b-c932-4ee0-937c-74c1f675e0e5_820x482.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!91Rk!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb13004fb-bb5a-4ea5-9143-6adc04f79f34_820x415.png)
_**Maps of straight-line dispersion routes of domesticated animals in Africa.**_
*Note that these arrows aren’t the actual paths taken by the domesticates, nor do the end points of the dispersion denote real archeological sites, but approximate locations and routes similar to those used by Diamond to derive his calculations of what he considered “rapid” vs “slow” dispersion rates.
The Maps and routes are taken from Roger Blench’s ‘Ethnographic and linguistic evidence for the prehistory of African ruminant livestock, horses and ponies’, published in The Archaeology of Africa (1993), while the dates are taken from The Oxford Handbook of African Archaeology (2013), edited by Peter Mitchell (pages shown in brackets)
Goats were introduced in Sudan by 5000BC and were in Ghana’s Kitampo region nearly 4,000 km west by 2,000 BC (pg 494-5)
**North-East-West spreading Rate = 1.3km/year (rapid)**
Sheep arrived in North Africa in 5000BC and were in South Africa, nearly 6,000 km south by 500BC (pg 495-496)
**North-South spreading Rate = 1.2km/year (rapid)**
Cattle were in northern Sudan by 5000BC, and by 2500BC were in Mali about 3,000 km west (and in northern Tanzania), reaching South Africa by the 1st century BC, about 6,000 km south (pg 529, 609, 586, 646)
**East-West rate = 1.2km/year (rapid)**
**North-South rate = 1.2km/year (rapid)**
As demonstrated above, the estimated rates of domestication dispersion across Africa proceeded at roughly the same pace as in Eurasia, based on Diamond’s rate of 1.1 km per year. Admittedly, these are rough, back-of-the-envelope calculations that would not satisfy the rigor expected by professional archaeologists. Yet it is precisely this kind of simplistic methodology that underpins Diamond’s ambitious, but ultimately erroneous, grand theory.
* * *
**Conclusion: The limits of Geographic determinism in Africa**
Jared Diamond demonstrates considerable ingenuity in attempting to substantiate his arguments, yet ultimately achieves far less than he ambitiously claims.
His framing of African history as a puzzle appears to be guided less by engagement with the existing historiography than by the “arrogance” of historical realities on the continent, which consistently defied his tidy theoretical assumptions.
Contrary to Diamond’s most emphatic supporters, the historical evidence outlined above demonstrates that **Geography isn’t Destiny**. The trajectory of African societies was influenced as much, if not more, by human factors than by the continent’s physical configuration.
* * *
On 25th December, 1820, a visitor to the kingdom of Warri (S.W Nigeria) saw _**“at Christmas a great procession which went from the town to a small village carrying a crucifix and some other symbols of Christianity.”**_
This religious festival, observed in a society that had gone more than half a century without a visiting priest, offers a striking illustration of the persistence of Christian traditions in pre-colonial West African societies.
The history of Christianity in pre-colonial West Africa is the subject of my latest Patreon Article. Please subscribe to read about it here:
[EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN WEST AFRICA](https://www.patreon.com/posts/146362801)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!HdQJ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F07ac684e-e46a-4f38-8d6c-5e05760f948d_665x1180.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!k5ir!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F63687827-3cbe-4ece-b167-5fd52db49ca9_706x619.png)
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[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-1-182761214)
Beyond ‘Khoisan’: Historical relations in the Kalahari Basin, edited by Tom Güldemann and Anne-Maria Fehn, pg 2-3
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-2-182761214)
Bantu Authorities: Apartheid’s System of Race and Ethnicity, by Ehrenreich-Risner
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-3-182761214)
Beyond ‘Khoisan’: Historical relations in the Kalahari Basin, edited by Tom Güldemann and Anne-Maria Fehn, pg 24-31
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-4-182761214)
Malawi and eastern Zambia before the Bantu W.H.J. Rangeley’s “Earliest Inhabitants” revisited 50 years on by John Kemp Part 2 pg 2-3. The Bantu Languages by Mark Van de Velde pg 4-5, An Early Divergence of KhoeSan Ancestors from Those of Other Modern Humans Is Supported by an ABC-Based Analysis of Autosomal Resequencing Data by Krishna R. Veeramah et a.l, pg 626
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-5-182761214)
Archaeogenetics of Africa and of the African Hunter Gatherers by Viktor Černý and Luísa Pereira pg 9-10
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-6-182761214)
Margarida Coelho; On the edge of Bantu expansions, pg 8,13, Černý Luísa Pereira, Archeogenetics of Africa pg 10
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-7-182761214)
Linguistic Evidence for the Introduction of Ironworking into Bantu-Speaking Africa by Jan Vansina, pg 322-323.
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-8-182761214)
A critical reappraisal of the chronological framework of the early Urewe Iron Age industry by Bernard Clist.
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-9-182761214)
Three Decades of Iron Age Research in South Africa: Some Personal Reflections by Tim Maggs. A Review of Recent Archaeological Research on Food-Producing Communities in Southern Africa by Tim Maggs. The Temporal Distribution of Radiocarbon Dates for the Iron Age in Southern Africa by John C. Vogel.
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-10-182761214)
Excavations at Silver Leaves: A Final Report by M. Klapwijk and T. N. Huffman
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-11-182761214)
Indigenous African Metallurgy: Nature and Culture by S. Terry Childs and David Killick, pg 321-322.
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-12-182761214)
Population collapse in Congo rainforest from 400 CE urges reassessment of the Bantu Expansion by Dirk Seidensticker et al., pg 8
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-13-182761214)
The Bantu Expansion by Koen Bostoen (2018), pg 9
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-14-182761214)
The Cape Herders: A History of the Khoikhoi of Southern Africa by Emile Boonzaier pg 52-56
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-15-182761214)
Imagining the Cape colony by David Johnson pg 10-20, The Cape Herders: A History of the Khoikhoi of Southern Africa by Emile Boonzaier pg 59-60)
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-16-182761214)
An Archaeology of Colonial Identity by Gavin Lucas pg 69-72, The Cape Herders: A History of the Khoikhoi of Southern Africa by Emile Boonzaier pg 77-78)
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-17-182761214)
Masters and Servants on the Cape Eastern Frontier, 1760-1803 By Susan Newton-King. Slavery in South Africa: Captive Labor on the Dutch Frontier By Elizabeth A. Eldredge and Fred Morton
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-18-182761214)
Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 59-62)
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-19-182761214)
Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge, pg 63-67, Records of South-Eastern Africa Collected in Various Libraries and Archive Departments in Europe · Volume 1 edited by George McCall Theal pg 260-261
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-20-182761214)
Bokoni: Old Structures, New Paradigms by P Delius, T. Maggs, A. Schoeman pg 405
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-21-182761214)
The Late Iron Age Sequence in the Marico and Early Tswana History by Jan C. A. Boeyens pg 68-71
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-22-182761214)
Bokoni: Old Structures, New Paradigms by P Delius, T. Maggs, A. Schoeman pg 411, Forgotten World: The Stone-Walled Settlements of the Mpumalanga Escarpment by Peter Delius pg 12-24
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-23-182761214)
Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge, pg 145-148
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-24-182761214)
A Military History of South Africa From the Dutch-Khoi Wars to the End of Apartheid By Timothy J. Stapleton pg 4-11, 18, 27-29
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-25-182761214)
The House of Phalo: A History of the Xhosa People in the Days of Their Independence By Jeffrey B. Peires pg 18-24
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-26-182761214)
The House of Phalo: A History of the Xhosa People in the Days of Their Independence By Jeffrey B. Peires pg 20-21, Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 77-78, Africa In The Days Of Exploration by Oliver, Roland pg 131
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-27-182761214)
The House of Phalo: A History of the Xhosa People in the Days of Their Independence By Jeffrey B. Peires pg 27-29, 59-67
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-28-182761214)
The Hadza: Hunter-gatherers of Tanzania by Frank Marlowe pg 17-33
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-29-182761214)
La révolution agricole des Pygmées aka by Guille-Escuret
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-30-182761214)
Hunter-gatherers: an interdisciplinary perspective by Catherine Panter-Brick, pg 301-302)
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-31-182761214)
Cattle theft in Christol Cave : A critical history of a rock image in South Africa by Jean-Loïc Le Quellec et al.
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-32-182761214)
Europeans and Africans: Mutual Discoveries and First Encounters By Michał Tymowski pg 35-37, The Chronicle of the discovery and conquest of Guinea 2, by Gomes Eanes de Zurara, pg 252-254, 258-261
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-33-182761214)
The voyages of Cadamosto and other documents on Western Africa in the second half of the fifteenth century By Alvise Cà da Mosto, Antonio Malfante, Diogo Gomes, João de Barros
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-34-182761214)
Warfare in Atlantic Africa, 1500-1800 By John Kelly Thornton pg 43, 56-57, 77-78, 84-85)
[35](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-35-182761214)
The Portuguese in West Africa, 1415–1670 A Documentary History by M newitt, pg 217, Eurafricans in Western Africa : Commerce, Social Status, Gender, and Religious Observance from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century By George E. Brooks pg 74-75, Africa Encountered: European Contacts and Evidence, 1450–1700 By P.E.H. Hair pg 59-60, n.24)
[36](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-36-182761214)
The Art of War in Angola, 1575-1680 by John K. Thornton pg 377
[37](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-37-182761214)
_Angola’s population of 1,581 whites in 1777 had been surpassed by the Cape Colony in 1713, although the former grew little and can be assumed to have been about 1,300 in 1700, roughly equal to the Cape white population of 1,265 in 1701._
Angola Under the Portuguese The Myth and the Reality By Gerald J. Bender pg 20. The `White’ Population of South Africa in the Eighteenth Century By Robert Ross, pg 221)
[38](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-38-182761214)
The Art of War in Angola, 1575-1680 by John K. Thornton pg 378
[39](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared#footnote-anchor-39-182761214)
Portuguese Musketeers on the Zambezi by Richard Gray, pg 533)
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[Evan Jones](https://substack.com/profile/14902393-evan-jones?utm_source=substack-feed-item)
[4d](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/guns-germs-and-steel-in-africa-jared/comment/192627873 "Dec 29, 2025, 12:03 AM")
Liked by isaac Samuel
Every time I’ve read a subject matter expert engage with Diamond, the result is the same. His facts are so wrong, and so sloppily wrong, that they don’t even know where to start. Your argument here is the most respectful I know of, and you’ve still broken down Diamond’s arguments at every step of the way.
However, I’m left a little discontented. Diamond captured so much attention by asking a really big and important question, and supplying a single rubric to answer it with. Everyone close to the issues he glosses over find his scholarship appalling— *but nobody tries to answer his fundamental question*— in general (why did Europe conquer the global south?) or in particular (why did Europe conquer Africa, say, in the places and times that it did?)
Your conclusion seems to point in the direction of this kind of answer(s), and that’s what I was most curious to hear. What are the human factors that made European societies dominate African ones when they did (after, as you say, failing to dominate them for 300+ years)? Is there an essential pattern to the answers you find, or do you think the interactions of the colonial era were just a more diffuse set of political interactions without any overarching pattern?
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Liked by isaac Samuel
Worth reading — but it shows the risk of “big explanations.” Africa’s history isn’t a single story you can reduce to geography. Power, choices, migrations, and systems all mattered — and the newer evidence complicates the neat narrative.
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Published Time: 2022-02-13T14:18:00+00:00
Hausa urban architecture: construction and design in a cosmopolitan African society
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Hausa urban architecture: construction and design in a cosmopolitan African society
===================================================================================
### On the question of Decline or Metamorphosis of African vernacular architecture
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[isaac Samuel](https://substack.com/@isaacsamuel)
Feb 13, 2022
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Architecture represents an essential emblem of a distinctive social system and set of cultural values, combining a diverse range of cultural aesthetics, spatial concepts that govern the interactions of people and their environment, as well as the society's cosmologies. The architecture of Hausa compound, which is the basic dwelling unit of an extended family, is an ordered hierarchy of spaces which adhere to an implicit cultural paradigm. Houses weren't simply lodging places sheltered by a roof and confined within walls, but were laid out in an elaborate spatial order that included courtyards, gardens, compounds, entrances and open spaces where both public and private festivities took place, where craftworks were carried out and religious rites were held —the physical buildings were only the most visible component of the wider system.
Hausa architecture participated in a broader cultural agenda of Hausa society, serving as a mechanism and symbol for communicating concepts of power, religion and visual arts, with royals and the wealthiest urban residents constructing extensive compounds with imposing edifices and intricately decorated façades. They utilized a wide range of architectural features and designs in Hausa construction including vaulting, double-story buildings, large domes and spacious interiors and entrances, their compounds contained multiple buildings housing dozens of their extended families as well as servants and craftsmen; and the ostentatiousness of each compound served as an easily recognizable gauge for its owners' social status. Hausa masons and architects used locally occurring building materials especially palm-wood and rammed earth to create some of the grandest architectural feats attested in the medium, constructing buildings that served both a functional and monumental purpose, and that were best suited for the alternating humid and dry climate of the region. As a cosmopolitan society, the Hausa masons also tapped into the broader range of architectural styles and techniques of construction across west Africa while retaining a distinctively original style.
This article provides an overview of Hausa architecture including the profession of construction in the Hausa city-states, the most commonly used building materials, as well as a select look at a number of Hausa buildings and their architectural features.
_**Map of the hausa city-states and their neighbors in the 18th century**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!xhS7!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc2e4c111-a393-436b-a736-2216ba63b9a0_712x560.png)
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* * *
**The builders: Hausa architects and masons.**
The stable urban environment that followed the rise of the Hausa cities by the mid 2nd millennium enabled the emergence of a wealthy elite class which employed a professional building class of artisans and masons. In most Hausa cities, this building class was organized under the Sarkin Magina, (chief of the builders) responsible for maintaining the standard of workmanship controlling the recruitment of officials and retainers into the building profession conscripting labour for public works and maintaining the palaces and other public buildings[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-1-48660198)
It was the Sarkin Magina’s guild of craftsmen and master builders (_**gwanaye**_) who constructed the elite houses, mosques and palaces that the Hausa cities are famous for[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-2-48660198). A typical Hausa mason used knowledge acquired after a 10-year apprenticeship course under a masterbuilder, as well as their own personal skills acquired through experience to know the highest quality timber and mortar, standard measurements of roofs, foundations and walls as well as the construction of arches, plastering and decorating plus the most useful basic instruments of measurement.[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-3-48660198)
In 1823, the explorer Hugh Clapperton described the construction of a mosque in the city of Sokoto by a Hausa architect from Zaria and his team of craftsmen who were at the time building a flat-roofed hypostyle-mosque, some of whom were decorating, others roofing while the architect supervised them, the architect told Clapperton that his father been to Egypt and acquired formal training in architecture and left him with his papers, he also asked Clapperton for a Günter's scale[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-4-48660198).
Another architect active at the time was the famous Malam Mukhaila Dugura who was born in Katsina in 1784, he is famous for building a number of palaces in several Hausa cities as well as the Zaria Friday mosque in 1840; a domed mosque with several arches spanning over 8 meters and arguably the most iconic pieces of Hausa architecture.[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-5-48660198) Hausa masons were a fairly prestigious profession and each city often had several hundred at a time, their diverse skillset from building to roofing to decorating allowed them to claim fairly high wages and reside in some of the most spacious homes in the cities at times rivaling those of their clients.[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-6-48660198)
* * *
**The building materials: brick, mortar and timber in Hausa construction**
sundried mud-bricks are arguably the most ubiquitous construction material across west Africa (often supplemented by dry -stone and fired-brick), the earliest sundried mud-bricks (both cylindrical and “loaf-shaped” rectangular bricks) are attested in the second half of the first millennium at the city of Djenne jenno, while fired bricks were used for reinforcement possibly as early as the late 1st millennium AD, and not long after their increased use, the erection of rectilinear buildings appears around the 9th-10th century.[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-7-48660198) Rectangular sundried mud-bricks and fired-bricks also appear around the 8th and 9th century at the city of Gao in Mali as well as large rectilinear building complexes[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-8-48660198), as well in the cities of Tegdaoust and Kumbi saleh where many similar buildings have been found[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-9-48660198), fired bricks and mud-bricks also appear in construction of elite houses in several cities in the region of Kanem-Bornu near lake chad by the 11th century[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-10-48660198), however, the technology of making the type of conical/egg-shaped Hausa mud-bricks (_**tubali**_) is purported to have originated from the Hausa cities themselves into the lake chad region; given the extensive contacts the Hausa city-states had with these regions.[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-11-48660198)
The exact size of tubali varies from city to city, they are made by brickmakers after wetting and trampling earth until its malleable, the lump of earth is then molded to form the tubali and left to dry in the sun for several days. Specially selected types of clay is preferred for making such bricks, eg clay with a high gravel content called _**burgi (**_ rammed earth _**)**_, while swamp mud (_**tabo**_) is primarily used in plastering, as well as earth with a high clay content (_**kasa**_) that is used for mortar and plaster, with the latter often containing red pigmentation that gives Hausa houses their iconic reddish-brown finishing. The other primary construction material is deleb palm-wood (_**azara**_) whose rough, fibrous surface creates a good bonding surface and provides a lightweight timber relative to its length that enables the construction of flat roofs and is ant resistant.[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-12-48660198)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!PJTb!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F20b5e7e9-4647-42a1-8a5a-b2b371d5250d_513x470.png)
_**Profile of an un-plastered Hausa construction showing the conical mudbricks, azara timber and rammed earth**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!AXiX!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F89e0e385-95d2-4840-b693-9222f7feccea_678x458.png)
_**tubali mud-bricks in the 14th century city-wall of Garoumélé, Niger**_
* * *
**The constructions: a profile of Hausa walls including household enclosures and city walls**
The most distinctive feature of Hausa cities were their extensive system of walled fortifications that served both military and symbolic functions, enclosing both agricultural and residential land that comprised the city (_**Birni**_). The birni sits at the apex of the hierarchical notions of settlement in Hausa culture, such cities were often surrounded by smaller towns (_**Gari**_) and villages _**(Kauaye)**_ which were also enclosed within high perimeter walls.[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-13-48660198)
Hausa house walls are made of rectilinear courses of tubali, with each brick laid between thick mud-mortar, these walls are constructed with about 5 to 6 pieces of tubalis at the bottom and grow thinner to the top with 2 tubalis inorder to ensure strength and stability by having the walls taper up rather than rise with the same width to the roof[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-14-48660198). City walls are substantial earthen ramparts on the inside that is several feet thick at the base, that are faced with mudbrick on the exterior, with large wooden gates punctuating the length of the wall, the earliest of such walls were built around the city of Kano in the 11th century[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-15-48660198), and later in the cities of Katsina, Zaria[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-16-48660198), Daura, Gobir by the 15th century. These city walls were often reinforced with stone and a few of them were completely built with stone such as the city walls of surame, the scale of these walled fortifications was extensive, the city-state of kano alone having more than 40 towns and villages within a 48 mile radius, all of which were enclosed in high walls.[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-17-48660198) Most of these walls have since the early 20th century, been allowed to deteriorate as the cities expanded outside their original enclosed core.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!IROS!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F096d4d32-f773-4dcb-881a-e6aae7549862_996x620.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!hTaM!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa18e4544-4c35-4435-b795-e7619ad953fc_970x628.png)
_**sections of the kano walls on the exterior and interior**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!vNIq!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fc549819f-9891-45ca-b16a-00d9bc70df49_890x575.png)
_**section of the Katsina walls**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!WklG!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3ecfb4bf-97ba-45cc-a34f-d95b800a7235_750x511.jpeg)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!XneS!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F213653b4-180b-4ed3-86b5-f1f4f5e7d0fb_750x469.jpeg)
_**section of the Zaria walls**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!TNKy!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff141eeef-1116-4d67-9c8c-f83b04dbd965_1000x590.png)
_**Gates of Bauchi**_
**Windows, Doors and other architectural features**
The windows (_**taga**_) of Hausa houses were typically small (almost slit-like) and were located high on the exterior walls of the household complex, with wooden shutters to allow daylight in and a controlled draught of air, this was ideal for both the humid climate; permitting maximum airflow through the building in the wet season while allowing for the thick walls to provide thermal insulation through the dry season as well as relying on the highly reflective surfaces to regulate the heat.[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-18-48660198) External doorways in Hausa buildings were closed using wooden or iron doors (_**kofa**_) which rotated a pivot while inner doorways which were often covered with curtains. The use of lintels, beams, brackets and corbels were common in the design of the doorway.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!tOf9!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0fc45be4-d687-4076-9fad-fddf90051011_1350x617.png)
_**profile of houses in Zaria showing the positioning of windows and doors**_
* * *
**The household complex: Hausa Compounds and Palaces**
The Hausa compound; the basic housing unit, is an ordered hierarchy of spaces which adhere to an implicit cultural paradigm derived from both traditional Hausa and Islamic customs, a traditional Hausa residence is conceptually subdivided into three parts, an inner core (private area), a central core (semi-private area), and outer core (public areas). Upon entering the main door/gate (_**kofa**_), visitors access the house through the entrance (_**zaure**_) this is where most of the public is restricted, while more familiar visitors are ushered into the first hall (_**shigfa**_) that is separated from the zaure by a forecourt (_**kofar gida**_), this in turn leads to the private inner court (_**cikin gida**_) that is restricted to close relatives and is the primary residential unit of the household containing kitchens, sleeping places, and quarters for extended family.[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-19-48660198)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!iw1i!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F0045c394-3240-4dc5-a8b5-875f917ab79d_1074x567.png)
_**Layout of a typical Hausa compound, the compound of the Mallawa Family in Zaria**_
**Hausa Palaces**
In its basic spatial layout, the Hausa palace is an extended form of the Hausa compound, retaining the main features such as the zaure, the kofan gida and the cikin gida but constructing them on a much larger scale. The palatial construction is comprised of a complex of buildings and open spaces partially open to the public while the residential quarters and inner quarters house the royal family and the king's wives. The vaulted spaces of the interior of a typical Hausa palace employ combinations of azara timber that is cantilevered at angles from the walls to create arches to support the roof, allowing for open spaces spanning over 8m in length and tall roofs upto 9m high, the interior walls are often richly decorated with a range of Hausa and arabesque motiffs.[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-20-48660198)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!1o9y!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb120718a-2acc-4173-aa2b-b4aa66abb879_967x669.png)
_**Layout of the Kano and Zaria Palaces**_
Arguably the oldest palace still in use is the Gidan rumfa in Kano built in the late 15th century by Muhammad Rumfa, the entire complex covers around 33 acres with the built up section measuring 540m x 280m, the palatial residence houses the king's chambers, the meeting place of the kano council, the royal stables, the residential quarters for the king's family and wives, as well as quarters for craftsmen and guards.[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-21-48660198) Similar palace were erected in the Hausa cities of Katsina, Zaria, Daura, Dutse ; the erection of these spacious buildings with audience chambers and council chambers within the palace, reveal an imposing type of construction employed by Hausa architects and their patrons that could accommodate large spans of open space to compliment their monumental character.[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-22-48660198)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!08yE!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F191019a8-0f8a-4955-81ff-2b7076235ac2_933x682.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!-Rp8!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb2d83ac8-cfe0-4f6b-93f8-1c402a67cf02_600x377.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!x32L!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb2745059-f9e8-45df-a45a-a90ce7bc0634_843x632.jpeg)
_**sections of the 15th century Gidan Rumfa in Kano**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!57lw!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F238b7ce3-645e-4e58-86f2-8bcbe02b7a2f_703x618.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!WxgQ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F2184690e-9d24-4a63-8c30-2b739ec88523_900x600.jpeg)
_**sections of the Katsina Palace**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!cwgI!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Faa25b3a2-9790-4354-8be5-b3910bfd2210_800x553.jpeg)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!vACn!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F30d91f90-bf86-4464-bdc8-f88e2140dc17_1375x960.jpeg)
_**sections of the Daura Palace**_
* * *
**A unique architectural feat in west-African mud-brick construction: The Hausa Vault and Dome**
Domes are a prominent feature of Hausa architecture, Hausa master masons devised a variety of structurally appropriate arch configurations to maximize the free-span of rectilinear buildings, and despite the structural limitations of the construction materials, they attained incredible feats of architecture with the largest free-spaning areas under a domed roof measuring 8.2mx8.65mx6.75m in Kafin Madaki (built in 1861), and another in the Soron inglia (built in 1935) inside the kano palace, which spanned 7.5mx8.25mx9m[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-23-48660198). The origin of the Hausa dome can be traced to the traditional houses of the Hausa which often contained domed ceilings under thatched roofs, these domes were built of mud mixed with straw and were constructed without centering, beginning from the top of the building’s round walls and rising in layers to the apex.[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-24-48660198) As the architect Labelle Prussin writes; “_**The Hausa vault and the Hausa dome are based on a structural principle completely different form the north African, Roman-derived stone domes, On the other hand the 'Hausa' Domes incorporate, in nascent form, the same structural principles that govern reinforced concrete design**_".[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-25-48660198)
The construction of Hausa arches (_**Kafa**_) is achieved by cantilevering successive sets of azara from opposite ends of the room to generate the basic form of the arch, as well as to support the subsequent layers of azara and for structural stability, the framework of the azara is bounded together with cord and the basic form of the arch is generated by the angle of the slope of the azara, the entire feature is then finished by daubing the framework with swamp mud, after the first kafi is imbedded vertically in the walls, successive kafi are laid at diminishing inclines with various lengths, the first around of these kafi usually measuring atleast 0.5m, the second 0.75m, the third 1m and the forth is 1.5m. The master mason often builds both arches simultaneously from opposing walls until they abut each other and another layer of azara is then superimposed on the abutting kafi to reinforce them and ensure the arch is structurally sound. The arches are strong enough to support an upper storey which is found in some of the wealthy compounds and whose top floor construction utilized the same building principals as ground floor but with lighter materials[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-26-48660198). The dome (_**tulluwa**_) itself rests on these intersecting half arches, and is completed with mud mortar, which is inturn covered in a indigenous cement known as laso, made from dyepit residue, indigo liquid, ash, and a viscous vegetal substance. This cement remains impervious to rain for about 5 years after which it is reapplied.[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-27-48660198)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!JCHV!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fffe09b8a-2ead-48db-a5d1-680a2c04b183_1342x578.png)
_**profile of double-story hausa building and cross-section of a hausa arch revealing the placement of the azari**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!cXoJ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fff45b5be-44cf-4a22-925e-e9c7bec4cce2_1160x623.png)
_**Vaulted ceiling of the Kano palace**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!TCma!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F32b522aa-d06d-474e-9c17-c50b7f468e4b_664x703.png)
_**Vaulted ceiling inside a Hausa home**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!BkrK!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4211cfe3-e9a5-450d-830a-3b834ae942d9_807x650.png)
_**A double-storey house in Kano**_
**The Hausa domes and vaults in the Friday mosque at Zaria**
The Zaria mosque was described by architectural historian Zbigniew Dmochowski as “the most notable achievement of Nigerian ecclesiastic architecture” writing that "its spatial composition was most impressive and imaginative, the structural skill of its designer has never been equaled in any other mosque in the country, the architect applied practically every device ever used in northern Nigeria, enriched them with a number of his own creations and combined them in a serene logical whole, through a complex web of stanchions, arches, ribs and domes"[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-28-48660198) the mosque's domed roof which formed six bays is supported by 16 massive piers and several arches allowing an open space spanning over 1500 sqm; filling the ceiling coffers were parallel rows of tightly positioned timbers and the interior was enriched with decorative plaster moldings and geometric incised elements.[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-29-48660198)
The mosque is accessed through the zaure at the entrance of the perimeter wall courtyard of the complex, adjacent to this is the domed sharia court used by other high officials, the arches in the interior rise almost directly from the floor and take on a semi circular form, these arches are richly decorated with geometric relief motifs from most of the Hausa canon. The mosque relies on its exterior apertures for its source of natural light and its shimmering floor resonates with shadows and a myriad of reflections allowing the interior to be moderately lit.[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-30-48660198) The mosque’s exterior has since been covered under a modern mosque but much of the interior remains intact.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!xsNk!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F9e5a9648-ba65-423f-b130-a3c06a92bc2d_1200x706.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!TXVt!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F45040a3f-05f0-4f66-a382-73ab70d0428f_996x522.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!dAuY!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F766c54c6-0ade-4de7-9edb-85f1a09009aa_1350x575.png)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!RQRr!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4ef44b9c-a626-4d57-9124-d741dac47c07_760x1217.png)
_**the Zaria mosque in the 1920s showing the ribbed vaulting and Domed exterior**_
* * *
**Hausa house Façade and Decorations**
Jutting out into the sky and visible above the Hausa roofs cape are the roof pinnacles _**zankwaye**_, these may serve a functional purpose by adding weight to certain parts of the building most vulnerable to torrential rains or easing the task of resurfacing the roof, however, the primarily function seems to have been decorative and symbolic as its featured on Hausa clothing designs, hats, regalia, ceiling patterns; hausa pinnacles have come to be accepted as a mark of aesthetics in Hausa traditional façade.[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-31-48660198)
Another feature are the roof eaves, (Indororo) which extend out from the palm-wood structure inside the roof. these Long and projected roof eaves and spouts serve to drain rain from the roof and prevent the water from soaking or weighing it down.
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!d7om!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F25b32ef2-7224-47f1-a6f2-8680cce134c0_1000x663.jpeg)
_**Aerial view of the city of kano with the iconic hausa pinnacles projecting out of its flat-roofed buildings as well as roof eaves for draining out rain-water**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!nGpV!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F4665d0ca-b7a8-4c14-9e10-0ac431e56592_1816x1198.jpeg)
_**Hausa house in Kano with several roof pinnacles and drains**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!NGh_!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F28d78bdd-4a24-47a1-8f8d-b2eaf91fc367_558x609.png)
_**types of Hausa roof pinnacles**_
In Hausa traditional architectural decoration, the wall engravings are designed by traditional builders, these used a range of abstract and decorative motifs depending on their experience that include Hausa motifs and relief patterns as well as arabesque motifs[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-32-48660198), specialized artisans and highly skilled hand engravers who can draw out minimal outlines directly on the wall surface. The most common motifs used in Hausa designs are; the Dagi knot, the staff of office and the sword, and several abstract motifs, initially, these motifs would be larger and used moderately, but in the 20th century, new builders used smaller motifs that interlaced with each other such as the entrance to the Zaria palace, the Bauchi Palace and the Dutse palace.[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-33-48660198)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!w0AB!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3ebe3810-b0e1-40a6-8427-12cc54dbaf97_1100x680.png)
_**Intricate Hausa geometric patterns on the palace walls at Dutse**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!G1vJ!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8980aae2-7011-4013-8947-2122e986c80b_600x377.jpeg)
_**hausa motifs on the palace walls at Bauchi**_
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!j8JT!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fba3e1008-2214-432b-b61e-ba64fb6318fb_1348x648.png)
_**The decorated façades of houses in the cities of Katsina and Kano**_
* * *
**Conclusion: African architecture between the "traditional" and the "modern".**
Hausa architecture is a product of autochthonous styles of construction and building materials, as well as the cosmopolitan character of Hausa city-states which incorporated a number of foreign styles into the local milieu in a process dictated by a balance between the prosperity of the local economy, the availability of building materials (both local and imported) as well as the level of craftsmanship in the society, it's because of a combination of the latter that new ("western") forms of construction and design have been quickly adopted by Hausa architects and masons, and in the eyes of most observers, has led to the decline in the "traditional" form of Hausa construction.
While academic discourse of African "vernacular" architecture stands at a cross-roads between the African people's perceptions of the feasibility of living in "traditional" houses and the need to conserve these unique architectural styles, the incorporation of "modern" construction styles should not be seen through a dichotomous lens that’s split between preserving a dying tradition and a wholesale shift into modern architecture, but rather as part of a longer synthesis of incorporating foreign styles into local building styles; a skill which had already been mastered by Hausa masons over the centuries. The increasing interest in using modern building materials to make traditional Hausa constructions (as well as other styles of African architecture) should be a welcome process not just for the cultural continuity but also as part of the movement towards sustainable architecture; creating buildings that are durable, affordable and culturally enriching.[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-34-48660198)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!9dqF!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fa423e2d4-a74d-4d35-aa8d-599516640538_976x650.png)
_**the Hikma complex in Niger, an example of modern Hausa architecture**_
* * *
**for more on African history including the architecture of the Hausa, please subscribe to my Patreon account**
[patreon](https://www.patreon.com/isaacsamuel64?fan_landing=true)
[](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!5t6R!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Feb8b7fad-e99e-413d-a11c-b4de0bb39ff0_1294x620.png)
[1](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-1-48660198)
Hausa Urban Art and Its Social Background by Friedrich W. Schwerdtfeger pg 109)
[2](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-2-48660198)
Hausa Urban Art and Its Social Background by Friedrich W. Schwerdtfeger pg 104,107-108)
[3](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-3-48660198)
Maximizing mud by Susan B. Aradeon pg 226
[4](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-4-48660198)
Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa in the years 1822, 1823, and 1824, by Major Denham, Captain Clapperton pg 103
[5](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-5-48660198)
Hausa Urban Art and Its Social Background by Friedrich W. Schwerdtfeger pg 111)
[6](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-6-48660198)
Hausa Urban Art and Its Social Background by Friedrich W. Schwerdtfeger pg 107-116
[7](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-7-48660198)
Excavations at Jenné-Jeno, Hambarketolo, and Kaniana by Susan Keech McIntosh. pg 18, 36,50, 215)
[8](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-8-48660198)
Discovery of the Earliest Royal Palace in Gao and Its Implications for the History of West Africa by S Takezawa
[9](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-9-48660198)
Etude archéologique d'un secteur d'habitat à Koumbi Saleh (Mauritanie) by Sophie Berthier
[10](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-10-48660198)
Early Kanem-Borno fired brick élite locations in Kanem, Chad by C Magnavita
[11](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-11-48660198)
Conquest and Construction By Mark DeLancey pg 23-24
[12](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-12-48660198)
Maximizing mud by Susan B. Aradeon pg 208-209)
[13](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-13-48660198)
Power and permanence in precolonial Africa by A Haour pg 553-555)
[14](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-14-48660198)
The practice of Hausa traditional architecture by GK Umar pg 8
[15](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-15-48660198)
African Civilizations by Graham Connah pg 125)
[16](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-16-48660198)
Hausa Urban Art and Its Social Background by Friedrich W. Schwerdtfeger pg 17-19)
[17](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-17-48660198)
African Civilizations by Graham Connah pg 125 pg 125)
[18](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-18-48660198)
Hausa Architecture by Cliff Moughtin pg 120
[19](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-19-48660198)
an exegesis of the Hausa and Fulani models by by AI Kahera pg 66)
[20](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-20-48660198)
an exegesis of the Hausa and Fulani models by by AI Kahera pg 70-72)
[21](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-21-48660198)
(Islam, Gender, and Slavery in West Africa. Circa 1500 by HJ Nast, pg 55)
[22](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-22-48660198)
an exegesis of the Hausa and Fulani models by by AI Kahera pg 70-72)
[23](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-23-48660198)
Maximizing mud by Susan B. Aradeon pg 206)
[24](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-24-48660198)
butabu By James Morris, Suzanne Preston Blier pg 209)
[25](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-25-48660198)
an exegesis of the Hausa and Fulani models by by AI Kahera pg74)
[26](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-26-48660198)
A Study on the Building Materials and Construction Technology of Traditional Hausa Architecture in Nigeria by J. Zhang, Z. Yusuf
[27](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-27-48660198)
Maximizing mud by Susan B. Aradeon pg 210 214)
[28](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-28-48660198)
An Introduction to Nigerian Traditional Architecture, Volume 1 Zbigniew R. Dmochowski pg 2-16
[29](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-29-48660198)
butabu By James Morris, Suzanne Preston Blier pg 208)
[30](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-30-48660198)
an exegesis of the Hausa and Fulani models by by AI Kahera pg 85-88)
[31](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-31-48660198)
an exegesis of the Hausa and Fulani models by by AI Kahera pg 59-60)
[32](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-32-48660198)
Hausa Urban Art and Its Social Background by Friedrich W. Schwerdtfeger pg 230-233, 251-255)
[33](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-33-48660198)
Cultural Symbolism in the Traditional Hausa architecture of Northern Nigeria pg 33-34)
[34](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction#footnote-anchor-34-48660198)
for more on this debate see: “Contested Legacies: Vernacular Architecture Between Sustainability and the Exotic by Neveen Hamza
* * *
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[Nov 24, 2024](https://www.africanhistoryextra.com/p/hausa-urban-architecture-construction/comment/78700226 "Nov 24, 2024, 10:55 PM")Edited
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